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Journal of Contemporary Asia最新文献

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Peter Limqueco (1939–2022) 彼得·林奎科(1939–2022)
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-06 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2113230
K. Hewison
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引用次数: 1
Is the Belt and Road Initiative 2.0 in the Making? The Case of Central Asia “一带一路”倡议2.0正在酝酿中吗?中亚案例
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-30 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2122858
Hong Yu
Abstract Despite China’s claims that the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is an economic co-operation initiative that will foster economic growth and industrial development for recipient countries, to create trade and investment opportunities, and promote peace in the world, the perception of the BRI throughout the world is becoming negative. In response to international criticisms of BRI implementation, in 2019, China’s President Xi Jinping pledged to deliver a readjusted BRI 2.0 that would generate benefits for all participating countries, not China alone. Moreover, due to the pressure from recipient countries, Chinese authorities and companies have been applying several readjustment measures in their BRI activities. Central Asia is a priority region for China’s foreign policy under the BRI. BRI implementation has helped to expand China’s economic interests and influence in Central Asia. However, China’s push for the BRI implementation is China-centric, rather than a credible multilateral endeavour as claimed by the Chinese government. As shown in the case of Central Asia, the BRI involves a series of bilateral deals. There is no multilateral decision-making process involved in overseeing BRI or making investment decisions.
摘要尽管中国声称“一带一路”倡议倡议是一项经济合作倡议,将促进受援国的经济增长和工业发展,创造贸易和投资机会,促进世界和平,但全世界对“一带一路”倡议的看法正在变得负面。 此外,由于受援国的压力,中国当局和企业在“一带一路”倡议活动中采取了一些调整措施。中亚是“一带一路”倡议下中国外交政策的重点地区。“一带一路”倡议的实施有助于扩大中国在中亚的经济利益和影响力。然而,中国推动“一带一路”倡议的实施是以中国为中心的,而不是中国政府所声称的可信的多边努力。正如中亚的情况所示,“一带一路”倡议涉及一系列双边协议。监督“一带一路”倡议或做出投资决策不涉及多边决策过程。
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引用次数: 0
Gambling on Development: Why Some Countries Win and Others Lose 发展赌博:为什么有的国家赢,有的国家输
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-15 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2118617
S. Macwilliam
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引用次数: 1
The Fulfilment of Election Pledges in India 印度选举承诺的履行
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-05 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2114101
Pankaj Adhikari, Sania Mariam, R. Thomson
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引用次数: 0
States, Civilisations and the Reset of World Order. 国家、文明与世界秩序的重置。
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2113222
K. Hewison
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引用次数: 0
Ethnic Domination under Liberal Democracy in Sri Lanka 斯里兰卡自由民主制度下的民族统治
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-26 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2105739
R. Venugopal
How is ethnic domination produced, legitimised, and sustained under conditions of liberal democracy? This paper engages with this problem and provides a reconceptualisation that draws on the experience of Sri Lanka. Ethnic domination is typically understood in terms of a liberal normative framework, through the lens of the state, or primarily in terms of the one-sided coercive power of the dominant group. This paper points instead to the importance of looking into inner processes, moral frameworks, and the way these are acted upon by contending ethnic groups. Instead of outcome typologies such as “ ethnic democracy ” and “ ethnocracy ” , it emphasises the need to look beyond and below the state, and in particular, at the mechanisms through which stable hierarchies are produced.
在自由民主的条件下,种族统治是如何产生、合法化和持续的?本文探讨了这个问题,并借鉴斯里兰卡的经验对其进行了重新定义。民族统治通常是从自由规范框架的角度来理解的,通过国家的视角来理解,或者主要是从占主导地位的群体的单方面强制性来理解。相反,本文指出了研究内部过程、道德框架的重要性,以及相互竞争的种族群体对这些过程和框架的行为方式。与“种族民主”和“民族政治”等结果类型论不同,它强调需要超越和超越国家,特别是关注产生稳定等级制度的机制。
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引用次数: 0
Politics Through Precarity: Tech Workers’ Unions in India During the Covid-19 Pandemic 不稳定中的政治:新冠肺炎大流行期间印度的技术工人工会
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-26 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2110925
Rianka Roy
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引用次数: 0
East Asian Varieties of Capitalism and Socio-Economic Inequality: South Korea and Hong Kong Compared 东亚资本主义与社会经济不平等:韩国和香港比较
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-19 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2105738
Yingchi Chu, Tat Yan Kong
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引用次数: 1
COVID-19 and the Pathologies of Australia’s Regulatory State 新冠肺炎与澳大利亚监管国家的病理学
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-12 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2106883
Tom Chodor, Shahar Hameiri
Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic has elicited a wide range of national responses with an even wider range of outcomes in terms of infections and mortalities. Australia is a rare success story, keeping deaths comparatively low, and infections too, until the Omicron wave. What explains Australia’s success? Typical explanations emphasise leaders’ choices. We agree, but argue that leaders’ choices, and whether these are implemented effectively, is shaped by the legacy of state transformation. Decades of neo-liberal reforms have hollowed out state capacity and confused lines of control and accountability, leaving Australia unprepared for the pandemic. Leaders thus abandoned plans and turned to ad hoc, simple to implement emergency measures – border closures and lockdowns. These averted large-scale outbreaks and deaths, but with diminishing returns as the Delta variant took hold. Conversely, Australia’s regulatory state has struggled to deliver more sophisticated policy responses, even when leaders were apparently committed, including an effective quarantine system, crucial for border controls, and vaccination programme, essential for exiting the quagmire of lockdowns and closed borders, leading to a partial return to top-down governing. The Australian experience shows that to avoid a public health catastrophe or more damaging lockdowns in the next pandemic, states must re-learn to govern.
摘要新冠肺炎大流行引发了广泛的国家应对措施,在感染和死亡方面产生了更广泛的结果。澳大利亚是一个罕见的成功案例,在奥密克戎浪潮之前,死亡人数和感染人数都保持在相对较低的水平。是什么解释了澳大利亚的成功?典型的解释强调领导者的选择。我们同意,但认为领导人的选择,以及这些选择是否得到有效实施,是由国家转型的遗产决定的。几十年的新自由主义改革掏空了国家能力,混淆了控制和问责线,使澳大利亚对疫情毫无准备。因此,领导人放弃了计划,转而采取临时的、易于实施的紧急措施——边境关闭和封锁。这些措施避免了大规模疫情爆发和死亡,但随着德尔塔变异株的流行,回报越来越少。相反,澳大利亚的监管州一直在努力提供更复杂的政策回应,即使领导人显然做出了承诺,包括对边境控制至关重要的有效隔离系统,以及对摆脱封锁和关闭边境的泥潭至关重要的疫苗接种计划,导致部分回归自上而下的治理。澳大利亚的经验表明,为了避免在下一次疫情中发生公共卫生灾难或更具破坏性的封锁,各州必须重新学会治理。
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引用次数: 3
On His Majesty’s Service: Why is the Thai Foreign Ministry Royalist? 关于国王的服务:为什么泰国外交部是保皇派?
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2022.2081930
P. Chachavalpongpun
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引用次数: 1
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Journal of Contemporary Asia
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