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3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231205147
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引用次数: 0
Ibn Khaldûn and the Political Economy of Communication: A Reply to Graham Murdock 伊本·哈德<s:1>与传播的政治经济学:对格雷厄姆·默多克的回答
3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231201382
Christian Fuchs
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引用次数: 0
Classes Without Labor: Three Critiques of Bourdieu 没有劳动的阶级:对布迪厄的三种批判
3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231200898
Josh Seim, Michael A. McCarthy
This article offers three interrelated critiques of Bourdieusian class analysis. First, Bourdieu replaces classes on paper with capitals on paper. He offers a false break from Marx in an effort to make capital more ‘relational’ via a theory of social space, but in doing so he neglects capital’s fundamental relation to labor. Second, Bourdieu offers a theory of domination without exploitation. Bourdieu’s classes live against one another, but it remains unclear how some classes might also live off of others. Third, and as a consequence of the first two missteps, he emphasizes position over production. Bourdieu typically sees ‘production’ as a form of ‘position-taking’ and as something best examined toward the top of social hierarchies. By largely ignoring labor and exploitation, he generates a theory of positions at the expense of a theory of production.
本文对布尔迪欧的阶级分析提出了三个相互关联的批评。首先,布迪厄用大写字母代替了纸上的阶级。他试图通过一种社会空间理论使资本更具“关系性”,这是与马克思的错误决裂,但在这样做的过程中,他忽略了资本与劳动的基本关系。其次,布迪厄提出了一种没有剥削的统治理论。布迪厄的阶级是相互对立的,但一些阶级是如何依靠其他阶级生存的,目前还不清楚。第三,作为前两个失误的后果,他强调立场而不是生产。布迪厄典型地把“生产”看作是一种“定位”的形式,是对社会等级最高的东西进行最好的检验。通过在很大程度上忽视劳动和剥削,他以牺牲生产理论为代价,创造了一种关于职位的理论。
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引用次数: 0
Challenging Capitalism Begins in Everyday Lives: The Culture of Meci, the Gift and the Commons 挑战资本主义始于日常生活:Meci文化,礼物和公地
3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-23 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231197660
Metehan Cömert
In the grand tradition of the social sciences, the quest to build a future beyond capitalism is accused of having no basis in reality. Through fieldwork conducted in the Fındıklı district of Rize in Turkey, this study challenges this claim and proposes a distinct perspective to construct an anti-capitalist alternative project based on the long-standing culture of meci, a solidarity-based practice rooted in voluntary participation without any expectation in return. The study first explores how meci has shaped everyday life in a historical context and then shifts its focus to the politically revitalized content of the culture prompted by the electoral success of a leftist political figure in the 2019 local elections. Inspired by the idea of creating cracks in capitalism, the study concludes by exploring whether meci could be understood through the lenses of the gift and the commons – two concepts that hold the potential to challenge the foundational principles of capitalism.
在社会科学的伟大传统中,寻求建立一个超越资本主义的未来被指责为没有现实基础。通过在土耳其里兹Fındıklı地区进行的实地调查,本研究挑战了这一说法,并提出了一个独特的视角来构建一个基于meci悠久文化的反资本主义替代项目,meci是一种基于团结的实践,根植于自愿参与,不期望任何回报。该研究首先探讨了meci如何在历史背景下塑造日常生活,然后将重点转移到2019年地方选举中左翼政治人物的选举成功所推动的文化的政治振兴内容。受到在资本主义中制造裂缝的想法的启发,这项研究通过探索是否可以通过礼物和公地的镜头来理解meci——这两个概念有可能挑战资本主义的基本原则。
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引用次数: 0
After the Arab Uprisings: Rejoinder to Reviewers 阿拉伯起义之后:对评论家的反驳
3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-19 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231200217
Valentine M. Moghadam
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引用次数: 0
A Revolutionary Spring? Reflections on After the Arab Uprisings 革命的春天?阿拉伯起义后的反思
3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-12 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231200190
Heidi Gottfried
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引用次数: 0
The Mobility–Immobility Dynamic and the ‘Fixing’ of Migrants’ Labour Power 流动-不流动动态与移民劳动力的“固定”
3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-12 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231197341
Sam Scott, Johan Fredrik Rye
Low-wage labour migration from lower- to higher-income economies has become a precondition for capital accumulation. As a part of this, neoliberal actors (businesses and states) strive to actively produce migrants with a strong work ethic. They do this in numerous ways. In this paper, we draw upon labour process theory to argue that a ‘mobility–immobility dynamic’ is a major way capital now controls precarious workers. The mobility–immobility dynamic relates to low-wage workers’ need to move (and often circulate) internationally but, once they have moved, a desire by businesses and states to keep them in place. The fixing of migrants both across space (through transnational mobility) and in place (through immobility) underlines the importance of a multi-scalar approach to understanding the control of the transnational working-class. We draw on evidence from European horticulture – 36 in-depth interviews with migrant workers, employers and community stakeholders in Norway and the United Kingdom – to highlight the mobility–immobility dynamic in practice.
