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Environmental Movements and Politics of the Asian Anthropocene. 亚洲人类世的环境运动与政治。
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-23 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2072092
K. Hewison
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引用次数: 0
Political Impotence of the Neo-Liberal Ideologues: The Continuing Primacy of Customary Land Tenure in Papua New Guinea 新自由主义理论家的政治无能:巴布亚新几内亚传统土地保有权的持续首要地位
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-13 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2064328
S. Macwilliam
Abstract Critics of neo-liberalism’s advance have not always paid sufficient attention to how the ideology came to be attached to class and state power, either internationally or in any country. “Land problems” remain central to the development of capitalism in Papua New Guinea. Proposals for reform of what is known as customary tenure have remained within the liberal tradition, as liberalism itself changed internationally. From the 1990s, one strand of that tradition, known internationally as neo-liberalism, became prominent among the tussles over reform. This article documents how prominence did not translate into the hold on political power necessary to move ideology into policy implementation. Instead of the favoured neo-liberal direction of individualised land tenure, in Papua New Guinea customary tenure remains the principal form of land occupation and ownership.
对于新自由主义的进步,无论是在国际上还是在任何一个国家,批评人士都没有充分注意到这种意识形态是如何与阶级和国家权力联系在一起的。“土地问题”仍然是巴布亚新几内亚资本主义发展的核心问题。随着自由主义本身在国际上的变化,对所谓的习惯任期进行改革的建议仍在自由主义传统中。从20世纪90年代开始,这一传统的一部分,即国际上所知的新自由主义,在有关改革的争论中变得尤为突出。本文记录了显赫地位如何没有转化为将意识形态转化为政策实施所必需的对政治权力的掌控。在巴布亚新几内亚,习惯的土地保有权仍然是土地占有和所有权的主要形式,而不是个人土地保有权这一受欢迎的新自由主义方向。
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引用次数: 0
Brokered Rule: Militias, Drugs, and Borderland Governance in the Myanmar-China Borderlands 中介统治:缅甸-中国边境地区的民兵、毒品和边境治理
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-13 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2064327
P. Meehan, Seng Lawn Dan
Abstract This article develops the concept of brokerage to analyse the systems of borderland governance that have underpinned processes of state formation and capitalist development in the conflict-affected Myanmar-China borderland region of northern Shan State since the late 1980s. It focuses on the brokerage arrangements that have developed between the Myanmar Army and local militias, and how the illegal drug trade has become integral to these systems of brokered rule. This article draws particular attention to the inherent tensions and contradictions surrounding brokerage. In the short term, deploying militias as borderland brokers has provided an expedient mechanism through which the Myanmar Army has sought to extend and embed state authority, and has also provided the stability and coercive muscle needed to attract capital, expand trade, and intensify resource extraction. However, at the same time, militias have sought to use their position as brokers to aggrandise their own power and counter the extension of central state control. In the longer term, brokerage arrangements have thus had the effect of reinvigorating systems of strongman borderland governance, further fragmenting the means of violence and the proliferation of drugs and disempowering non-militarised forms of political negotiation.
本文发展了经纪的概念,分析了自20世纪80年代末以来,在受冲突影响的缅甸-中国掸邦北部边境地区,支撑国家形成和资本主义发展过程的边境治理制度。这本书的重点是缅甸军队和当地民兵之间形成的经纪安排,以及非法毒品交易如何成为这些中介统治体系的组成部分。本文特别关注围绕经纪业务的内在紧张和矛盾。在短期内,部署民兵作为边境经纪人为缅甸军队寻求扩大和嵌入国家权力提供了一种权宜之计机制,也提供了吸引资本、扩大贸易和加强资源开采所需的稳定和强制力量。然而,与此同时,民兵组织试图利用他们作为中间人的地位来扩大自己的权力,并对抗中央政府控制的扩大。因此,从较长期来看,经纪安排的效果是使强人统治边境的制度重新活跃起来,进一步破坏暴力手段和毒品的扩散,并使非军事化形式的政治谈判失去权力。
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引用次数: 4
Environmentalisms in Twenty-First Century Thailand: Continuities, Discontinuities, and Emerging Trajectories 21世纪泰国的环境保护主义:连续性、不连续性和新兴轨迹
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-10 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2051062
Eli Elinoff, Vanessa Lamb
Abstract How have Thailand’s environmental politics changed across the last five decades? How have they remained the same? What role do environmental movements in Thailand play in the country’s current moment of extended military-led rule and global environmental change? This article addresses these questions by presenting a critical genealogy of Thailand’s environmental politics. It begins with a larger framing of environmental movements within the context of Thai history and then traces these struggles through to the twenty-first century. Rather than argue that environmental politics are distinct from other forms of politics, we contend that environmental struggles should be understood as unfolding within and shaping Thailand’s changing social, economic, and political landscape. Although Thailand’s environmental movements have opened new pathways towards more just politics, they have also re-entrenched old political orders and, at times, deepened political divisions. By attending to these complex effects, this article highlights the ambiguous relationship between environmental politics and pro-democracy mobilisation. Rather than assume that environmental activism is inherently progressive, it demonstrates how Thailand’s environmental politics are complex, neither linear nor determined in their relationship with democracy.
