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The Disruptive Power of Policy Erasure: How State Legislators and School Boards Fail to Take up Trans-affirming Policies While Leaning into Anti-LGBTQ+ Policies 政策抹杀的破坏力:州议员和校董会如何在倾向于反 LGBTQ+ 政策的同时,却未能采取跨性别肯定政策
IF 1.8 3区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-27 DOI: 10.1177/08959048231218206
Mollie T. McQuillan, Benjamin A. Lebovitz, LaShanda Harbin
Since 2017, hostile anti-LGBTQ+ educational bills rapidly expanded. Using traditional and critical policy analysis across three Midwestern states, we examine (1) whether state and local policymakers ( n = 60) adopted trans-inclusive protections aligned with the 2017 federal Whitaker ruling, (2) the spread and scope of state and local educational policies concerning LGBTQ+ people, and (3) relationships between LGBTQ and critical race theory (CRT) curricular bills. We find policy erasure in states without pre- Whitaker gender-inclusive nondiscrimination laws and expanded efforts to ban LGBTQ+ students from educational opportunities, spaces, and curriculum. LGBTQ+ and CRT curricular bans overlapped. We discuss the implications of policymakers leaning into exclusion over gender reforms.
自 2017 年以来,敌意的反 LGBTQ+ 教育法案迅速扩张。通过对中西部三个州进行传统和批判性政策分析,我们考察了(1)州和地方决策者(n = 60)是否采取了与 2017 年联邦惠特克案裁决一致的跨性别包容性保护措施,(2)州和地方有关 LGBTQ+ 人士的教育政策的传播和范围,以及(3)LGBTQ 与批判性种族理论(CRT)课程法案之间的关系。我们发现,在惠特克案之前没有性别包容性非歧视法律的州,政策受到了侵蚀,而禁止 LGBTQ+ 学生参与教育机会、空间和课程的努力却在扩大。LGBTQ+ 与 CRT 课程禁令重叠。我们讨论了政策制定者倾向于排斥而非性别改革的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Towards Anti-Carceral Leadership: Remaking Public Schools to Refuse Black Students’ Surveillance, Containment, and Control 走向反糜烂的领导力:重塑公立学校,拒绝黑人学生的监视、遏制和控制
IF 1.8 3区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-27 DOI: 10.1177/08959048231220024
DeMarcus A. Jenkins, Chezare A. Warren
The social movement for #PoliceFreeSchools (and the adjacent campaign on college and university campuses called #PoliceFreeCampuses) welcomes an opportunity to reimagine school discipline and safety in contradistinction to current carceral forms. Scholars have moved away from notions of “school to prison pipeline” by demonstrating the many ways schools are organized as carceral spaces (e.g., school-prison nexus). A conceptual framework of Anti-carceral leadership is put forward in this paper to underscore the need for a leadership paradigm that actively refuses the logics of the carceral state (e.g., social control). The paper underscores how the logics of antiblackness may sustain mechanisms of social control in education policy intended to undo racialized harm. The tensions of be(com)ing an anti-carceral leader and its significance for undoing technologies of punishment, confinement, and constraint that reinforce schooling as a site of Black pain and suffering are discussed.
#PoliceFreeSchools "社会运动(以及与之相邻的在大学校园开展的 "#PoliceFreeCampuses "运动)为我们提供了一个机会,重新认识学校的纪律和安全,使之与当前的监禁形式相区别。学者们通过展示学校作为监禁空间的多种组织方式(如学校与监狱的联系),摒弃了 "从学校到监狱的管道 "的概念。本文提出了 "反监禁领导力 "的概念框架,强调需要一种积极拒绝监禁国家逻辑(如社会控制)的领导力范式。本文强调了反黑人逻辑是如何在教育政策中维持旨在消除种族伤害的社会控制机制的。本文讨论了成为反胴体领导者的紧张关系及其对消除惩罚、禁锢和约束技术的意义,这些技术强化了学校教育,使其成为黑人痛苦和苦难的场所。
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引用次数: 0
How State Education Leaders Supported Students’ Access to Education Amidst the COVID-19 Crisis: Lessons for Policy 州教育领导者如何在 COVID-19 危机中支持学生接受教育:政策借鉴
IF 1.8 3区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-25 DOI: 10.1177/08959048231220374
Hayley Weddle, Ayesha K. Hashim, Ogechi N. Irondi
While recent research provides insights into how district and school leaders responded to the extraordinary disruptions created by the COVID-19 pandemic, less is known about the role of influential state-level education leaders during the crisis. In this paper, we draw on interviews with state leaders to examine their efforts to support students’ access to education during the pandemic. Findings reveal how state leaders engaged in local-level capacity building, advocacy, and collaboration to promote continuity of education. However, their work was complicated by limited capacity at the state level, political tensions, local control, and pervasive stress over time. The paper concludes with implications for policymakers to better prepare for future crises.
