Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.3
І. В. Мацишина
The article examines the phenomenon of policy effectiveness in terms of the concept of political opportunities. The concept is presented in the form of opportunities that affect the mobilization of the population. The author provides a retrospective of the analysis and modification of the theory of political opportunities in terms of expanding structures. This allows us to put forward a hypothesis about a wide range of properties of the political system, which, through a combination of formal and informal procedures and strategies, can activate new structures of political opportunities. And while in the classical sense the structures themselves are based on the formality of openness/closure of political institutions, activities of political elites and control over the exercise of power, informal procedures have not yet been sufficiently studied. The article concludes that the structures of political opportunities can change as a result of certain political events that are intensified in the public field. This may indicate the level of public policy that is a product of formal and informal procedures of structural pressure of political opportunities. Informal procedures and strategies that are activated within the formal activities of political institutions, the political elite and controlling instruments can influence the change of the political system. This does not deny the openness or closure of the system. It may indicate the structural impact of political opportunities on the transformation of the system itself. Informal procedures can look like both a confrontational element of political opportunity structures and a facilitative (or cooperative) element of structures. And this can indicate not only the form of pressure, but also the form of mobilization of the public movement. Where the classical openness/closedness of political institutions, the activities of political elites and control over the exercise of power are the result of the structural pressure of informal procedures.
{"title":"Структури політичних можливостей: нові виміри публічної політики","authors":"І. В. Мацишина","doi":"10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.3","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the phenomenon of policy effectiveness in terms of the concept of political opportunities. The concept is presented in the form of opportunities that affect the mobilization of the population. The author provides a retrospective of the analysis and modification of the theory of political opportunities in terms of expanding structures. This allows us to put forward a hypothesis about a wide range of properties of the political system, which, through a combination of formal and informal procedures and strategies, can activate new structures of political opportunities. And while in the classical sense the structures themselves are based on the formality of openness/closure of political institutions, activities of political elites and control over the exercise of power, informal procedures have not yet been sufficiently studied. The article concludes that the structures of political opportunities can change as a result of certain political events that are intensified in the public field. This may indicate the level of public policy that is a product of formal and informal procedures of structural pressure of political opportunities. Informal procedures and strategies that are activated within the formal activities of political institutions, the political elite and controlling instruments can influence the change of the political system. This does not deny the openness or closure of the system. It may indicate the structural impact of political opportunities on the transformation of the system itself. Informal procedures can look like both a confrontational element of political opportunity structures and a facilitative (or cooperative) element of structures. And this can indicate not only the form of pressure, but also the form of mobilization of the public movement. Where the classical openness/closedness of political institutions, the activities of political elites and control over the exercise of power are the result of the structural pressure of informal procedures.","PeriodicalId":477981,"journal":{"name":"Політичне життя","volume":"97 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136305028","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.10
Х. М. Мацьопа
In the article, the author made an attempt to reveal the specifics of the use of information technologies by modern Ukrainian politicians in the processes of shaping public opinion. It is determined that the rapid development of information technology has opened up completely new ways of forming public opinion and led to the emergence of previously unknown forms of its demonstration through the same technologies. The main ways of influencing public opinion with the help of IT include: expressing public opinion through value judgments, for example, in online surveys; expressing public opinion through social behavior on the Internet; expressing public opinion through value judgments on the Internet; expressing public opinion through various user activities. At the same time, it is emphasized that the use of the spectrum of information technologies to influence public opinion is accompanied by various manipulation techniques used by political journalism and implemented through information resources. It has been established that in Ukraine, the use of information technology in the process of forming public opinion has been developing in recent decades. A real leap in the use of information technology can be observed with the coming to power of Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Volodymyr Zelenskyy's team used unconventional methods in the election campaign, and also relied on the use of social media. The 2019 presidential election in Ukraine brought many innovations to Ukrainian politics, including the possibility of actively involving information technology in the election race. It is noted that for the first time in the history of the media space, there is not only the formation of public opinion by the authorities, but also a sense of feedback from Ukrainian society. The author notes that 2022 was a year of real consolidation due to the creation of a wide network of new information resources based on modern IT. In the first months of the war, social media, in particular, acted as a united front not only to inform but also to unite the Ukrainian nation.
