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Elusive Gold and Uncertainty in Artisanal and Small-Scale Mining 手工和小规模采矿业中难以捉摸的黄金和不确定性
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-13 DOI: 10.1080/00141844.2023.2292464
Anna Frohn Pedersen
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引用次数: 0
Vernacular Humanitarianism in the Land of Associations: Negotiating Voluntary Organisation, Municipal Influence, and the Reception of Refugees among Venligboerne in Denmark 结社之地的乡土人道主义:协商志愿组织、市政影响和丹麦 Venligboerne 难民接待问题
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-28 DOI: 10.1080/00141844.2023.2285225
Marianne Holm Pedersen
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引用次数: 0
Mining Rituals in Vital Spaces: The Cosmopolitics of Gold and the Precarity of Mine Closure in Ghana 重要空间的采矿仪式:加纳黄金的宇宙政治学与矿山关闭的危险性
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-28 DOI: 10.1080/00141844.2023.2288535
Lauren Coyle Rosen
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引用次数: 0
Mediums, Objects, and the Problem of Presence in the Western Himalayas 媒介、对象和西喜马拉雅地区的存在问题
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/00141844.2023.2274296
Asaf Sharabi
ABSTRACTIn some religious contexts, mainly Protestant Christianity, anthropologists often contend with the problem of presence that preoccupies believers – the simultaneous presence and absence of God. However, in the Hinduism of the Western Himalayas the problem of presence is quite different. The royal deities in this region are profoundly present, embodied in mediums and palanquins. Thus, followers of these deities are not puzzled by the concept of an absent god. Instead, they need to navigate in a world where gods are very tangible, in ways that can cause discomfort and anxiety. In this article I demonstrate the different roles of mediums and palanquins in the religious experience, and how palanquins are considered more reliable manifestations of the deities. I suggest that this is due to the need of the locals to maintain some degree of distance from the spirit mediumship in order to avoid excess presence of the deities.KEYWORDS: Religious mediationdoubtpresence of deitiesHinduismWestern Himalayas Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Mahasu is a joint name for four brothers: Botha, Bashik, Pabasi, and Chalda. In discussion, followers of the four brothers usually refer to Mahasu in the singular, sometimes indicating all four Mahasu brothers but at other times, as in this case, they are referring only to one brother, usually Botha.2 Engelke (Citation2007: 9) defined the problem of presence as follows: ‘how a religious subject defines and claims to construct a relationship with the divine through the investment of authority and meaning in certain words, actions, and objects’.3 The article is based on fieldwork in the Western Himalayas, a study in which I have been intermittently engaged from 2013 to the present day, especially in upper Shimla in Himachal Pradesh, and in the northwest part of Uttarakhand. Dozens of royal deities dwell in the field site. The most prominent in my field site are the Mahasu brothers.4 While one could find sovereign deities in the Hindu context (Singh Citation2015; Maunaguru Citation2020), the royal deities in the Western Himalayas are present in the lives of their followers in profound ways, primarily through their ability to move from place to place.5 In some parts of the western and central Himalayas goddesses can be considered royal, with their own territory and palanquins (e.g. Halperin Citation2019; Sax Citation1991).6 Sutherland (Citation2003) describes three types of festive processional practices, in which deities meet with each other.7 See Sax (Citation2003) for two instances of rivalry between deities, manifested in the deities’ objection to palanquins of rival deities entering their territory.8 Sax (Citation2003: 183) describes an uncommon case of two deities with the same name, Jakh, who are not only considered to be separate deities, but there is even a conflict between them.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by Israel Science Found
