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Beissinger, M. The Revolutionary City: Urbanization and the Global Transformation of Rebellion. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022. Beissinger, M. The Revolutionary City:Urbanization and the Global Transformation of Rebellion.Princeton:普林斯顿大学出版社,2022 年。
Pub Date : 2024-05-22 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00029
A. Anisin
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引用次数: 0
Theorising Girls Room Graff: Networking Affirmation to Counter Misogyny 女孩房间格拉夫理论化:通过网络肯定反对厌女症
Pub Date : 2024-05-03 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00027
Tracey Nicholls
The harmful impact of misogyny on women as we take part in public life is not a new problem. And despite its early promise as a space open to all, the online world has not tempered misogynistic responses to women having opinions. What is easier to see in online interaction is the ‘networking’ of misogyny— hostile commentators ‘piling on’ and coordinating harassment.I explore the need for solutions by surveying contemporary feminist analyses of online misogyny, and considering whether the ‘mobbing’ theorised in bullying literature might be useful in understanding ‘pile on’ behaviours. My case study, a 2013 Tumblr site called Girls Room Graff, archives graffiti taken from women’s public bathrooms in bars and restaurants, thereby serving a purpose subversive of networked misogyny: it piles on validation and affirmation to empower the reader. I argue this is one way of doing politics of care from a feminist peace studies standpoint.
在我们参与公共生活的过程中,厌女症对女性的有害影响并不是一个新问题。尽管网络世界早期曾承诺为所有人提供一个开放的空间,但它并没有减少对女性发表意见的厌恶反应。在网络互动中更容易看到的是厌女症的 "网络化"--充满敌意的评论者 "扎堆 "并协调骚扰行为。我通过调查当代女权主义者对网络厌女症的分析,探讨解决问题的必要性,并考虑欺凌文献中的 "聚众 "理论是否有助于理解 "扎堆 "行为。我的案例研究是一个名为 "女孩房间涂鸦"(Girls Room Graff)的 Tumblr 网站,该网站于 2013 年上线,将从酒吧和餐馆的女性公共浴室中截取的涂鸦归档,从而达到颠覆网络厌女症的目的:通过堆砌验证和肯定来增强读者的能力。我认为,从女权主义和平研究的角度来看,这也是关爱政治的一种方式。
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引用次数: 0
Avoiding the ‘Backfire Problem’: How Martin Luther King Jr. came to Ground his Nonviolent Activism in Personalism 避免 "事与愿违的问题":小马丁-路德-金如何以个人主义为基础开展非暴力活动
Pub Date : 2024-05-03 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00025
Paul E. Wilson
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. appears to have preferred nonviolent tactics for social justice that sidestepped the backfire problem. Given that he deployed approximately twenty-five nonviolent tactics, the number of options he chose not to deploy greatly outnumbers those he did deploy. Why? Both his circumstances and his philosophy shaped his preferences for nonviolent tactics. First, I explore how his preferred tactics embodied the praxis of his nonviolent personalism. Second, I explore the early introduction of King to pacifism and how this evolved during his graduate studies at Boston University. Third, I suggest that King drew upon his commitment to personalism to develop pragmatically his own approach to nonviolent activism, and that when King visited India, he was seeking practical support for his praxis of nonviolent activism. Finally, I reflect on how King’s praxis of nonviolent activism aimed to avoid the backfire problem.
小马丁-路德-金博士似乎更倾向于采用非暴力策略来实现社会正义,从而避免适得其反的问题。鉴于他采用了大约 25 种非暴力策略,他选择不采用的方案大大超过了他采用的方案。为什么呢?他所处的环境和他的理念决定了他对非暴力策略的偏好。首先,我探讨了他偏好的策略是如何体现他的非暴力个人主义实践的。其次,我探讨了金早期对和平主义的认识,以及和平主义在他在波士顿大学攻读研究生期间是如何演变的。第三,我认为金借鉴了他对个人主义的承诺,务实地发展了他自己的非暴力行动主义方法,当金访问印度时,他正在为他的非暴力行动主义实践寻求实际支持。最后,我将反思金的非暴力行动主义实践是如何避免适得其反问题的。
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引用次数: 0
A Daoist Political Leadership Approach to Nonviolence: The Case of Olof Palme 非暴力的道家政治领导方法:奥洛夫·帕尔梅的案例
Pub Date : 2023-10-18 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00020
Devin K. Joshi
Abstract This study develops a model of nonviolence leadership based on the prescient insights of the Daoist (Taoist) philosopher Laozi (a.k.a. Lao-tzu). This model is then illustrated in practice via a twentieth century political leader who largely embodied this approach to nonviolence. That leader is Olof Palme (1927-1986), former Prime Minister of Sweden (1969-76; 1982-86). As demonstrated here, Palme’s leadership style closely resembles the Daoist nonviolence leadership model and can serve as an inspiration to others seeking to eliminate violence and to increase peace. As this study concludes, the world might gain significantly were more leaders to adopt a similar approach.
