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The Greeks and the Making of Modern Egypt Alexander Kitroeff (Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 2019). Pp. 256. £39.95 cloth. ISBN: 9789774168581 《希腊人与现代埃及的形成》(开罗:开罗美国大学出版社,2019)。第256页。39.95英镑的布料。ISBN:9789774168581
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0020743823000764
A. Gorman
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引用次数: 0
Possessed or Insane? Diagnostic Puzzles in Contemporary Egypt – ERRATUM 附身还是疯了?诊断谜题在当代埃及-勘误
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0020743823000892
Ana Vinea
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引用次数: 0
The Archives of Saddam Hussein's Baʿth Party and the Politics of Remembering and Forgetting the Baʿthist Era in Iraq 萨达姆·侯赛因的复兴党档案和伊拉克复兴党时代的政治记忆与遗忘
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S002074382300082X
Michael Brill
On August 31, 2020, a US military plane returned the archive of the Baʿth Party Regional Command, more commonly known as the Baʿth Party Archive, to Iraq from California, where it had been held by Stanford University's Hoover Institution Library and Archives since 2008. A leftover issue from the 2003 Iraq War, it had been static as a policy matter for years, but appeared on the agenda of the US–Iraq Strategic Dialogue in summer 2020. Mustafa al-Kadhimi's emergence as the compromise choice for prime minister by Iraq's competing factions that May facilitated this development. Kadhimi, a journalist and human rights activist by background, was one of the cofounders with Kanan Makiya of the Iraq Memory Foundation (IMF), a nongovernmental organization that followed in the wake of the US-led invasion in 2003 as a US Department of Defense contractor. The origins of this relationship dated to the aftermath of the 1990–91 Gulf War. Shortly after arriving in Iraq in 2003, and responding to the rumor that looters were headed toward the mausoleum and museum of Baʿth Party founder Michel ʿAflaq, Kadhimi and Makiya by chance discovered the Baʿth Party Archive underneath the structure, which was adjacent to the Baʿth Party's headquarters in Baghdad.
2020年8月31日,一架美国军用飞机将第八党地区司令部的档案从加利福尼亚州送回伊拉克,该档案自2008年以来一直由斯坦福大学胡佛研究所图书馆和档案馆保管。这是2003年伊拉克战争遗留下来的问题,多年来一直是一个静态的政策问题,但在2020年夏天的美伊战略对话议程上出现了。穆斯塔法·卡希米(Mustafa al-Kadhimi)成为伊拉克竞争派系对总理的妥协选择,这为梅的发展提供了便利。Kadhimi是一名记者和人权活动家,他是伊拉克记忆基金会(IMF)的Kanan Makiya的联合创始人之一。该基金会是一个非政府组织,在2003年美国领导的入侵后作为美国国防部的承包商跟进。这种关系的起源可以追溯到1990-91年海湾战争之后。2003年抵达伊拉克后不久,针对抢劫者正前往巴党创始人米歇尔·阿夫拉克的陵墓和博物馆的传言,卡迪米和Makiya偶然发现了该建筑下方的巴党档案馆,该档案馆毗邻巴党在巴格达的总部。
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引用次数: 0
Hidden Liberalism: Burdened Visions of Progress in Modern Iran Hussein Banai (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2021). Pp. 230. $99.99 cloth, $44.99 paper. ISBN: 9781108817509 隐藏的自由主义:现代伊朗进步的负担愿景侯赛因·巴奈(剑桥,英国:剑桥大学出版社,2021)。230页。布99.99美元,纸44.99美元。ISBN: 9781108817509
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0020743823000636
A. Ansari
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引用次数: 0
The Past is Never Dead. It's Not Even Past: History and Memory in Iraq Studies 过去从未消逝。伊拉克研究的历史与记忆
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0020743823000831
A. Rohde, E. Woertz
The history of modern Iraq has been marked by violence, oppression, and foreign interventions to a degree that stands out even among other war-torn countries. On the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the US-led invasion of Iraq, many retrospectives were still dominated by a US-centric navel gazing of the chattering classes inside the beltway, but more Iraqi voices and alternative viewpoints were present in op-eds and articles than a decade earlier. In this spirit this roundtable section reflects on recent Iraqi history and contemporary developments with an eye toward memory politics in the context of transforming governance mechanisms and evolving civil society actors. It builds on a conference held at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) in Hamburg in March 2023 and portrays emerging avenues for research as well as new perspectives on long running debates.