低工资劳动力从低收入经济体向高收入经济体迁移,已成为资本积累的先决条件。作为其中的一部分,新自由主义行为体(企业和国家)努力积极培养具有强烈职业道德的移民。他们有很多方法来做到这一点。在本文中,我们利用劳动过程理论来论证“流动-不流动动态”是资本现在控制不稳定工人的主要方式。流动-不流动的动态关系到低薪工人需要在国际上流动(通常是流动),但一旦他们移动了,企业和国家又希望他们留在原地。跨越空间(通过跨国流动)和地点(通过不流动)对移民的固定,强调了用多尺度方法来理解跨国工人阶级控制的重要性。我们借鉴了欧洲园艺学的证据——对挪威和英国的移民工人、雇主和社区利益相关者进行了36次深度访谈——以突出实践中的流动-不流动动态。
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引用次数: 0
A Call for Counter-Public Sociology 反公共社会学的呼唤
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231195105
R. Mahadeo
This paper seeks to decenter the academy as the gatekeeper of knowledge, while presenting a critique of ‘public sociology’ and ‘public-facing’ scholarship. I argue that public sociology’s aim to make research more ‘accessible to a wider audience’ presupposes that the university has something to offer to this audience in the first place. This not-so-tacit arrogance only further privileges the university as the primary site of knowledge production, while rendering invisible the many knowledge producers outside the academy. As public sociology continues to curry favor with mainstream media, politics, and policy institutes, it reveals a steadfast faith in the state and capital, while obscuring radical alternatives. In turn, public sociology functions as a counterinsurgency tool via professionalization. Conversely, a counter-public sociology refuses to comply with oppressive state protocols. Instead, it seeks to dismantle them. A counter-public sociology aims not to affirm the university, but to insist that this current academic enterprise remains untenable.
本文试图将学术界作为知识的守门人的角色去中心化,同时对“公共社会学”和“面向公众”的学术进行批判。我认为,公共社会学的目标是使研究更“为更广泛的受众所接受”,其前提是大学首先要为这些受众提供一些东西。这种并非心照不宣的傲慢只会进一步赋予大学作为知识生产的主要场所的特权,同时使学院之外的许多知识生产者变得不可见。随着公共社会学继续讨好主流媒体、政治和政策机构,它显示出对国家和资本的坚定信念,同时掩盖了激进的替代方案。反过来,公共社会学通过专业化发挥反叛乱工具的作用。相反,反公共社会学拒绝遵守压迫性的国家协议。相反,它试图摧毁它们。反公共社会学的目的不是肯定大学,而是坚持认为当前的学术事业是站不住脚的。
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引用次数: 1
‘The Fire This Time’: The Long Crisis of Neoliberal Capitalist Accumulation and Spectre of Neofascism “这次的火”:新自由主义资本积累的长期危机和新法西斯主义的幽灵
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231195229
A. J. Ayers
The era since the Great Recession of 2008/9 has witnessed the rise and increased sway of numerous authoritarian-right movements, regimes and leaders across the globe. Such political developments remain inadequately understood; yet several commonplaces have emerged. First, a tendency to eschew critical enquiry of the range of forces on the radical right, in favour of collapsing such political developments into generalisations such as ‘populism’. Second, such over-generalisations have commonly elided analysis of neofascist forces, strategies and processes. Third, despite some engagement with ‘economic’ factors, examination of these political developments has largely eschewed the underlying organic crisis of neoliberal capital accumulation. This article critiques such commonplaces. The first section problematises the category of ‘populism’ as largely inadequate in understanding the complexity of forces and dynamics on the radical right. The subsequent section argues that an emergent or immanent neofascism exists within such political developments, outlining eight theses on the spectre of neofascism and the conditions that underpin the rise of elements of fascistic politics. The final section concludes with key aspects for an antifascism, arguing that opposing neofascism entails the transcendence of neoliberal capitalism itself. And a meaningful alternative to neoliberal state and capital requires us to look again to socialism.