摘要本研究以道家哲学家老子的先见之明为基础,发展了非暴力领导模式。这一模式随后通过一位20世纪的政治领袖在实践中得到了说明,他在很大程度上体现了这种非暴力方法。这位领导人就是奥洛夫·帕尔梅(1927-1986),瑞典前首相(1969-76);1982 - 86)。正如这里所展示的,帕尔梅的领导风格与道教的非暴力领导模式非常相似,可以为其他寻求消除暴力和促进和平的人提供灵感。正如这项研究得出的结论,如果更多的领导人采取类似的做法,世界可能会受益匪浅。
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引用次数: 0
Expanding Data on Unarmed Civilian Peacekeeping 扩充非武装平民维和数据
Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00018
Mayeul Kauffmann, Randy Janzen
Abstract This article presents recent research on the collection and organization of unarmed civilian peacekeeping ( ucp ) data and proposes a pathway to the creation of a rich, regularly updated database on ucp . The article sets out by giving an overview of the wealth of data on conventional (military) peacekeeping and related research, and raises the question about the need for a similar data wealth for ucp . Secondly, it describes the inventory of current ucp data, to highlight advances in knowledge as well as data collection challenges and critical information gaps. In the main part, the article then sets out what a more comprehensive data collection on ucp would need to take into account and what such a dataset could look like. To do so, it also draws on databases regarding nonviolent campaigns and other fields (health, aviation) to demonstrate the potential for future data collection methodologies and research, and to consider safeguarding issues. Finally, this article suggests four strategies to better structure existing ucp data in order to collect missing information on various research themes. The benefits of the resulting rich database, it argues, would be greater visibility of ucp , the production of data useful for various research programs, and insights to improve field practice.
本文介绍了非武装平民维和(ucp)数据的收集和组织方面的最新研究,并提出了建立一个丰富、定期更新的ucp数据库的途径。本文首先概述了常规(军事)维和行动和相关研究的大量数据,并提出了对联合维和行动是否需要类似数据的问题。其次,它描述了当前ucp数据的清单,以突出知识的进步以及数据收集的挑战和关键的信息差距。在主要部分,文章阐述了一个更全面的关于ucp的数据收集需要考虑到什么,以及这样一个数据集应该是什么样子。为此,它还利用关于非暴力运动和其他领域(卫生、航空)的数据库,以展示未来数据收集方法和研究的潜力,并考虑保障问题。最后,本文提出了四种策略,以更好地组织现有的ucp数据,以收集各种研究主题的缺失信息。报告认为,由此产生的丰富数据库的好处将是提高ucp的可见性,为各种研究项目提供有用的数据,以及改进实地实践的见解。
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引用次数: 0
Breaking the Culture of Silence and Women’s Protection Groups in North and South Kivu (Democratic Republic of Congo) 北基伍省和南基伍省打破沉默文化和妇女保护团体(刚果民主共和国)
Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00015
Jeremy Allouche, Sohela Nazneen, Mushi Mugumo, Eustache Kuliumbwa Lulego, Irene Hamuli
Abstract Dynamics of a protracted conflict and restrictive norms and customs have created gender specific vulnerabilities for women living in rural areas of the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo ( drc ). Despite a growing awareness about women’s rights and protection needs among state actors and local authorities, women’s agency to break the culture of silence around violence remain limited. Based on extensive field work with selected communities in North and South Kivu in eastern drc , we analyse how this culture of silence limits the agency of individual women to seek self-protection. We also examine the role of women’s groups in these study areas and the strategies these groups use to advocate for their self and collective protection needs. We argue that the use of various frames to gain support of stakeholders, creating informal networks with key figures to gain access, and building allies among men have enabled women members of these groups to challenge restrictive norms around women’s access to decision-making spaces and visibilised their presence in public and break the culture of silence. We also point out that the sustainability of these mechanisms is open to question and backlash against women’s groups remains a possibility.
