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Development NGOs, Domestic Politics, and Foreign Aid Allocations 非政府发展组织、国内政治和外援分配
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-08-16 DOI: 10.1007/s12116-024-09442-2
Esol Cho

Development non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are found to be important actors in numerous studies, although their role is examined primarily from the recipient side. Focusing on the influence of development NGOs inside donor states originating from their transnational networks, I consider the high informational status of NGOs and their dedication to helping the poor as affording them the political leverage to acquire aid allocations from donor governments. I examine this idea through three distinct aid flows—countries, sectors, and delivery channels—that correspond to the NGOs’ primary concerns. The results show that the greater the increase in the domestic influence of the development NGO community, the larger the increase in aid spending not only allocated to the least-developed countries (LDCs) but also channeled through private actors in donors based on neoliberal doctrine. The expected positive relationship was also found between NGOs’ influence and increases in developmental-purpose aid with potential correlations with trade-purpose aid controlled.

在许多研究中,非政府发展组织(NGOs)被认为是重要的行动者,尽管它们的作用主要是从受援方的角度进行研究的。我的研究重点是非政府发展组织通过其跨国网络对捐助国的影响,我认为非政府组织的高信息地位及其帮助穷人的奉献精神为其提供了从捐助国政府获取援助拨款的政治影响力。我通过三种不同的援助流--国家、部门和交付渠道--研究了这一观点,它们与非政府组织的主要关注点相对应。结果表明,非政府发展组织在国内的影响力越大,不仅分配给最不发达国家(LDCs)的援助支出增幅越大,而且通过基于新自由主义理论的捐助方中的私人行为者提供的援助支出增幅也越大。在非政府组织的影响与发展目的援助的增加之间也发现了预期的正相关关系,而且与贸易目的援助之间也有潜在的相关关系。
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引用次数: 0
Regulating to Exclude or to Enable: Institution Building and Transnational Standard Adoption in Mexican Food Safety 监管是为了排斥还是为了扶持?墨西哥食品安全的机构建设与跨国标准采用
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-07-27 DOI: 10.1007/s12116-024-09438-y
Gerald A. McDermott, Belem Avendaño Ruiz

A key challenge for integrating new transnational regulations into a semi-periphery country is creating institutional capacities for effective dissemination and monitoring of the standards and for upgrading a broad base of firms to implement and benefit from them. Instilled by NAFTA, Mexico embraced transnational food value chains, yet the results were rather mixed, as the vast majority of producers cannot implement new standards and participate. New rules and practices are not adopted on a tabula rasa but layered on prior socio-political institutions that are raw materials for new collaboration and blockage. We argue that improvements in both regulatory institutions and firm capabilities are driven by the creation of public–private learning communities, which in turn are shaped by prior institutional legacies at the public–private divide. The ability of producers to undertake organizational experiments with one another and key public actors is greatly constrained by the legacies of corporatism. Refashioned producer associations could initiate with certain local public institutions regulatory and technological upgrading for a limited number of firms, which became gatekeepers for certification.

将新的跨国法规纳入一个半边缘国家所面临的主要挑战是建立机构能力,以有效地传播和监测标准,并提升广大企业的能力,使其能够执行这些标准并从中受益。在《北美自由贸易协定》的推动下,墨西哥接受了跨国食品价值链,但结果却好坏参半,因为绝大多数生产商无法执行新标准并参与其中。新的规则和做法并非照搬照抄,而是在原有的社会政治体制基础上层层叠加,这些体制是新的合作和阻挠的原材料。我们认为,监管机构和企业能力的提高是由公私学习社区的建立推动的,而公私学习社区的建立又是由公私分界线上先前的制度遗产形成的。生产者相互之间以及与主要公共参与者进行组织实验的能力,在很大程度上受到公司制遗留问题的制约。改组后的生产者协会可以与某些地方公共机构合作,对少数企业进行监管和技术升级,这些企业成为认证的守门人。
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引用次数: 0
From Rust to High-Tech Hubs: FDI-Led Upgrading of Urban Economies in East Central Europe 从锈迹斑斑到高科技中心:外国直接投资带动中东欧地区城市经济升级
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-07-26 DOI: 10.1007/s12116-024-09433-3
Gergő Medve-Bálint