{"title":"Специфіка використання інформаційних технологій у формуванні громадської думки в сучасній Україні","authors":"Х. М. Мацьопа","doi":"10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.10","url":null,"abstract":"In the article, the author made an attempt to reveal the specifics of the use of information technologies by modern Ukrainian politicians in the processes of shaping public opinion. It is determined that the rapid development of information technology has opened up completely new ways of forming public opinion and led to the emergence of previously unknown forms of its demonstration through the same technologies. The main ways of influencing public opinion with the help of IT include: expressing public opinion through value judgments, for example, in online surveys; expressing public opinion through social behavior on the Internet; expressing public opinion through value judgments on the Internet; expressing public opinion through various user activities. At the same time, it is emphasized that the use of the spectrum of information technologies to influence public opinion is accompanied by various manipulation techniques used by political journalism and implemented through information resources. It has been established that in Ukraine, the use of information technology in the process of forming public opinion has been developing in recent decades. A real leap in the use of information technology can be observed with the coming to power of Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Volodymyr Zelenskyy's team used unconventional methods in the election campaign, and also relied on the use of social media. The 2019 presidential election in Ukraine brought many innovations to Ukrainian politics, including the possibility of actively involving information technology in the election race. It is noted that for the first time in the history of the media space, there is not only the formation of public opinion by the authorities, but also a sense of feedback from Ukrainian society. The author notes that 2022 was a year of real consolidation due to the creation of a wide network of new information resources based on modern IT. In the first months of the war, social media, in particular, acted as a united front not only to inform but also to unite the Ukrainian nation.","PeriodicalId":477981,"journal":{"name":"Політичне життя","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136305032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.2
С. В. Козир
The article is devoted to the analysis of the nature of territories as a subject of global competition. It was determined that solving the problems of territorial competitiveness research involves the need to avoid excessive emphasis on direct competition between territories in order to maintain a balance between competition and cooperation; recognition that productivity growth and, as a result, income growth is an important component of the likely development goals of the territory; determination that the achievement of socio-economic goals of the territory requires the development of internal democratic mechanisms necessary for the political process. The article proves that gradually in the genesis of the theory of territorial competitiveness, the issues of competition and competitiveness pass to the concept of attractiveness, especially at the level of subnational territories. It is determined that the attractiveness of the territories refers to the dual ability, firstly, to attract and maintain the population of the territory by offering it an appropriate standard of living and, secondly, to attract or create competitive activities. This is the result of an effective combination between the strategies and trajectories of local actors and the ability of the territory to define its specific offer that will distinguish it from others. Compared to territorial competitiveness, attractiveness refers to a more global strategy that aims not only at economic sustainability, but also at environmental and socio-cultural sustainability, based on the principle of "territorial capital". It is concluded that the components of the competitiveness of territories, as subjects of global competition, should include the ability of cities/regions/states: to attract and continue economic activity, to produce goods and services that meet the requirements of wider regional, national and international markets, to ensure a high level life for its citizens, compared to citizens of other countries, to produce and absorb innovations, to form competitive clusters, to ensure high labor productivity, and to provide institutional conditions for direct democracy and local decision-making autonomy.