最近的研究深入探讨了地区和学校领导人如何应对 COVID-19 大流行病造成的异常混乱,但对有影响力的州级教育领导人在危机中的作用却知之甚少。在本文中,我们通过对州领导人的访谈,研究了他们在大流行病期间为支持学生接受教育所做的努力。研究结果揭示了州领导如何参与地方层面的能力建设、宣传和合作,以促进教育的连续性。然而,由于州一级的能力有限、政治关系紧张、地方控制以及随着时间推移普遍存在的压力,他们的工作变得更加复杂。本文最后提出了对政策制定者的启示,以更好地应对未来的危机。
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引用次数: 0
Status Quo or Innovation? Transforming Teacher Education in Hostile Times 现状还是创新?敌对时代的师范教育变革
IF 1.8 3区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-07 DOI: 10.1177/08959048231220059
Cory T. Brown
Teacher education is at a critical crossroads as colleges and schools of education contend with decreased student enrollment, legislative strategizing to limit what is taught, and general pushback regarding what teachers should learn about teaching and their students. As such, the field of teacher education must examine how to collectively rebuff the current movement by policy makers and elected officials who have formalized their desire to maintain the status quo in education. They continue to lobby against social justice in education, critical race theory, multicultural perspectives in teaching, and culturally responsive and relevant pedagogical approaches to classroom instruction, among others. This paper examines the current moment in educational history and highlights opportunities that may transform teacher education policy to become more justice centered.
师范教育正处于一个关键的十字路口,因为教育学院和学校面临着学生入学率下降、立法策略限制教学内容,以及对教师和学生应该学习什么的普遍反对。因此,教师教育领域必须研究如何共同抵制决策者和民选官员当前的运动,他们已经正式确定了维持教育现状的愿望。他们继续游说反对教育中的社会公正、批判性种族理论、教学中的多元文化视角以及课堂教学中的文化回应和相关教学方法等。本文探讨了教育史上的这一时刻,并强调了可能改变师范教育政策,使其更加以正义为中心的机遇。
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引用次数: 0
Positionality in the Politics of Education: Mapping the Strategies and Constraints of Education Reformers 教育政治中的立场问题:绘制教育改革者的战略与制约因素图
IF 1.8 3区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-05 DOI: 10.1177/08959048231220038
J. E. Trinidad
The success and failure of education reform policies often depend on the strategies of reformers. This article suggests a framework to understand the positionality of reformers, as they vary in their strategy (i.e., technical vs. relational) and focus for change (i.e., process- vs. outcomes-focused). Using the case of individuals who initiated new data systems in Chicago, Philadelphia, and New York City, the study discusses four groups of reformers: Engineers privilege efficient technical fixes that may be resisted by people on the ground. Capacity-builders focus on empowering schools but may lead to variable successes. Framers research and disseminate ideas to reframe policy and political discourses. Table-setters leverage their social networks and financial resources but may challenge democratic decision-making. As schools continue to be sites of political debates and challenges, the concept of positionality can clarify how reformers promote particular changes and can suggest possibilities for positions to constructively complement each other.