In the semi-peripheral-dependent market economies (DME) of East Central Europe (ECE), foreign investors are major contributors to economic growth and tend to establish low value-added operations. At the same time, they enjoy superior bargaining power over central governments. The domination of FDI constrains domestic agency in shaping economic outcomes, thereby locking DMEs into the semi-periphery. Moving to the sub-national level, this paper challenges these views by arguing that there is considerably more scope for local development agency in DMEs than the comparative political economy literature suggests. Moreover, FDI-led upgrading, defined as multinational companies engaging in high value-added activities, can take place at the local level even without the direct involvement of the state. The paper draws on fieldwork conducted in two formerly declining industrial cities in ECE (Cluj and Gdańsk) that have recently emerged as knowledge-intensive hubs targeted by high value-added FDI. The paper shows that FDI-led upgrading in Gdańsk occurred with the active contribution and cooperation of both local private and public economic actors, whereas in Cluj, upgrading took place with the contribution of local universities and through the forging of business links between foreign capital and local firms established by expatriates and local engineers.

在中东欧地区的半边缘依赖型市场经济体(DME)中,外国投资者是经济增长的主要贡献者,他们倾向于建立低附加值的业务。与此同时,它们还享有与中央政府讨价还价的优势。外国直接投资的主导地位限制了国内机构对经济结果的影响,从而将中东欧国家锁定为半边缘国家。从国家以下层面来看,本文对这些观点提出了质疑,认为与比较政治经济学文献的观点相比,发展中国家地方发展机构的作用要大得多。此外,即使没有国家的直接参与,以外国直接投资为主导的升级(即跨国公司从事高附加值活动)也可以在地方层面进行。本文借鉴了在欧洲经委会两个曾经衰落的工业城市(克卢日和格但斯克)开展的实地调查,这两个城市最近已成为高附加值外国直接投资所瞄准的知识密集型中心。论文表明,在格但斯克,外国直接投资带动的升级是在当地私营和公共经济参与者的积极贡献和合作下实现的,而在克卢日,升级是在当地大学的贡献下,通过外籍人士和当地工程师在外国资本和当地公司之间建立商业联系实现的。
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引用次数: 0
Development Pathways and the Political Economy of Maladaptation: The Case of Bioenergy as a Climate Strategy in Brazil 发展道路与适应不良的政治经济学:巴西将生物能源作为气候战略的案例
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-07-17 DOI: 10.1007/s12116-024-09439-x
Jorge Ernesto Rodriguez Morales

Although it is well known that large-scale bioenergy expansion erodes different environmental, social, and economic dimensions of sustainable development, in countries like Brazil, bioenergy is institutionalized as a flagship climate strategy aimed to cut down CO2 emissions in transport. These trade-offs have serious implications for climate change governance and sustainable development; however, conventional approaches have not yet properly explained this seeming paradox. This article addresses this gap from a critical development pathways approach to bioenergy as a maladaptive strategy in Brazil. I propose an analytical framework to observe how different ideas, interests, and institutions interplay in the historical institutionalization of bioenergy as a climate strategy. The analysis shows that bioenergy institutionalization has been driven by the endemic economic crisis in the sugar sector and governmental interests associated with security and developmental imperatives. The unsustainable co-evolution of development pathways and bioenergy, marked by deforestation, land colonization, and agricultural expansion, has narrowed the adaptation space in agriculture, gearing current climate policy towards path-dependent maladaptive strategies like bioenergy. Paradoxically, framing bioenergy as a climate strategy has been useful to justify more expansive policies in favor of the sugarcane industry, and to greenwash the Brazilian climate policy in the international arena of climate governance.

尽管众所周知,生物能源的大规模扩张会侵蚀可持续发展的不同环境、社会和经济层面,但在巴西等国家,生物能源已被制度化,成为旨在减少运输过程中二氧化碳排放的旗舰气候战略。这些权衡对气候变化治理和可持续发展产生了严重影响;然而,传统方法尚未正确解释这一看似矛盾的现象。本文从关键发展路径的角度出发,将生物能源作为巴西的一项畸形战略,以弥补这一不足。我提出了一个分析框架,以观察在生物能源作为气候战略的历史制度化过程中,不同的理念、利益和制度是如何相互作用的。分析表明,生物能源制度化是由制糖业普遍存在的经济危机以及与安全和发展需要相关的政府利益所驱动的。以森林砍伐、土地殖民化和农业扩张为标志的发展道路与生物能源不可持续的共同演化,缩小了农业的适应空间,使当前的气候政策转向生物能源等路径依赖型适应不良战略。自相矛盾的是,将生物能源作为一种气候战略,有助于为有利于甘蔗产业的扩张性政策辩护,也有助于在国际气候治理舞台上为巴西的气候政策 "洗绿"。
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引用次数: 0
Production Networks and Innovation in the Semi-periphery: The Transition to Electric Vehicles in South Korea and Spain 半边缘地区的生产网络与创新:韩国和西班牙向电动汽车的过渡
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-07-10 DOI: 10.1007/s12116-024-09436-0
Angela Garcia Calvo