{"title":"Території як суб’єкт глобальної конкуренції","authors":"С. В. Козир","doi":"10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.2","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the analysis of the nature of territories as a subject of global competition. It was determined that solving the problems of territorial competitiveness research involves the need to avoid excessive emphasis on direct competition between territories in order to maintain a balance between competition and cooperation; recognition that productivity growth and, as a result, income growth is an important component of the likely development goals of the territory; determination that the achievement of socio-economic goals of the territory requires the development of internal democratic mechanisms necessary for the political process. The article proves that gradually in the genesis of the theory of territorial competitiveness, the issues of competition and competitiveness pass to the concept of attractiveness, especially at the level of subnational territories. It is determined that the attractiveness of the territories refers to the dual ability, firstly, to attract and maintain the population of the territory by offering it an appropriate standard of living and, secondly, to attract or create competitive activities. This is the result of an effective combination between the strategies and trajectories of local actors and the ability of the territory to define its specific offer that will distinguish it from others. Compared to territorial competitiveness, attractiveness refers to a more global strategy that aims not only at economic sustainability, but also at environmental and socio-cultural sustainability, based on the principle of \"territorial capital\". It is concluded that the components of the competitiveness of territories, as subjects of global competition, should include the ability of cities/regions/states: to attract and continue economic activity, to produce goods and services that meet the requirements of wider regional, national and international markets, to ensure a high level life for its citizens, compared to citizens of other countries, to produce and absorb innovations, to form competitive clusters, to ensure high labor productivity, and to provide institutional conditions for direct democracy and local decision-making autonomy.","PeriodicalId":477981,"journal":{"name":"Політичне життя","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136305452","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.1
Т. В. Гончарук-Чолач, Р. Ю. Чигур, Н. В. Джугла
The article examines the problem of interpreting power by explaining its phenomenon through dominance, manifested in supremacy, the subject’s monopoly on decision-making, as well as object control. In particular, attention is drawn to the fact that society cannot be without power as it resists anarchy, destruction, and the means by which political power exercises its will are authority, law and violence. It follows that, on the one hand, power is associated with coercion, force, and violence, and on the other, with consent, voluntary submission, and legitimacy. Special attention is paid to various differences in the image of political power, which imply the presence of two aspects in power relations: one consists in the compulsion to submit, and the other, on the contrary, in agreement with it. An important problem that is also raised in the article is the identification of the close relationship between political power and violence, since it was born to solve the problems of security and state building and gradually acquired a monopoly on the use of violence, which became the most important tool of public administration. Also, in their research, the authors pay attention to various concepts of the interpretation of power, while special attention is paid to the Marxist doctrine of power and the influence of ideology on it. The purpose of the study is to explore different approaches to understanding power through the prism of its influence on the processes of domination. Special emphasis is placed on the fact that today only a strong political power, guided by principles built on authority, influence and law, will be able to protect citizens and their interests. It is such a power that will be able to faithfully and legitimately make the right decisions and be responsible for their implementation.
{"title":"Особливості тлумачення влади через панування","authors":"Т. В. Гончарук-Чолач, Р. Ю. Чигур, Н. В. Джугла","doi":"10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.1","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the problem of interpreting power by explaining its phenomenon through dominance, manifested in supremacy, the subject’s monopoly on decision-making, as well as object control. In particular, attention is drawn to the fact that society cannot be without power as it resists anarchy, destruction, and the means by which political power exercises its will are authority, law and violence. It follows that, on the one hand, power is associated with coercion, force, and violence, and on the other, with consent, voluntary submission, and legitimacy. Special attention is paid to various differences in the image of political power, which imply the presence of two aspects in power relations: one consists in the compulsion to submit, and the other, on the contrary, in agreement with it. An important problem that is also raised in the article is the identification of the close relationship between political power and violence, since it was born to solve the problems of security and state building and gradually acquired a monopoly on the use of violence, which became the most important tool of public administration. Also, in their research, the authors pay attention to various concepts of the interpretation of power, while special attention is paid to the Marxist doctrine of power and the influence of ideology on it. The purpose of the study is to explore different approaches to understanding power through the prism of its influence on the processes of domination. Special emphasis is placed on the fact that today only a strong political power, guided by principles built on authority, influence and law, will be able to protect citizens and their interests. It is such a power that will be able to faithfully and legitimately make the right decisions and be responsible for their implementation.","PeriodicalId":477981,"journal":{"name":"Політичне життя","volume":"129 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136304782","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.6
О. Л. Тупиця