在某些宗教背景下,主要是基督教新教,人类学家经常与困扰信徒的存在问题作斗争——上帝同时存在和不存在。然而,在西喜马拉雅的印度教中,存在的问题是完全不同的。这个地区的王室神灵深深地存在,体现在灵媒和轿子上。因此,这些神的追随者不会对一个缺席的神的概念感到困惑。相反,他们需要在一个上帝非常有形的世界中航行,以一种可能导致不适和焦虑的方式。在这篇文章中,我展示了灵媒和轿子在宗教体验中的不同角色,以及轿子如何被认为是更可靠的神的表现。我认为这是由于当地人需要与灵媒保持一定程度的距离,以避免神灵的过度存在。关键词:宗教调解;怀疑神的存在;印度教;西喜马拉雅披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1 Mahasu是Botha、Bashik、Pabasi和Chalda四兄弟的合称。在讨论中,四兄弟的追随者通常以单数形式提到马哈苏,有时指所有的马哈苏兄弟,但在其他时候,就像在这种情况下,他们只指一个兄弟,通常是Botha.2恩格尔克(Citation2007: 9)将存在的问题定义如下:“一个宗教主体如何通过在某些话语、行动和物体中投入权威和意义来定义和声称建立与神的关系”这篇文章是基于我从2013年到现在断断续续从事的西喜马拉雅地区的实地考察,特别是喜马偕尔邦的上西姆拉和北阿坎德邦的西北部。数十位皇家神灵居住在这个地方。在我的现场最著名的是Mahasu兄弟虽然人们可以在印度教背景下找到主权神灵(Singh Citation2015;Maunaguru Citation2020),西喜马拉雅山脉的王室神灵以深刻的方式存在于他们的追随者的生活中,主要是通过他们从一个地方移动到另一个地方的能力在喜马拉雅山脉西部和中部的一些地区,女神可以被视为皇室,拥有自己的领土和轿子(例如Halperin Citation2019;Sax Citation1991)。6Sutherland (Citation2003)描述了三种类型的节日游行活动,其中神灵彼此见面参见萨克斯(引文2003)关于两个神之间竞争的例子,表现为神反对敌对神的轿子进入他们的领土萨克斯(Citation2003: 183)描述了一个不常见的情况,两个神有相同的名字,Jakh,他们不仅被认为是独立的神,而且他们之间甚至有冲突。本研究由以色列科学基金会资助:[批准号1212/21]。
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引用次数: 0
Monkey King’s Golden Headband: Domestic Surveillance Technology as a Moral Journey in Chinese Urban Families 孙悟空的金头巾:作为中国城市家庭道德之旅的家庭监控技术
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1080/00141844.2023.2274297
Ziyuan Shi
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引用次数: 0
‘Our Society Works’: Disaster Solidarity and Models of Social Life in the Elbe River Valley “我们的社会行得通”:易北河流域的灾难团结与社会生活模式
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1080/00141844.2023.2274294
Kristoffer Albris
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引用次数: 0
River life and the upspring of nature River life and the upspring of nature , by Naveeda Khan, Durham, Duke University Press, 2023, 256 pp., $26.95 (paperback), ISBN: 978-1-4780-1939-8 《河流生命与自然之源》,纳维达·汗著,达勒姆,杜克大学出版社,2023年,256页,26.95美元(平装),ISBN: 978-1-4780- 1938 -8
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-11 DOI: 10.1080/00141844.2023.2252616
Andrew Alan Johnson
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引用次数: 0
The Trap: Care and Mystification in Carceral Governance 陷阱:皇室统治中的关心与神秘化
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-10 DOI: 10.1080/00141844.2023.2264527
Tali Ziv
ABSTRACTAs a component of the broader carceral state, criminal legal probation has become a defacto social safety net. In this essay, I argue that criminal probation mystifies time and space to create a surface relation of care in Philadelphia. Through cycles of capture and release, judges capture and detain as care. Though the term “trap” was used by interlocutors to refer to selling drugs and entry-level work, I argue that the mystifying work of the carceral state produces a deeper trap. The robust and coordinated armature of criminal probation far exceeds any welfare state service, rendering the tools of capture and detention the only source of interruption in escalating cycles of violence, drug use, or mental distress. To enter the relation of care this dynamic of capture and release creates, however, one has to accept the symbolic terms of its mystification. Racialized urban inequality appears as a mythical story of heroes and villains.KEYWORDS: Mystificationtemporalityracialisationneoliberalisminequality AcknowledgementsTongo, this essay is dedicated to you with love. I hope you continue to find some echo of your life in its pages. To Deborah Thomas, Sara Rendell, Katherine Culver, Kate Rowland, and Ruth Shefner: thank you for being the robust village that brings an article from inception to submission. To Kevin O’Neill, thank you for your boundless generosity and wisdom: they have shaped this essay in more ways than you know. I am forever grateful to have received such critical mentorship from a familiar space where it was not owed or required. To Hanna Pickard, thank you for taking a chance on an anthropologist and offering such generous opportunity and mentorship to me at Johns Hopkins; this article would not have been possible without it. Net, thank you for the time and care that brought the revision of this article to the finish line – you bring life and truth to the term colleague. Briana Nichols, thank you for being my ride or die this year. I couldn’t do it without you.