What determines the ability of firms based in New Advanced Economies to generate innovation in the transition to electric vehicles (EVs)? Under what conditions are they more likely to break with their established pattern as fast followers to create innovation that is new to the world? To address these questions, we introduce a meso-level framework focused on the organization of global production networks. The framework examines three aspects of such networks: the position of the firm within the network, the number of lead firms, and the links between lead firms and suppliers. We illustrate the explanatory power of our framework through the cases of South Korea and Spain, the two New Advanced Economies with the largest automotive sectors. We characterize Korea’s production network as a unipolar, captive structure and Spain’s as part of an EU-wide multipolar, modular production network. We argue that contrary to common perceptions, Korea’s structure delayed the transition to EV’s and strengthened Korea’s role as a fast follower. Meanwhile, Spain’s embeddedness in the EU production network offered significant opportunities for turnkey suppliers to generate novel innovation despite the absence of a domestic lead firm.

是什么决定了新发达经济体的企业在向电动汽车(EV)过渡的过程中产生创新的能力?在什么条件下,它们更有可能打破快速追随者的既定模式,创造出世界新的创新?为了解决这些问题,我们引入了一个中观层面的框架,重点关注全球生产网络的组织。该框架研究了此类网络的三个方面:企业在网络中的地位、领先企业的数量以及领先企业与供应商之间的联系。我们通过韩国和西班牙这两个汽车行业规模最大的新发达经济体的案例来说明我们的框架的解释力。我们将韩国的生产网络描述为单极、圈地结构,将西班牙的生产网络描述为欧盟范围内多极、模块化生产网络的一部分。我们认为,与通常的看法相反,韩国的结构推迟了向电动汽车的过渡,并强化了韩国作为快速追随者的角色。与此同时,西班牙嵌入欧盟生产网络,为总包供应商提供了大量机会,使其能够在缺乏国内主导企业的情况下进行创新。
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引用次数: 0
Firm-Centered Approaches to Overcoming Semi-Peripheral Constraints 以企业为中心克服半边缘制约的方法
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-07-02 DOI: 10.1007/s12116-024-09434-2
Sonja Avlijaš, Kira Gartzou-Katsouyanni

Scholars of economic development in the Global South and of industrial policy in the Global North are increasingly advocating top-down policies by a strong, activist state to promote growth and innovation. Instead, we argue there is much to learn from firm-centered approaches about how the main economic decision-makers, namely, firms, engage with the constraints and opportunities that they face. This is particularly important in the semi-periphery, where public authorities do not always have the capacity, resources, and political support required to play the activist developmental role suggested in the literature. This introduction to the special issue develops the concept of the semi-periphery, showing that it can foster knowledge exchange across the North–South divide and promote innovation in analyses of the dynamics of economic development. It also presents the multilevel perspective through which the special issue accounts for cases where firms were able to overcome semi-peripheral constraints. We argue that carving out economic opportunities in the semi-periphery often requires the activation of the initiative of local firms, which form alliances with other actors from the private, public, and non-profit sectors. Rather than producing economic innovation directly, macro-institutions facilitate those efforts by providing a governance architecture that makes it easier for firms to form alliances and innovate.

研究全球南部经济发展和全球北部产业政策的学者越来越多地主张由一个强大、积极的国家采取自上而下的政策来促进增长和创新。相反,我们认为,从以企业为中心的方法中可以学到很多东西,了解主要的经济决策者,即企业,是如何应对他们所面临的限制和机遇的。这一点在半边缘地区尤为重要,因为在这些地区,公共机构并不总是具备文献中提出的积极发展角色所需的能力、资源和政治支持。本特刊导言阐述了 "半边缘地区 "的概念,表明这一概念可以促进跨越南北鸿沟的知识交流,推动经济发展动态分析的创新。特刊还从多层次的角度阐述了企业克服半边缘限制的案例。我们认为,要在半边缘地区创造经济机会,往往需要激活当地企业的主观能动性,使其与私营、公共和非营利部门的其他参与者结成联盟。宏观制度不是直接产生经济创新,而是通过提供一种治理架构,使企业更容易结成联盟并进行创新,从而促进这些努力。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Dependent Development? The Unlikely Emergence of an Upgrading Alliance in the Case of InoBat in Slovakia 超越依赖性发展?斯洛伐克伊诺巴特公司案例中不可能出现的升级联盟
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-06-28 DOI: 10.1007/s12116-024-09440-4
Alen Toplišek