The article is devoted to the study of the problems of the application of crisis communication technologies in the field of party management. Crisis communication is actively used in the field of public administration and in the field of business process management. Taking into account the fact that a political party is a kind of "political enterprise", uses marketing technologies in its activities, is constantly in a competitive environment and functions within the boundaries of the political market, certain elements of crisis communication that are used in the field of public administration and business environment may be relevant for the field of party management.During the decades of its development, party structures experienced crisis phenomena caused by the expansion of electoral rights and the emergence of new social groups, the crisis of classical ideologies and the spread of post-material values, the spread of populism and the emergence of decentralized party structures. At each of these stages, political parties either qualitatively changed their own structure and integrated into the new political reality, or their structure underwent a decline, which consisted in party splits and subsequent absorption by more effective structures.The purpose of the article was to consider the main crisis trends that may threaten party structures at the current stage, the mechanisms of their prevention and resolution. Solving the specified research tasks necessitated the use of a wide range of methods, such as historical, comparative, institutional, and structural-functional.As a result of the research, it is possible to develop a generalized model of crisis communication that can be applied in the field of party management. This model consists of the following stages, among which it is possible to distinguish: creation of a plan of anti-crisis measures taking into account all possible scenarios of the development of the crisis; adequately assess the scale and threats posed by crisis phenomena at the initial stage; rationally distribute responsibilities within the team for the implementation of anti-crisis measures; create an informative message that would clearly answer the most pressing questions. It should be short and as specific as possible to significantly narrow the range of its possible interpretations; the message must be disseminated through a relevant communication channel; build an effective feedback system, which should be aimed both at the internal party environment and to obtain a reaction from external stakeholders.
{"title":"Елементи кризової комунікації у процесах партійного менеджменту","authors":"О. Л. Тупиця","doi":"10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.6","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the study of the problems of the application of crisis communication technologies in the field of party management. Crisis communication is actively used in the field of public administration and in the field of business process management. Taking into account the fact that a political party is a kind of \"political enterprise\", uses marketing technologies in its activities, is constantly in a competitive environment and functions within the boundaries of the political market, certain elements of crisis communication that are used in the field of public administration and business environment may be relevant for the field of party management.During the decades of its development, party structures experienced crisis phenomena caused by the expansion of electoral rights and the emergence of new social groups, the crisis of classical ideologies and the spread of post-material values, the spread of populism and the emergence of decentralized party structures. At each of these stages, political parties either qualitatively changed their own structure and integrated into the new political reality, or their structure underwent a decline, which consisted in party splits and subsequent absorption by more effective structures.The purpose of the article was to consider the main crisis trends that may threaten party structures at the current stage, the mechanisms of their prevention and resolution. Solving the specified research tasks necessitated the use of a wide range of methods, such as historical, comparative, institutional, and structural-functional.As a result of the research, it is possible to develop a generalized model of crisis communication that can be applied in the field of party management. This model consists of the following stages, among which it is possible to distinguish: creation of a plan of anti-crisis measures taking into account all possible scenarios of the development of the crisis; adequately assess the scale and threats posed by crisis phenomena at the initial stage; rationally distribute responsibilities within the team for the implementation of anti-crisis measures; create an informative message that would clearly answer the most pressing questions. It should be short and as specific as possible to significantly narrow the range of its possible interpretations; the message must be disseminated through a relevant communication channel; build an effective feedback system, which should be aimed both at the internal party environment and to obtain a reaction from external stakeholders.","PeriodicalId":477981,"journal":{"name":"Політичне життя","volume":"182 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136305208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.15
Н. О. Наталіна
The article explores democratisation as a global trend in forming a new world order. The author defines this term as a generalised name for a range of processes, phenomena, developmental trends, and political practices that determine systemic global shifts, encompassing their sequence, content, nature, subjectivity, and future prospects. The evolution of the world order comprises a multifaceted and multi-layered patchwork of asynchronous shifts across various levels (local territories, states, regions, globally) and in diverse domains, including global technological advances, economic elements, environmental concerns, and socio-cultural transitions. While the decisions or actions of distinct actors might momentarily influence the pace of these changes—either slowing or hastening them in specific sectors or levels—such subject-driven impacts can't entirely alter the subjectless trends that guide the general momentum and orientation of transformation.Using methods from applied political and correlation analysis, the author posits that democratisation, as a characteristic of the world order, has its inherent dynamics and tempo, leading to the asynchrony of political shifts in the contemporary world order. This asynchrony is manifested, among other things, in the uneven dissemination of democratic institutions and practices at the levels of specific regions and states, the coexistence of monarchical and republican governance structures, and the adoption of select democratic institutions and practices by autocratic governments. The asynchronicity and diversity of political systems worldwide require adopting and transforming democratic institutions. These changes are influenced by various elements of the world order, including the global economic framework, the evolution of information and communication systems, and migration patterns. The rising polarisation, antagonism, crisis in political representation, and direct actions for global justice spur the search for innovative public policy models and consensus-building strategies. The author concludes that despite stratifying forces, such as subject-driven authoritarian rollbacks, democratisation persists as the predominant subjectless trend in the world order.