教育改革政策的成败往往取决于改革者的策略。本文提出了一个框架来理解改革者的立场,因为他们的策略(即技术性与关系性)和改革重点(即注重过程与注重结果)各不相同。本研究以芝加哥、费城和纽约市启动新数据系统的个人为例,讨论了四类改革者:工程师追求高效的技术解决方案,而这些解决方案可能会受到实地人员的抵制。能力建设者专注于增强学校的能力,但可能导致不稳定的成功。框架制定者研究并传播各种想法,以重构政策和政治话语。表态者利用其社会网络和财政资源,但可能会挑战民主决策。随着学校继续成为政治辩论和挑战的场所,"立场 "的概念可以阐明改革者如何促进特定的变革,并提出立场之间建设性互补的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Recasting Race-Conscious Admissions: Sylvia Wynter and Higher Education Policy After “Man” 重塑种族意识招生:西尔维亚-温特与 "人 "之后的高等教育政策
IF 1.8 3区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-28 DOI: 10.1177/08959048231218207
Zachary Brown
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引用次数: 0
Ensuring Educational Continuity in the Midst of Crisis: Policy and Planning During the COVID-19 Pandemic 在危机中确保教育的连续性:COVID-19 大流行期间的政策和规划
IF 1.8 3区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-11 DOI: 10.1177/08959048231215488
Alexandria Hurtt, Sherrie Reed, Kramer Dykeman, Justin Luu
As the COVID-19 crisis disrupted schooling, recovery efforts in California included the adoption of Senate Bill (SB) 98, which mandated local educational agencies to complete Learning Continuity and Attendance Plans (LCPs). These plans act as critical snapshots of sensemaking and local policy implementation during crisis; however, their details have yet to be explored statewide. Through a multiphase, mixed methods approach, this study examines the legislative requirements of a state-level policy that orchestrated large-scale local planning. Results reveal that SB-98 recombined prior educational routines to fit the pandemic context. Moreover, district plans generally adhered to policy guidance and described a range of resources to support students. However, the limited details contained in most plans—particularly about the actions and services for students that may need additional supports—proffer suggestive evidence of local capacity and will during the global pandemic and the implications for those seeking to implement similar policy measures.
由于 COVID-19 危机扰乱了学校教育,加利福尼亚州的恢复工作包括通过参议院法案 (SB) 98,该法案要求地方教育机构完成 "学习连续性和出勤计划"(LCP)。这些计划是危机期间感性认识和地方政策实施的重要缩影,但其细节尚未在全州范围内进行探讨。本研究采用多阶段、混合方法,对一项州级政策的立法要求进行了研究,该政策协调了大规模的地方规划。结果显示,SB-98 重新组合了以前的教育常规,以适应大流行病的环境。此外,地区计划普遍遵守了政策指导,并描述了一系列支持学生的资源。然而,大多数计划中包含的细节有限,特别是关于为可能需要额外支持的学生采取的行动和提供的服务,这为全球大流行期间地方的能力和意愿提供了暗示性证据,并对那些寻求实施类似政策措施的地方产生了影响。
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引用次数: 0
The accountability paradigm post-NCLB: Policy Ideas and Moral Narratives 国家协调理事会之后的问责范式:政策理念与道德叙事
IF 1.8 3区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-03 DOI: 10.1177/08959048231215487
Erin J. Heys
For decades, policymakers in the U.S. have leveraged accountability policy as a governing tool to lift school performance and close the achievement gap. Accountability become so widespread that it arguably became a “policy paradigm” with the passage of the federal No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act in 2002. Yet after just 13 years of implementation, policymakers replaced NCLB with the Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA), which gave states more control over the policy tools and mechanisms to regulate school improvement. This qualitative project captured the evolution of the accountability paradigm by studying the policy ideas and moral narratives of policy elites in California and Tennessee during the transition period between NCLB and ESSA. The study finds that interview participants legitimized the core design features of ESSA, but attached their underlying worldviews and beliefs to the flexible design features, which created unique accountability models with different institutional arrangements.