现代伊拉克的历史充满了暴力、压迫和外国干涉,其程度甚至在其他饱受战争蹂躏的国家中也很突出。在美国领导的入侵伊拉克20周年之际,许多回顾仍然以美国为中心,在环城公国内部喋喋不休的阶级为主,但与十年前相比,更多的伊拉克人的声音和不同的观点出现在专栏和文章中。本着这一精神,本次圆桌会议部分反思伊拉克近代史和当代发展,着眼于治理机制转变和民间社会行动者演变背景下的记忆政治。它以2023年3月在汉堡举行的德国全球与区域研究所(GIGA)会议为基础,描绘了新兴的研究途径以及长期辩论的新视角。
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引用次数: 0
MES volume 55 issue 2 Cover and Front matter MES第55卷第2期封面和封面问题
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0020743823000995
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引用次数: 0
Media of the Masses: Cassette Culture in Modern Egypt Andrew Simon (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2022). Pp. 304. $90.00 cloth, $30.00 paper. ISBN: 9781503631441 大众媒体:现代埃及的卡带文化安德鲁·西蒙(斯坦福,加州:斯坦福大学出版社,2022)。304页。布90美元,纸30美元。ISBN: 9781503631441
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0020743823000582
Sophie Frankford
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引用次数: 1
Ahmad ibn Tulun: Governor of Abbasid Egypt, 868–884. Matthew S. Gordon. Makers of the Muslim World series (London: Oneworld Academic, 2021). Pp. 159. $30.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781851688098 艾哈迈德·伊本·图伦:阿拔斯埃及总督,868–884年。马修·S·戈登。《穆斯林世界的创造者》系列(伦敦:寰宇一家学术出版社,2021)。第159页$30.00布。ISBN:9781851688098
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0020743823000107
Luke Treadwell, J. Bacharach
One of the legacies of Patricia Crone was the creation of the series Makers of the Muslim World, published by Oneworld Academic. Thanks to the work of Khaled El-Rouayheb and Sabine Schmidtke, the series continues, with over forty volumes published so far. A major attraction of the series is the breadth of coverage, from well-known individuals such as Abd al-Malik b. Marwan to lesser-known ones such as Nazira Zeineddine. In each case, the editors seek an appropriate, highly qualified scholar to write the volume. The author of this biography of Ahmad ibn Tulun, Matthew S. Gordon, established his scholarly reputation with his mastery of the complex history of the relations between the Abbasid caliphs and their Turkish troops in the 9th century CE in his book The Breaking of a Thousand Swords: A History of the Turkish Military of Samarra (A.H. 200–275/815–889 C.E.) (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 2001). Gordon’s current title, Ahmad ibn Tulun: Governor of Abbasid Egypt, 868–884, is a political history of one of the most important figures to come to prominence after the “decade of anarchy” (c. 866–74) in Samarra had triggered the dissolution of the unitary caliphal state and heralded the rise of regional powers throughout the Islamic world. Ahmad b. Tulun, the son of an Uighur slave soldier who served in Muʿtasim’s new model army, was raised in Samarra and spent time as a pious mujtahid in Tarsus before being dispatched by his Turkish patron to govern Egypt in 868 A.D. In the first years of his governorship, Ibn Tulun established himself as the power in the land: he brought an end to the recurring rural revolts against tax abuses, seized control of the fiscal apparatus, recruited a huge army that he deployed internally and in Syria, and boosted the Egyptian economy. He eventually made a name for himself as a ruthlessly successful ruler who managed to hand over the reins of power to his son before his death. Gordon’s aim is to explain the contradictions of his tenure as governor. Although committed to maintaining the Abbasid order, he nevertheless recalibrated