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Ethics InformationInstitutional Review BoardUniversity of PennsylvaniaFederal wide Assurance Number: 00004028Original Proposal IRB Number: 826720Continuing Review signed by IRB#8Reliance agreement with Johns Hopkins UniversityFederal wide Assurance Number: FWA00005834Signed by University of Pennsylvania: Jessica Yoos; jessyoos@upenn.eduSigned by Johns Hopkins University: Bertrand Garcia-Moreno; bgarcia@jh.eduNotes1 The name of every person in this article is a pseudonym, typically chosen by the individual, or occasionally assigned by the author to protect confidentiality.2 The terms villain and hero are mine yet very much inspired by David Scott (Citation2004) and his engagement with the romantic genre. The terms are meant to capture the fetishised life of criminality and the subject who could expel that criminality which circulated through criminal legal contexts. I sought terms that
作为新未来的一部分,对这些稀疏和不充分的服务的投资本身就是有趣和重要的调查路线,特别是因为这些服务试图将犯罪与更深层次的,个性化的心理问题联系起来,如成瘾和需要治疗的精神疾病(Kaye Citation2013)在结构上处于极端劣势的情况下,为被压迫人民而战——并在这一过程中为他们负责——往往是将固有的乐观主义联系起来,并在结构上受到限制的人们所处的制度和政治经济的限制下赋予他们能动性的唯一途径。这是人类在这种情况下唯一的参与模式。我对参与这场战斗的演员们充满敬意,我不相信有什么简单的、合乎道德的方法可以摆脱我在这里所提出的理论陷阱。我只是在利用社会科学被移除的位置来反思困扰这些实践的神秘化和历史矛盾,作为人类学家,我过去和现在都深深地参与了这些实践这是HBO迷你剧《切尔诺贝利》(Chernobyl)刑事审判中出庭作证的首席科学家之一瓦列里·列加索夫(Valery Legasov)在小说中引用的一句话:“我们说的每一个谎言都欠真相一份债。”这笔债务迟早会得到偿还。本研究得到了美国国家科学基金会[拨款号1851033]和温纳-格伦基金会[拨款号9446]的支持。
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引用次数: 0
CHIEFSHIP, PTY unLTD.: Reflections on Sovereign Un/Accountability, Past and Present 首席,PTY有限公司:对主权联合国/问责制的反思,过去和现在
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1080/00141844.2023.2261652
John L. Comaroff
ABSTRACTA number of ‘customary’ African kings and chiefs – historically accountable to the will of their subjects – have sought to turn their offices into lucrative sources of accumulation; indeed, into a form of monopoly capital founded on the assertion of a political sovereignty unaccountable to any other. What historical conditions have laid the ground for this transformation? How widespread is it? What, in the ‘new’ economies, technologies, ideologies and politics of the global order, has given the Kingdom of Custom its material, affective and political heft in this, the twenty-first century? In addressing these questions with particular focus on South Africa, this essay explores the relationship between ‘local’ structural conditions and those exogenous to the country in order to explain ongoing transformations in traditional authority – and their impact on the political and cultural economy of the nation at large.KEYWORDS: ‘Traditional’ African sovereigntyKingdom of custom‘Business chiefs,’ colonialityPostcolonialitySouth Africa Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Dalindyebo v S (090/2015) [2015] ZASCA 144 (1 October 2015).2 For a comprehensive account of the case, see Thamm (Citation2010).3 Congress of Traditional Leaders of South Africa v Speaker of the National Assembly and Others (2474/16) [3016] ZAWCHC 206; [2017] 2 All SA 463 (WCC) (23 November 2016).4 On contemporary South African chiefship see e.g. Oomen (Citation2005), Williams (Citation2010), Turner (Citation2014), and Krämer (Citation2016).5 See also the essays in Comaroff and Comaroff (Citation2018).6 This and some of the next paragraph are paraphrased from the same text.7 See e.g. Gluckman (Citation1940b) and Schapera (Citation1934; Citation1947).8 Berry (Citation2001) was speaking of colonial and postcolonial Asante; Capps (Citation2016: 455), however, argues that her study ‘sets the agenda for a materialist analysis of the rentier chiefship … ’ in general.9 Case no. 12745/2018P, 11 June 2021; https://www.groundup.org.za/media/uploads/documents/itb_judgment_11_june_2021.pdf.10 All quotes in this and the next paragraph are from Cook (Citation2018: 211–214). Approximately 2,000 mineworkers attended the gathering.11 Leruo has not escaped criticism as a ruler, although his hold on his office remains strong (Comaroff & Comaroff Citation2009: 109). He has also been respondent to a lawsuit filed by the Bafokeng Land Buyers’ Association, which claims that much of ‘his’ territory actually belongs to the ‘individual communities forming the Bafokeng ‘tribe’ … [who bought it] in the mid-19th century;’ https://bafokeng-landbuyers.org/.12 Throughout the trial, Zuma had vocal support from the ANC Women’s League.13 Every indigenous ruler I encountered in the North West and KwaZulu-Natal expressed a desire to take their polities into the market and of being a ‘business chief’; the variance in their success in doing so, however, makes it imp
一些“习惯的”非洲国王和酋长——历史上对其臣民的意志负责——试图将他们的职位变成利润丰厚的积累来源;事实上,变成了一种垄断资本的形式,它建立在一种对任何其他国家都不负责任的政治主权的主张之上。什么样的历史条件为这种转变奠定了基础?它有多普遍?在全球秩序的“新”经济、技术、意识形态和政治中,是什么赋予了“风俗王国”在二十一世纪的物质、情感和政治上的分量?在以南非为重点解决这些问题时,本文探讨了“当地”结构条件与该国外生条件之间的关系,以解释传统权威的持续转变及其对整个国家政治和文化经济的影响。关键词:“传统”非洲主权;海关王国;商业领袖;殖民;后殖民;南非披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1 Dalindyebo v S (090/2015) [2015] ZASCA 144(2015年10月1日有关该案例的全面描述,请参见Thamm (Citation2010)南非传统领袖大会诉国民议会议长和其他人(2474/16)[3016]ZAWCHC 206;[2017] All SA 463 (WCC)(2016年11月23日)关于当代南非酋长,参见Oomen (Citation2005), Williams (Citation2010), Turner (Citation2014)和Krämer (Citation2016)参见《Comaroff and Comaroff》(Citation2018)中的文章这一段和下一段的部分内容是改写自同一文本参见Gluckman (Citation1940b)和Schapera (Citation1934;Citation1947)。8Berry (Citation2001)说的是殖民时期和后殖民时期的阿散蒂;然而,Capps (Citation2016: 455)认为,她的研究总体上“为食利者首领的唯物主义分析设定了议程……情况下没有。12745/2018P, 2021年6月11日;https://www.groundup.org.za/media/uploads/documents/itb_judgment_11_june_2021.pdf.10本段和下一段的所有引用均来自库克(Citation2018: 211-214)。大约有2 000名矿工参加了这次会议作为一个统治者,勒若并没有逃脱批评,尽管他对他的办公室的控制仍然很强(Comaroff & Comaroff Citation2009: 109)。他还曾被巴福坑土地买家协会提起诉讼,该协会声称,“他的”大部分领土实际上属于“组成巴福坑“部落”的个人社区……[他们在19世纪中期购买了它]”;https://bafokeng-landbuyers.org/.12在整个审判过程中,13我在西北和夸祖鲁-纳塔尔省遇到的每一位土著统治者都表示希望将他们的政策纳入市场,并成为“商业领袖”;然而,他们成功的差异使得无法量化这种现象。
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引用次数: 0
Suspension as Politics: A Stadium and its Ruins in Northwest Kenya 作为政治的停赛:肯尼亚西北部一座体育场及其废墟
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1080/00141844.2023.2259627
Uroš Kovač
From mega-projects to small-scale repairs, many construction projects in Kenya are characterised by delays and false starts. One such case is the renovation of the Kamariny stadium, where since the 1960s world-class long-distance runners have prepared for international races. Part of the government’s Vision 2030 development agenda, the renovation promised to turn old athletics tracks into an imposing modern stadium. However, the construction was started and then suspended. Suspension as an ethnographic observation and an analytical framework provides a nuanced account of infrastructural development, one that complicates state-sanctioned narratives of vision and emergence. Conceptualised as a process and a deliberate political action – rather than an ontic condition – suspension is a resource for political performance and economic speculation, a tool for the state to assert itself as a provider of development, but also a method of civic dissent.
从大型项目到小规模维修,肯尼亚的许多建设项目都以延误和错误的开始为特征。其中一个例子是卡马里尼体育场的改造,自20世纪60年代以来,世界级的长跑运动员就在这里为国际比赛做准备。作为政府2030年愿景发展议程的一部分,这项改造承诺将把旧的田径跑道变成一个宏伟的现代化体育场。然而,工程开工后又暂停了。暂停作为一种民族志观察和分析框架,提供了对基础设施发展的细致入微的描述,这使国家批准的愿景和出现的叙述变得复杂。暂停被定义为一个过程和一种深思熟虑的政治行动——而不是一种现实条件——是政治表现和经济投机的一种资源,是国家标榜自己是发展提供者的工具,也是公民表达不同意见的一种方法。
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Ethnos
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