在过去的50年里,泰国的环境政治发生了怎样的变化?它们是如何保持不变的?泰国的环境运动在该国当前的军事统治和全球环境变化中扮演了什么角色?本文通过对泰国环境政治的批判谱系来解决这些问题。它从泰国历史背景下的环境运动的大框架开始,然后追溯这些斗争一直到21世纪。我们不认为环境政治不同于其他形式的政治,而是认为环境斗争应该被理解为在泰国不断变化的社会、经济和政治景观中展开和塑造。尽管泰国的环保运动开辟了通往更公正政治的新途径,但它们也重新确立了旧的政治秩序,有时还加深了政治分歧。通过关注这些复杂的影响,本文强调了环境政治与民主动员之间的模糊关系。它并没有假设环境行动主义本身就是进步的,而是展示了泰国的环境政治是如何复杂的,它们与民主的关系既不是线性的,也不是确定的。
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引用次数: 5
A Stage in Rio De Janeiro? Ho Chi Minh’s Maritime Journeying and Latin America Networks 里约热内卢的舞台?胡志明的海上之旅与拉丁美洲网络
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2050934
Geoffrey C. Gunn
Abstract The presence of Ho Chi Minh in Rio de Janeiro at the end of one of his early seafaring journeys is taken as an article of faith by a spectrum of opinion in Brazil today. But what is the source material that lends credence to such a view? As this article exposes, the legend originally emerged in 1968 with the publication of two pieces of writing linked with a reported encounter between Ho Chi Minh and two Communist Party of Brazil leaders in Moscow in 1924. In that year, Ho Chi Minh published a French-language typescript titled “Solidarité de Classe,” relating to a violent class action in Rio de Janeiro port. Looking deeper into this obscure text – never since reprinted – the present article appraises the possibility of a Ho Chi Minh visit to Latin America as well as pointing to the deeper importance of his maritime networking, here taken as another instance of praxis in the further awakening of his socialist internationalist worldview and future direction.
胡志明(Ho Chi Minh)在他早期的一次航海旅行结束时出现在里约热内卢(里约热内卢de Janeiro),这在今天的巴西被广泛的观点视为一种信仰。但这种观点的可信来源是什么呢?正如本文所揭露的那样,这个传说最初出现在1968年,当时有两篇文章发表,与1924年胡志明与两位巴西共产党领导人在莫斯科的会面有关。那一年,胡志明出版了一份法文的打印稿,名为《阶级团结》(solidarit de Classe),内容涉及里约热内卢港的一起暴力集体诉讼。深入研究这篇晦涩的文章——此后从未再版过——本文评估了胡志明访问拉丁美洲的可能性,并指出了他的海上网络的更深层次的重要性,这里作为他的社会主义国际主义世界观和未来方向进一步觉醒的另一个实践实例。
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引用次数: 1
Buddhist Nationalist Sermons in Myanmar: Anti-Muslim Moral Panic, Conspiracy Theories, and Socio-Cultural Legacies 缅甸佛教民族主义布道:反穆斯林道德恐慌、阴谋论和社会文化遗产
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2032801
Niklas Foxeus
Abstract In Myanmar, Buddhist nationalist movements created a pan-Burmese anti-Muslim moral panic in response to the political and economic liberalisation starting in 2011 and to riots between Buddhists and Muslims that erupted from 2012. Based mainly on Buddhist nationalist sermons and speeches, but also on interviews and fieldwork, the aim of this article is to examine the historical and cultural roots of the anti-Muslim moral panic and its political ramifications. This article argues that Buddhist nationalist sermons contributed to moral panic in three ways. First through aspects of monastic authority by which nationalist, anti-Muslim discourse was authorised. Second, an anti-Muslim conspiracy theory going back to the 1950s and an ingrained historical narrative feeding a sense of collective victimhood and vulnerability among the Buddhist majority created fear that provides justification of discrimination and violence. Third, is a perceived existential threat to Buddhism and Myanmar’s sovereignty considered to be posed by groups of Muslims (local and international) that were interconnected in the nationalist imagination; a sense of threat that was reinforced by a globalised Islamophobia.