{"title":"Асинхронність демократизації як глобальний тренд формування нового світопорядку","authors":"Н. О. Наталіна","doi":"10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.15","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores democratisation as a global trend in forming a new world order. The author defines this term as a generalised name for a range of processes, phenomena, developmental trends, and political practices that determine systemic global shifts, encompassing their sequence, content, nature, subjectivity, and future prospects. The evolution of the world order comprises a multifaceted and multi-layered patchwork of asynchronous shifts across various levels (local territories, states, regions, globally) and in diverse domains, including global technological advances, economic elements, environmental concerns, and socio-cultural transitions. While the decisions or actions of distinct actors might momentarily influence the pace of these changes—either slowing or hastening them in specific sectors or levels—such subject-driven impacts can't entirely alter the subjectless trends that guide the general momentum and orientation of transformation.Using methods from applied political and correlation analysis, the author posits that democratisation, as a characteristic of the world order, has its inherent dynamics and tempo, leading to the asynchrony of political shifts in the contemporary world order. This asynchrony is manifested, among other things, in the uneven dissemination of democratic institutions and practices at the levels of specific regions and states, the coexistence of monarchical and republican governance structures, and the adoption of select democratic institutions and practices by autocratic governments. The asynchronicity and diversity of political systems worldwide require adopting and transforming democratic institutions. These changes are influenced by various elements of the world order, including the global economic framework, the evolution of information and communication systems, and migration patterns. The rising polarisation, antagonism, crisis in political representation, and direct actions for global justice spur the search for innovative public policy models and consensus-building strategies. The author concludes that despite stratifying forces, such as subject-driven authoritarian rollbacks, democratisation persists as the predominant subjectless trend in the world order.","PeriodicalId":477981,"journal":{"name":"Політичне життя","volume":"141 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136304769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.4
М. А. Польовий, В. О. Тарасюк
The purpose of this article is to analyze the theoretical foundations of modeling as a scientific method, which is considered as a promising tool for researching public policy processes.It has been proven that modeling is a broader concept than building models. This concept includes conclusions by analogy as its integral part. Actually, the analogy implies the relationship between the model already given in one way or another and the original, which comes from the political environment, and the result of the study of the model in this case is assumed to be known. It is noted that the concept of the modeling method also includes the very process of building a model or finding it in nature. An important stage in the application of the modeling method is the study of the built model, obtaining the necessary information with its help and, finally, transferring the conclusions regarding the model to the original.It was determined that during the construction, further research of the model and the transfer of the conclusions obtained regarding the model to its original, they rely on the above-described analogy procedures and proceed from the degree of conformity of the model to object modeling. Usually, in the form of models, objects that are equivalent to the original in the relations that interest us, in whole or in part, are used. In the first case, we are talking about isomorphic models, in the second - about homomorphic models. In the case of homomorphic mapping, the purpose of modeling is to implement one or another way of mapping the space of states (parameters or properties) of the object under study to another, in the accepted sense, similar space of smaller dimensions. It is noted that the processes of simplification of the original within the limits allowed by the conditions of the study are of a general nature.It is concluded that there remain many issues for further research, among which the problems of typology, comparative adequacy and effectiveness of models intended for researching different types of public policy processes are highlighted.