几十年来,美国的政策制定者一直将问责制政策作为提高学校表现和缩小成绩差距的管理工具。随着2002年《不让一个孩子掉队法案》(NCLB)的通过,问责制变得如此普遍,可以说它成为了一种“政策范式”。然而,仅仅实施了13年,政策制定者就用《每个学生成功法案》(ESSA)取代了NCLB,该法案赋予各州更多的权力来控制政策工具和机制,以规范学校的改进。这个定性项目通过研究加州和田纳西州政策精英在NCLB和ESSA之间的过渡时期的政策理念和道德叙述,捕捉了问责范式的演变。研究发现,受访者认同ESSA的核心设计特征,但将其潜在的世界观和信念附加到灵活的设计特征上,从而形成了不同制度安排下独特的问责模式。
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引用次数: 0
Impacts of Viewpoint Diversity Law on Teaching and Learning in Florida’s State Universities 观点多样性法对佛罗里达州立大学教学的影响
IF 1.8 3区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-28 DOI: 10.1177/08959048231215485
Allan Barsky, D. Groton, Christine Spadola
This study explores the impact of Florida House Bill 233 on teaching and learning in Florida’s State University System. This bill purports to promote intellectual freedom and viewpoint diversity by permitting students to record classes and by creating a cause of action for faculty violating these principles. Faculty were invited to share qualitative feedback about the specific impacts of the two provisions. The vast majority of faculty expressed negative views of these provisions, suggesting they would inhibit intellectual freedom and viewpoint diversity by deterring student participation in classes, discouraging faculty from engaging students in discussions of certain topics, and creating an atmosphere of mistrust between faculty and students. Faculty with positive views of the recording provision suggested that these provisions promote intellectual freedom and viewpoint diversity by discouraging faculty from imposing their views and giving students a remedy if they feel that faculty are violating their rights.
本研究探讨了佛罗里达州众议院第 233 号法案对佛罗里达州立大学系统教学的影响。该法案旨在通过允许学生录制课堂以及为违反这些原则的教职员工创造诉讼理由来促进知识自由和观点多样性。教职员工应邀就这两项规定的具体影响分享了定性反馈意见。绝大多数教师对这两项规定持否定态度,认为它们会阻碍学生参与课堂、阻止教师与学生讨论某些话题,并在师生之间制造不信任的气氛,从而抑制知识自由和观点多样性。对记录条款持积极看法的教师认为,这些条款通过阻止教师将自己的观点强加给学生,并在学生认为教师侵犯了他们的权利时给予学生补救措施,从而促进了知识自由和观点多样性。
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引用次数: 0
State Postsecondary Boards as Policy Influencers During the Early Stages of COVID-19 国家高等教育委员会在COVID-19早期阶段的政策影响
3区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-13 DOI: 10.1177/08959048231204338
Raquel M. Rall, Demetri L. Morgan, Felecia Commodore, Daniel A. Collier, Dan Fitzpatrick
In an era where many states’ postsecondary education governance dynamics are evolving, we set out to understand whether state-level governing boards with centralized governance functions affected institutions’ decisions to engage in in-person instruction during the fall of 2020, the first fall of the Covid-19 pandemic. We examined sociopolitical features related to the strength of governance functions of centralized state boards. The data alluded to linkages between Republican control and lower bachelor’s degree attainment linking (β = −.45) with weaker centralized governance. We also found a negative effect from increased centralized governance functions (β = −.12) to in-person instruction at public 4-year institutions for fall 2020. This paper gives a real-time opportunity to see if the characteristics of governing boards influence return to campus.
在许多州的高等教育治理动态不断发展的时代,我们着手了解具有集中治理职能的国家级管理委员会是否影响了2020年秋季(Covid-19大流行的第一个秋季)期间机构进行面对面教学的决定。我们考察了与中央集权国家委员会治理职能强度相关的社会政治特征。数据暗示了共和党控制与较低的学士学位之间的联系(β = - 0.45)与较弱的集中治理之间的联系。我们还发现,2020年秋季公立四年制大学的集中治理功能(β = - 0.12)增加对面对面教学的负面影响。本文提供了一个实时的机会,看看董事会的特点影响是否回到校园。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Educational Policy
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