Semi-peripheral economies are reliant on foreign capital for innovation and upgrading into higher-value-added economic activities. This characteristic of dependent development is coupled with unreliable government support for domestic businesses, resulting in fragmented state-business ties. How then did a local electrical vehicle (EV) battery startup InoBat manage to build an upgrading alliance in Slovakia and capitalise on the accelerating automotive shift to electromobility despite these barriers being present in the semi-peripheral economy of Slovakia? By developing a network-based analytical approach and using the unlikely case study of InoBat, this paper argues that developmental entrepreneurship, the mobilisation of private sector resources by venture capital or a large domestic firm, and support by private-public institutions were key determinants for the emergence of the InoBat upgrading alliance. The findings underline that local firms can also be the drivers of upgrading efforts even in the absence of consistent government support and the heavy presence of large transnational corporations.

半边缘经济体依赖外国资本进行创新和升级,从事高附加值的经济活动。这种依赖发展的特点加上政府对国内企业的支持不可靠,导致国家与企业之间的联系支离破碎。那么,尽管斯洛伐克这个半边缘经济体存在这些障碍,当地的一家电动汽车(EV)电池初创企业 InoBat 是如何设法在斯洛伐克建立一个升级联盟,并利用汽车加速向电动交通转变的机遇的呢?通过开发一种基于网络的分析方法,并利用伊诺巴特这个不太可能的案例研究,本文认为,发展型企业家精神、风险资本或一家大型国内企业对私营部门资源的调动,以及私营-公共机构的支持,是伊诺巴特升级联盟出现的关键决定因素。研究结果强调,即使没有政府的持续支持,也没有大型跨国公司的大力支持,本地企业也可以成为升级努力的推动力。
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引用次数: 0
Semi-Peripheral Pathways to High-Technology Markets: How Organizational Origins Shape Entrepreneurial Ecosystems 通往高科技市场的半边缘之路:组织起源如何塑造创业生态系统
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-06-19 DOI: 10.1007/s12116-024-09437-z
Alessandra Cicci, Darius Ornston

Recent technological changes have created new opportunities for small- and medium-sized firms in the semi-periphery to enter digital markets. At the same time, the need to connect startups with the diverse range of actors and resources which sustain an entrepreneurial ecosystem poses a formidable challenge to regions which have historically suffered from disarticulation. The literature suggests that regions aspiring to support technology startups could benefit from bridging organizations or “entrepreneurial ecosystem incubators” (EEIs) to build civic capital. Comparing two successful EEIs in Toronto and Waterloo, Canada, we find that their organizational structure, specifically the composition of their board, shaped connectivity in important ways. Whereas Communitech, an entrepreneur-led EEI in Waterloo, relied heavily on horizontal, peer-to-peer mentoring among entrepreneurs, MaRS, led by established firms and civic leaders, linked startups to external capital, customers, and other resources within a limited number of industry verticals. Both EEIs supported local startup activity, but they fostered different patterns of collaboration and high-technology competition. This analysis suggests that regional leaders in laggard regions may face a tradeoff in how they support technology startups and nurture entrepreneurial ecosystems.

最近的技术变革为半边缘地区的中小型企业进入数字市场创造了新的机遇。与此同时,需要将初创企业与维持创业生态系统的各种参与者和资源联系起来,这对历来遭受分隔之苦的地区提出了严峻的挑战。文献表明,有志于支持初创科技企业的地区可以从建立公民资本的桥梁组织或 "创业生态系统孵化器"(EEIs)中获益。通过比较加拿大多伦多和滑铁卢两家成功的创业生态系统孵化器,我们发现它们的组织结构,特别是董事会的组成,在很大程度上影响了连接性。在滑铁卢,Communitech 是一家由企业家领导的创业企业,主要依靠企业家之间的横向、点对点指导,而 MaRS 则由成熟企业和民间领袖领导,在有限的行业垂直领域内将初创企业与外部资本、客户和其他资源联系起来。两家环境教育机构都支持当地初创企业的活动,但它们促进了不同模式的合作和高科技竞争。这项分析表明,落后地区的地区领导者在如何支持初创科技企业和培育创业生态系统方面可能会面临取舍。
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引用次数: 0
Votes for Water: Ethnic Service Delivery and Criminality in Karachi, Pakistan 为水投票:巴基斯坦卡拉奇的种族服务提供与犯罪行为
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-05-14 DOI: 10.1007/s12116-024-09424-4
Erum A. Haider, Niloufer A. Siddiqui