{"title":"Теоретичні засади моделювання публічно-політичних процесів","authors":"М. А. Польовий, В. О. Тарасюк","doi":"10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.4","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this article is to analyze the theoretical foundations of modeling as a scientific method, which is considered as a promising tool for researching public policy processes.It has been proven that modeling is a broader concept than building models. This concept includes conclusions by analogy as its integral part. Actually, the analogy implies the relationship between the model already given in one way or another and the original, which comes from the political environment, and the result of the study of the model in this case is assumed to be known. It is noted that the concept of the modeling method also includes the very process of building a model or finding it in nature. An important stage in the application of the modeling method is the study of the built model, obtaining the necessary information with its help and, finally, transferring the conclusions regarding the model to the original.It was determined that during the construction, further research of the model and the transfer of the conclusions obtained regarding the model to its original, they rely on the above-described analogy procedures and proceed from the degree of conformity of the model to object modeling. Usually, in the form of models, objects that are equivalent to the original in the relations that interest us, in whole or in part, are used. In the first case, we are talking about isomorphic models, in the second - about homomorphic models. In the case of homomorphic mapping, the purpose of modeling is to implement one or another way of mapping the space of states (parameters or properties) of the object under study to another, in the accepted sense, similar space of smaller dimensions. It is noted that the processes of simplification of the original within the limits allowed by the conditions of the study are of a general nature.It is concluded that there remain many issues for further research, among which the problems of typology, comparative adequacy and effectiveness of models intended for researching different types of public policy processes are highlighted.","PeriodicalId":477981,"journal":{"name":"Політичне життя","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136304766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.9
О. П. Іваницька
The article dwells on the phenomenon of historical memory in theoretical and practical terms. It is noted that historical memory is an important means of forming a nation, national identity and national consciousness. It is indicated that the assessment of the past is a very fragile construct, which was established within the clash of political and corporate interests, ideological guidelines, and that its distortion or ignoring leads to the escalation of “memory wars” and further division of public space. It is proved that a joint idea of the past of their state is a vital basis for rallying the people on the way to solving the problems facing the state. Historical memory establishes not only the causal link from the past to the future through the modern, but also affects the assessment characteristics of the past, and the retrospective vision of our present.The author analyzes the attitude to the past, its evaluation, using the example of Spain, which, among other things, went through a long and bloody Civil War and almost 40 years of authoritarian regime in the twentieth century. It is noted that the Spanish version of the transition from an authoritarian regime to democracy is exemplary. The mainstay of the Spanish democratic transit was the agreement of the leading political forces on national reconciliation, and the rejection of their ideological preferences and slogans during the transit. This arrangement was in effect for 30 years. It was the coming to power of the ISRP that gave impetus to a return to the reassessment of the historical past.The article analyzes the Law on Democratic Memory adopted by the socialist government, its extremely ideological orientation, its challenges and threats to the social stability of modern Spain.