the relationship between governor and caliph to achieve his goal of establishing and maintaining the right to run his own affairs as the first de facto autonomous ruler of Egypt of the caliphal era. As the first “Samarran Turk” to defy the centripetal pull of the capital and stake out a claim in the provinces, his career offers a comparative lens through which to view the other regional powers that emerged after caliphal authority had entered a period of steep decline. The book begins with a helpful introduction which sets out its themes clearly, followed by two chapters that cover the details of Ibn Tulun’s early life as well as the chronology of his governorship. The heavy burden of names and dates is lightened by Gordon’s concise style and apposite choice of illustrative anecdotes. The next two chapters offer a thematic approach, first, to the practicalities of governing Egypt in the second half of t
帕特丽夏·克罗内的遗产之一是创建了由一家世界学术出版的《穆斯林世界的制造者》系列丛书。多亏了Khaled El-Rouayheb和Sabine Schmidtke的努力,这个系列还在继续,到目前为止已经出版了四十多册。该系列的一个主要吸引人之处是报道的广度,从Abd al-Malik b. Marwan等知名人物到Nazira Zeineddine等不太知名的人物。在每一种情况下,编辑都要找一个合适的、高素质的学者来写这本书。这本艾哈迈德·伊本·图伦传记的作者马修·s·戈登(Matthew S. Gordon)在他的著作《千剑断》(公元200-275/815-889年)中掌握了公元9世纪阿拔斯王朝哈里发与土耳其军队之间复杂的历史关系,从而奠定了他的学术声誉。戈登现在的头衔,艾哈迈德·伊本·图伦:阿巴斯埃及总督,868-884,是萨迈拉“无政府状态十年”(约866-74)之后最重要的政治人物之一,引发了统一的哈里发国家的解体,预示着整个伊斯兰世界地区大国的崛起。艾哈迈德·b·图伦是一名维吾尔族奴隶士兵的儿子,他曾在穆塔西姆的新模范军队中服役。他在萨迈拉长大,在公元868年被他的土耳其庇护者派往统治埃及之前,他在塔尔苏斯做了一段时间的虔诚的圣战者。他结束了反复出现的反对税收滥用的农村起义,控制了财政机构,招募了一支庞大的军队,部署在国内和叙利亚,并促进了埃及的经济。他最终以冷酷无情的成功统治者而闻名,并在去世前将权力交给了他的儿子。戈登的目的是解释他担任州长期间的矛盾之处。尽管他致力于维护阿拔斯王朝的秩序,但他还是重新调整了总督和哈里发之间的关系,以实现他作为哈里发时代埃及第一个事实上的自治统治者建立和维护自己事务的权利的目标。作为第一个不顾首都向心力的吸引力,在各省建立主权的“撒马尔罕土耳其人”,他的职业生涯提供了一个比较的视角,通过这个视角,我们可以看到哈里发政权进入急剧衰落时期后出现的其他地区大国。这本书以一个有用的介绍开始,它清楚地阐述了它的主题,然后是两章,涵盖了伊本·图伦的早期生活的细节,以及他的执政年表。戈登简洁的风格和恰当的轶事说明减轻了名字和日期的沉重负担。接下来的两章提供了一个主题方法,首先,在9世纪下半叶管理埃及的实用性(与阿巴斯政府的关系,家庭和家庭,军队和警察,经济和行政);第二,公共表现在图尼德首都的政治经济中的作用(al-Qata,城市建筑,游行和
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引用次数: 0
Counting Kisses at the Movies: The Screen Kiss and the Cinematic Experience in Egypt 电影中的吻数:银幕上的吻和埃及的电影体验
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0020743823000661
Ifdal Elsaket
Abstract In this article, I use the 1969 Egyptian film Abi fawq al-Shagara and the motif of the kiss as a launch pad to explore broader cinematic experiences and cultures in 1960s Egypt and beyond. I argue that the deployment and debates around screen kisses not only represented wider conflicting and shifting impulses around questions of audience tastes, sexuality, and the role of the cinema, but became central motifs through which audiences experienced the movies. Inspired by a historical approach to the study of cinema, one in which media texts and audiences are central, this article shifts the gaze away from the screen to consider the public lens through which films were appreciated, the broader global media landscape in which they existed, and the tensions between audiences and critics. I bring popular magazines, audience reactions and memories, and wider international cultural trends into the frames of analysis not only to nuance our understanding of Egyptian cinematic cultures, but to shed light on an often-neglected component of Egyptian history of the 1960s; the fun, the pleasures, and the anxieties of a quickly changing cultural and leisure landscape, and the wider cultural mood that helped shape a generation's experiences of the cinema.