长期冲突的动态和限制性规范和习俗给生活在刚果民主共和国东部农村地区的妇女造成了特定性别的脆弱性。尽管国家行为体和地方当局对妇女权利和保护需求的认识日益提高,但妇女在打破围绕暴力的沉默文化方面的作用仍然有限。基于对刚果民主共和国东部北基伍省和南基伍省选定社区的广泛实地工作,我们分析了这种沉默文化如何限制了个体妇女寻求自我保护的能力。我们还研究了妇女团体在这些研究领域中的作用,以及这些团体用于倡导其自我和集体保护需求的策略。我们认为,使用各种框架来获得利益相关者的支持,与关键人物建立非正式网络以获得访问权,并在男性之间建立盟友,使这些群体的女性成员能够挑战围绕女性进入决策空间的限制性规范,并在公共场合露面,打破沉默文化。我们还指出,这些机制的可持续性存在问题,对妇女团体的反弹仍有可能。
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引用次数: 0
Credible messengers, formers, and anti-war veterans: Former fighters as resources for violence/war disruption 可信的信使,前任和反战老兵:前战士作为暴力/战争破坏的资源
Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00016
M.S. Wallace
Abstract This article considers an unlikely source for non-militarized approaches to disrupting war and other forms of violence: fighters themselves. How can engaging with fighters/former fighters realize novel forms of violence/war disruption across various contexts, and what are the barriers to and implications of such engagement? Fighters’ exit from their armed organizations can be a source of violence/war disruption in two ways: first, through the sheer act of leaving and thereby diminishing the fighting capability of an armed organization, and, second, through using their credibility as former fighters to engage in activism to influence other current fighters, as well as the broader public, to refuse participation in or support for violence/war. Examining the work of “credible messengers,” “formers,” and anti-war veterans to disrupt street violence, extremist violence, and wartime violence, respectively, reveals surprising commonalities among them, as well as strikingly different reactions to their respective forms of disengagement/refusal and the policies they require.
本文考虑了一个不太可能的非军事化方法来破坏战争和其他形式的暴力的来源:战士自己。如何与战斗人员/前战斗人员进行接触才能在各种情况下实现暴力/战争破坏的新形式,这种接触的障碍和影响是什么?战斗人员退出其武装组织可能以两种方式成为暴力/战争中断的根源:第一,通过纯粹的离开行为,从而削弱武装组织的作战能力;第二,通过利用其作为前战斗人员的信誉从事行动主义,影响其他当前战斗人员以及更广泛的公众,拒绝参与或支持暴力/战争。通过对“可信的信使”、“前辈”和反战老兵在扰乱街头暴力、极端主义暴力和战时暴力方面的工作的考察,我们发现了他们之间令人惊讶的共性,以及对他们各自的脱离/拒绝形式和他们所需要的政策的截然不同的反应。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Enacting Peace Amid Violence: Nonviolent Civilian Agency in Violent Conflict 引言:在暴力中实现和平:暴力冲突中的非暴力民间机构
Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00019
Berit Bliesemann de Guevara, Jeremy Allouche, Felicity Gray
Abstract Worldwide, civilians experiencing violence make agential choices about how they interact with conflict landscapes. This special issue assembles contributions that specifically deepen our understanding of nonviolent civilian agency amid violence. Our Introduction embeds these contributions in a wider overview of the study of civilian agency in war. First, we unpack the state/military versus civilian binary upon which dominant scholarship’s idea of agency in violent conflict is often still based and show how this has contributed to an analytical gap in our understanding of nonviolent civilian action. We then provide an overview of the growing literature that has started to fill this gap and discuss how its recentering of nonviolence and civilian agency enables a more nuanced understanding of conflict management and transformation across diverse contexts. Finally, we provide an overview of the contributions to this special issue and how they take the state of the art of scholarly work forward.