摘要在缅甸,佛教民族主义运动制造了一场泛缅甸反穆斯林道德恐慌,以应对2011年开始的政治和经济自由化以及2012年爆发的佛教徒和穆斯林之间的骚乱。本文主要基于佛教民族主义的布道和演讲,同时也基于访谈和实地调查,旨在探讨反穆斯林道德恐慌的历史和文化根源及其政治后果。本文认为,佛教民族主义说教在三个方面助长了道德恐慌。首先,通过修道院权威的各个方面,民族主义、反穆斯林的言论得到了授权。其次,一种可以追溯到20世纪50年代的反穆斯林阴谋论,以及一种根深蒂固的历史叙事,助长了佛教多数群体的集体受害者感和脆弱性,这引发了恐惧,为歧视和暴力提供了正当理由。第三,被认为是民族主义想象中相互关联的穆斯林群体(当地和国际)对佛教和缅甸主权构成的生存威胁;全球化的伊斯兰恐惧症强化了这种威胁感。
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引用次数: 7
Capital Accumulation in the “Lucky Country”: Australia from the “Sheep’s Back” to the “Quarry Economy.” Part I: The Colonial Period “幸运之国”的资本积累:澳大利亚从“羊背经济”到“采石场经济”。第一部分:殖民时期
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-26 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2032800
N. Grinberg
Abstract Australia is unique as the only ex-colonial economy that has remained throughout its history at the top of high-income countries despite continuously specialising in the production of raw materials for world markets. Conscious of this peculiarity, a Treasurer once warned the nation of the risk of becoming a “banana republic.” This article, the first of a two-part contribution, presents an account of Australia’s economic history that explains that peculiarity as an alternative to mainstream and critical positions. Drawing on Marx’s critique of political economy, it is argued that Australia’s role in the production of surplus-value on a global scale has determined its pattern of economic and political development. Since its creation by British capital, the Australian economy became both a source of raw materials and of ground-rent for appropriation by competing economic actors. After introducing the general theoretical approach to the relationship between global- and national-scale processes of capital accumulation, this article analyses the colonial period. It argues that despite inheriting a variety of political institutions and cultural traditions, British colonialism produced a national economy specialised in, and limited to, the production of low-cost primary commodities and bearers of ground-rent that could be recovered by capital through specific state-mediated dynamics.
摘要澳大利亚是唯一一个在其历史上一直处于高收入国家前列的前殖民地经济体,尽管它一直致力于为世界市场生产原材料,但它是独一无二的。意识到这一特殊性,一位财政部长曾警告澳大利亚有成为“香蕉共和国”的风险。这篇文章是由两部分组成的文章中的第一篇,介绍了澳大利亚的经济历史,解释了这种特殊性是主流和批判立场的替代品。根据马克思对政治经济学的批判,有人认为,澳大利亚在全球范围内剩余价值生产中的作用决定了其经济和政治发展模式。自英国资本创建以来,澳大利亚经济既是原材料的来源,也是相互竞争的经济行为者挪用的地租的来源。在介绍了全球和国家规模资本积累过程之间关系的一般理论方法后,本文分析了殖民时期。它认为,尽管英国殖民主义继承了各种政治制度和文化传统,但它产生了一种专门从事且仅限于生产低成本初级商品和承担地租的国民经济,资本可以通过特定的国家中介动力来收回这些商品和地租。
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引用次数: 2
Democracy and Nationalism in Southeast Asia: From Secessionist Mobilization to Conflict Resolution 东南亚的民主与民族主义:从分离主义动员到冲突解决
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-26 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2058592
Meghna Kajla
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引用次数: 0
Buddhist Majoritarian Nationalism in Thailand: Ideological Contestation, Narratives, and Activism 泰国佛教主体主义民族主义:意识形态的争论、叙事与激进主义
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-25 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2036360
Janjira Sombatpoonsiri
Abstract This article examines the narratives that underpin the activism of Buddhist nationalist movements in Thailand. In arguing that these movements represent an emerging strand of Thai nationalism – Buddhist majoritarian nationalism – the focus is on three discursive components that shape the contours of the movements’ narratives. The first component regards a two-prong threat against Buddhism: political elites subservient to the Muslim minority and the latter’s growing influence. Second, averting these threats necessitates a new form of national consciousness that places Buddhism and Buddhists as the country’s majority at the centre of national identity. Third, this ideological position accompanies the movements’ aspiration to further conflate religion and polity. This argument is situated in the historical inter-relationship of the state, nationalism, and Buddhism, while tracing how recent political upheavals, including political polarisation, influence the movements’ organisational development and discourses. The latter has been mainly promulgated online, but at times have inspired offline protest activism. The Thai movements display various commonalities with their counterparts in Sri Lanka and Myanmar, but their ability to challenge royal nationalism and influence explicitly religious policies remains to be seen.
摘要本文考察了支撑泰国佛教民族主义运动的叙事。在认为这些运动代表了泰国民族主义的一股新兴力量——佛教多数主义民族主义时,重点是塑造这些运动叙事轮廓的三个话语成分。第一部分涉及对佛教的双重威胁:屈从于穆斯林少数民族的政治精英和后者日益增长的影响力。其次,避免这些威胁需要一种新形式的民族意识,将佛教和佛教徒作为国家的大多数置于民族认同的中心。第三,这种意识形态立场伴随着这些运动进一步融合宗教和政治的愿望。这一论点位于国家、民族主义和佛教的历史相互关系中,同时追溯了最近的政治动荡,包括政治两极分化,如何影响运动的组织发展和话语。后者主要在网上发布,但有时也激发了线下的抗议活动。泰国运动与斯里兰卡和缅甸的运动表现出各种共性,但他们挑战王室民族主义和明确影响宗教政策的能力仍有待观察。
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引用次数: 1
Unsettled Frontiers: Market Formation in the Cambodia-Vietnam Borderlands 未解决的边界:柬越边境地区的市场形成
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-21 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2058593
Minh Chau Lam
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Contemporary Asia
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