How do voters in ethnically polarized settings evaluate coethnic candidates in an environment of hybrid provision of public goods, especially where such hybrid provision includes links to criminal actors? In numerous urban settings around the world, local public goods provision involves a complex mix of private vendors, state services, and criminal actors. This paper explores how voters in Karachi, Pakistan evaluate candidates making distinct claims to water provision. We present findings from a survey experiment of over 2000 Karachi residents surveyed in 2021–2022. We find that while voters generally prefer coethnic candidates regardless of their ability to provide water, a non-coethnic candidate’s access to the state water bureaucracy can decrease the coethnic advantage and increase the credibility of a non-coethnic candidate. This is particularly the case among voters least satisfied with their water supply and most reliant on private sources of water. However, contrary to literature that finds that criminality can signal competence or the likelihood of goods and services being directed to coethnics, ties to the illegal water mafia do not offer either coethnic or non-coethnic candidates any additional advantage.

在混合提供公共产品的环境中,特别是在这种混合产品与犯罪分子有联系的情况下,种族两极分化环境中的选民如何评价同族候选人?在世界各地的许多城市环境中,当地公共产品的提供涉及私人供应商、国家服务和犯罪参与者的复杂组合。本文探讨了巴基斯坦卡拉奇的选民如何评价在供水方面提出不同主张的候选人。我们介绍了 2021-2022 年对 2000 多名卡拉奇居民进行的调查实验的结果。我们发现,虽然选民普遍倾向于同一族裔的候选人,而不论其供水能力如何,但非同一族裔候选人进入国家水务官僚机构的机会会降低同一族裔候选人的优势,提高非同一族裔候选人的可信度。对供水最不满意、最依赖私人水源的选民尤其如此。然而,有文献发现,犯罪可以表明候选人的能力或商品和服务提供给同族人的可能性,与此相反,与非法水务黑手党的关系并不会给同族或非同族候选人带来任何额外的优势。
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引用次数: 0
When Counterinsurgent Institutions Persist: Unpacking Local Wartime Legacies 当反叛乱机构持续存在时:解读地方战时遗留问题
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-05-07 DOI: 10.1007/s12116-024-09427-1
Reo Matsuzaki, Rachel A. Schwartz

What is the relationship between counterinsurgency and institution-building? When do wartime institutions persist once conflict has ended? Classic theories examine how war spurs new institutions within the central state, while extensive research on rebel governance examines how insurgent actors forge new rules to garner civilian compliance and cement control. However, the legacies of armed conflict for state institutions in the theater of war remain relatively neglected. We theorize the process of local counterinsurgent institution-building and the drivers of institutional endurance following counterinsurgency. By analyzing two local counterinsurgent institutions in Nicaragua and a shadow case drawn from Indonesia, we find that while state leaders may generate new institutional arrangements to elicit information and garner resources, institutional persistence is driven by local reappropriation as communities pursue their own postwar governance and development goals. Overall, this paper contributes a new understanding for the divergent postwar paths of local institutions generated amid counterinsurgency.

平叛与机构建设之间的关系是什么?冲突结束后,战时体制何时继续存在?经典理论探讨了战争如何在中央国家内部推动新机构的建立,而关于叛军治理的大量研究则探讨了叛军行动者如何制定新规则以赢得平民的服从并巩固控制权。然而,武装冲突对战区国家机构的影响仍相对被忽视。我们对地方反叛乱机构建设的过程以及反叛乱后机构持久性的驱动因素进行了理论分析。通过分析尼加拉瓜的两个地方反叛乱机构和印度尼西亚的一个影子案例,我们发现,虽然国家领导人可能会产生新的机构安排以获取信息和资源,但机构的持久性是由地方再利用驱动的,因为社区追求自己的战后治理和发展目标。总之,本文对在反叛乱中产生的地方机构的不同战后发展路径提供了新的理解。
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引用次数: 0
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Studies in Comparative International Development
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