在世界范围内,经历暴力的平民对他们如何与冲突环境互动做出代理选择。本期特刊汇集了一些特别加深我们对暴力中的非暴力民间机构的理解的文章。我们的引言将这些贡献纳入对战争中的民事机构研究的更广泛的概述。首先,我们剖析了国家/军队与平民的二元对立,这是主导学者关于暴力冲突中的能动性的观点的基础,并展示了这是如何导致我们对非暴力平民行动的理解出现分析缺口的。然后,我们概述了越来越多的文献,这些文献已经开始填补这一空白,并讨论了非暴力和民间机构的重新中心如何使人们对不同背景下的冲突管理和转变有更细致的理解。最后,我们概述了对本期特刊的贡献,以及他们如何推动学术工作的发展。
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引用次数: 0
Indigenous Geopolitics: Creating Indigenous Spaces of Community Self-Protection and Peace Amid Violent Conflict 本土地缘政治:在暴力冲突中创造社区自我保护与和平的本土空间
Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00013
Nerve Valerio Macaspac
Abstract This article examines the social and spatial dimensions of civilian agency amid violent conflicts, specifically focusing on the daily work required from indigenous community members in the upkeep of a peace zone as a space of peace and self-protection amid insurgency and counterinsurgency. Using the concept of indigenous geopolitics as an analytical framework, it argues that indigenous spaces of self-protection require the simultaneous processes of collective refusal of state or non-state violence toward indigenous peoples and the re-inscription of indigenous sovereignty within the nation-state. Through case study vignettes, it illustrates the agentive capacities and power of indigenous peoples as geopolitical actors. Rather than viewing indigenous communities as ‘passive victims’ of violent conflicts or excluded from state-centric geopolitical discourses and processes, this article reveals that indigenous agency transforms spaces of conflict and violence and generates and creates new or alternative spaces of unarmed civilian protection and peace outside of the purview of state and non-state armed actors. At stake is a re-thinking or destabilizing of dominant state-centric geopolitical processes that govern contemporary understanding of civilian protection, war, conflict, and peace.
本文考察了暴力冲突中民间机构的社会和空间维度,特别关注土著社区成员在叛乱和反叛乱中维持和平区作为和平与自我保护空间所需的日常工作。本文以土著地缘政治的概念作为分析框架,认为土著自我保护的空间需要同时集体拒绝国家或非国家对土著人民的暴力,并在民族国家内重新铭文土著主权。通过案例研究,它说明了土著人民作为地缘政治行动者的代理能力和力量。本文没有将土著社区视为暴力冲突的“被动受害者”,或被排除在以国家为中心的地缘政治话语和进程之外,而是揭示了土著机构改变了冲突和暴力的空间,并在国家和非国家武装行动者的范围之外产生和创造了新的或替代的非武装平民保护与和平空间。利害攸关的是重新思考或破坏主导的以国家为中心的地缘政治进程,这些进程支配着当代对平民保护、战争、冲突与和平的理解。
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引用次数: 0
The Partisans: Civilian Support & Indirect Violence 游击队:平民支持& &;间接暴力
Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1163/27727882-bja00014
Shane Joshua Barter
Abstract Although also victims, there is a growing appreciation that civilians are actors in civil wars. Scholarship on civilian agency shows how their decisions impact well-being and shape conflict dynamics. Civilians are increasingly framed as impartial forces resisting armed groups and cultivating peace. However, civilians are as likely to support armed groups and deepen violence. This paper seeks to better understand civilian partisanship. I frame forms of civilian support that enhance the coercive capacities of armed groups as ‘indirect violence’. Some forms of support, such as refusing to provide information or protesting enemy abuses, may reduce violence, while providing food or medicine is more neutral. Other actions, such as contributing funds, intelligence, recruits, and weapons, enable armed groups to carry out violence. That civilians contribute indirect violence does not mean they are not victims, but may call their innocence into question, providing a sober account of civilians in civil war.
平民虽然也是受害者,但越来越多的人认识到,平民也是内战的参与者。民间机构的学术研究表明,他们的决定如何影响福祉和塑造冲突动态。平民越来越被视为抵抗武装团体和促进和平的公正力量。然而,平民也同样可能支持武装团体并加剧暴力。本文试图更好地理解民间党派之争。我将加强武装团体强制能力的文职支助形式定义为“间接暴力”。某些形式的支持,如拒绝提供信息或抗议敌人的虐待行为,可能会减少暴力,而提供食物或药品则更为中立。其他行动,如提供资金、情报、新兵和武器,使武装团体能够实施暴力。平民参与间接暴力并不意味着他们不是受害者,但可能会使他们的清白受到质疑,从而为内战中的平民提供一个清醒的解释。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Pacifism and Nonviolence
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