自2008/9年大衰退以来,全球范围内出现了众多威权右翼运动、政权和领导人的崛起和影响力的增强。这种政治发展仍未得到充分理解;然而,也出现了一些司空见惯的现象。首先,倾向于回避对激进右翼势力范围的批判性调查,倾向于将这种政治发展归结为“民粹主义”等概括。其次,这种过度概括通常忽略了对新法西斯主义力量、战略和过程的分析。第三,尽管涉及到一些“经济”因素,但对这些政治发展的考察在很大程度上回避了新自由主义资本积累的潜在有机危机。这篇文章批评了这些陈词滥调。第一部分提出了“民粹主义”这一范畴的问题,认为它在很大程度上不足以理解激进右翼力量和动态的复杂性。接下来的部分认为,在这种政治发展中存在着一种新兴的或内在的新法西斯主义,概述了关于新法西斯主义幽灵和支撑法西斯政治要素崛起的条件的八篇论文。最后一节总结了反法西斯主义的关键方面,认为反对新法西斯主义需要超越新自由主义资本主义本身。新自由主义国家和资本的一个有意义的替代方案要求我们重新审视社会主义。
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引用次数: 0
‘I’m Not a Tenant They Can Just Run Over’: Low-Income Renters’ Experiences of and Resistance to Racialized Dispossessing “我不是一个他们可以随意碾压的租客”:低收入租客对种族化剥夺的经历和抵制
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231196284
Elizabeth Korver‐Glenn, Sofia Locklear
Racialized housing markets are a cornerstone of systemic racial inequality in the United States, affecting socioeconomic, wealth, health, and educational outcomes. To enrich critical sociological research on housing, we examine how low-income renters perceive, experience, and navigate racialized dispossessing, or the everyday processes by which people of color are severed from place, home, and stability in rental markets. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 43 low-income American Indian, Black, Latinx, and White renters across two research sites, we find that low-income renters of color routinely experience other-race landlord and property manager non-responsiveness to housing quality and safety issues while White renters experience responsiveness. We also show how renters of color perceive and experience landlords and property managers racializing them as inferior, at times to justify this dispossession. In contrast to most of their counterparts of color, we demonstrate how low-income American Indian renters in our sample with same-Tribe landlords or property managers are protected from the harms their counterparts face. Finally, we show how low-income renters of color use a variety of strategies to resist this racialized dispossessing, often at great emotional or financial cost. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for research and housing policy.
种族化的住房市场是美国系统性种族不平等的基石,影响着社会经济、财富、健康和教育成果。为了丰富对住房的批判性社会学研究,我们研究了低收入租房者如何感知、体验和驾驭种族化的剥夺,或者有色人种在租赁市场中与地方、家庭和稳定分离的日常过程。通过对43名低收入的美国印第安人、黑人、拉丁裔和白人租房者的深度访谈,我们发现有色人种的低收入租房者通常会遇到其他种族的房东和物业经理对住房质量和安全问题不回应的情况,而白人租房者则会有所回应。我们还展示了有色人种的租户如何感知和体验房东和物业经理将他们视为劣等种族,有时为这种剥夺辩护。与大多数有色人种相比,我们展示了在我们的样本中,与同一部落的房东或物业经理一起租房的低收入美国印第安人是如何免受他们的同伴所面临的伤害的。最后,我们展示了有色人种的低收入租房者如何使用各种策略来抵制这种种族化的剥夺,通常会付出巨大的情感或经济代价。最后,我们讨论了我们的研究结果对研究和住房政策的影响。
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Critical Sociology
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