在这篇文章中,我以1969年的埃及电影《阿比·福克·沙加拉》和接吻的主题为出发点,探索20世纪60年代埃及及以后更广泛的电影体验和文化。我认为,围绕银幕之吻的展开和争论不仅代表了围绕观众品味、性取向和电影角色等问题的更广泛的冲突和转变冲动,而且成为了观众体验电影的核心主题。受以媒体文本和观众为中心的电影研究历史方法的启发,本文将目光从屏幕转移到考虑电影被欣赏的公共镜头,它们存在的更广泛的全球媒体景观,以及观众和评论家之间的紧张关系。我把流行杂志、观众的反应和记忆以及更广泛的国际文化趋势纳入分析框架,不仅使我们对埃及电影文化的理解有所细微差别,而且揭示了20世纪60年代埃及历史中一个经常被忽视的组成部分;快速变化的文化和休闲景观带来的乐趣、愉悦和焦虑,以及更广泛的文化情绪,帮助塑造了一代人的电影体验。
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引用次数: 0
Post-Tishreen Online Feminism: Continuity, Rupture, Departure 后蒂什琳网络女性主义:延续、断裂、背离
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0020743823000806
Balsam Mustafa
Iraqi women's struggle for equal rights has been shaped by similar circumstances and factors in both past and present. Since the founding of the Iraqi nation–state, ruling elites have repeatedly traded women's rights for building alliances with tribal and religious conservative forces in the interest of sustaining power. There was some progress in the areas of personal status and family law as well as women's access to education and the labor market throughout the years from the revolution of 1958 to the 1980s. Women's status declined dramatically during the 1990s due to intermittent wars, economic sanctions, repressive policies of the Baʿthist regime, and eroding state structures. Similar developments are notable since the toppling of that regime in 2003 at the hands of a US-led invasion. The selling rhetoric of liberating Iraqi women was quickly debunked when women's rights were de-prioritized and sacrificed for the sake of maintaining order and security, giving way for tribal and Islamist powers to control and discipline women. Iraqi women have been grappling with a new reality marked by a lack of security, an ethno-sectarian muḥāṣaṣa (quota-based) system, conflict, terrorist groups and militias, rampant corruption, the fragile rule of law, and the erosion of Iraqi institutions. All of these have allowed for the (re)emergence of different forms of patriarchies and masculinities, compounded by the empowerment of tribal and religious authorities, contributing to an increase in various forms of gender-based violence.
伊拉克妇女争取平等权利的斗争受到过去和现在类似情况和因素的影响。自伊拉克民族国家建立以来,统治精英们为了维持权力,一再用妇女权利来换取与部落和宗教保守势力的联盟。从1958年革命到1980年代,在个人地位和家庭法以及妇女接受教育和进入劳动力市场方面取得了一些进展。由于断断续续的战争、经济制裁、Ba - thist政权的镇压政策以及国家结构的侵蚀,妇女的地位在20世纪90年代急剧下降。自2003年该政权被美国领导的入侵推翻以来,类似的事态发展也引人注目。解放伊拉克妇女的宣传说辞很快就被揭穿了,因为为了维持秩序和安全,妇女的权利被剥夺了优先权,并被牺牲,让位于部落和伊斯兰势力对妇女的控制和约束。伊拉克妇女一直在与一个新的现实作斗争,这个现实的特点是缺乏安全、种族-宗派muḥāṣaṣa(以配额为基础)制度、冲突、恐怖组织和民兵、猖獗的腐败、脆弱的法治和伊拉克机构的侵蚀。所有这些都使不同形式的父权制和男子气概(重新)出现,再加上部落和宗教当局获得权力,导致各种形式的基于性别的暴力增加。
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引用次数: 0
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International Journal of Middle East Studies
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