{"title":"Феномен історичної пам’яті в політичних процесах сучасної Іспанії","authors":"О. П. Іваницька","doi":"10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.9","url":null,"abstract":"The article dwells on the phenomenon of historical memory in theoretical and practical terms. It is noted that historical memory is an important means of forming a nation, national identity and national consciousness. It is indicated that the assessment of the past is a very fragile construct, which was established within the clash of political and corporate interests, ideological guidelines, and that its distortion or ignoring leads to the escalation of “memory wars” and further division of public space. It is proved that a joint idea of the past of their state is a vital basis for rallying the people on the way to solving the problems facing the state. Historical memory establishes not only the causal link from the past to the future through the modern, but also affects the assessment characteristics of the past, and the retrospective vision of our present.The author analyzes the attitude to the past, its evaluation, using the example of Spain, which, among other things, went through a long and bloody Civil War and almost 40 years of authoritarian regime in the twentieth century. It is noted that the Spanish version of the transition from an authoritarian regime to democracy is exemplary. The mainstay of the Spanish democratic transit was the agreement of the leading political forces on national reconciliation, and the rejection of their ideological preferences and slogans during the transit. This arrangement was in effect for 30 years. It was the coming to power of the ISRP that gave impetus to a return to the reassessment of the historical past.The article analyzes the Law on Democratic Memory adopted by the socialist government, its extremely ideological orientation, its challenges and threats to the social stability of modern Spain.","PeriodicalId":477981,"journal":{"name":"Політичне життя","volume":"128 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136305219","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.14
О. М. Кіндратець
The article examines the influence of political regimes, in particular democratic ones, on interstate relations. Determined factors that largely caused the emergence of the theory of "democratic world" in the 90s of the XX century. Among these factors is globalization and the growth of the number of democratic countries in the world.Features of democratic countries that explain their peaceful foreign policy, attempts to avoid military resolution of conflicts with other countries and preference for diplomatic ways of solving problems are defined. Attention is drawn to the fact that peaceful relations are preserved, first of all, in the dyad of liberal-democratic countries.The main provisions of the theory of the democratic world and its critics are considered. Critics point to the complexity of predicting the behavior of democratic countries and the probabilistic nature of the democratic world in conditions of uncertainty, non-linear development, threats, and risks.Democratic countries can also be at war. The choice of war as a way to resolve disputed issues with other countries depends both on the features of the democratic regime, its consolidation, resources, and on the nature of existing threats and possible ways of protecting against them. The article examines the political motivation of the government's actions and points out that it can be inherent in countries with both authoritarian and democratic regimes.Changes in the world security system are considered in the article. It is noted that the number of democratic countries in the world is now decreasing, while the number of autocracies is increasing.The world is predicted to enter the period of bifurcation. It is noted that the international and regional security systems were unable to prevent the emergence of new wars, which may turn into a world war, and therefore require changes and reforms.
{"title":"Вплив демократичного режиму на характер міждержавних відносин","authors":"О. М. Кіндратець","doi":"10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.14","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the influence of political regimes, in particular democratic ones, on interstate relations. Determined factors that largely caused the emergence of the theory of \"democratic world\" in the 90s of the XX century. Among these factors is globalization and the growth of the number of democratic countries in the world.Features of democratic countries that explain their peaceful foreign policy, attempts to avoid military resolution of conflicts with other countries and preference for diplomatic ways of solving problems are defined. Attention is drawn to the fact that peaceful relations are preserved, first of all, in the dyad of liberal-democratic countries.The main provisions of the theory of the democratic world and its critics are considered. Critics point to the complexity of predicting the behavior of democratic countries and the probabilistic nature of the democratic world in conditions of uncertainty, non-linear development, threats, and risks.Democratic countries can also be at war. The choice of war as a way to resolve disputed issues with other countries depends both on the features of the democratic regime, its consolidation, resources, and on the nature of existing threats and possible ways of protecting against them. The article examines the political motivation of the government's actions and points out that it can be inherent in countries with both authoritarian and democratic regimes.Changes in the world security system are considered in the article. It is noted that the number of democratic countries in the world is now decreasing, while the number of autocracies is increasing.The world is predicted to enter the period of bifurcation. It is noted that the international and regional security systems were unable to prevent the emergence of new wars, which may turn into a world war, and therefore require changes and reforms.","PeriodicalId":477981,"journal":{"name":"Політичне життя","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136305233","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.13
Б. В. Голянич, В. Р. Вакуленко
The article examines the history of development and the prerequisites for the creation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. It was established that the prerequisite for the creation of the mentioned organization was the promotion of China's foreign policy, the maintenance of diplomatic relations with neighboring countries, the resolution of territorial disputes left over from Soviet times, the development of mutual trust of the military on the border, and China's energy security.To date, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization includes nine member states: India, Kazakhstan, China, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, the Russian Federation, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Iran; three observer states; fourteen dialogue partners.The purpose of the organization is defined, namely: strengthening mutual trust and good-neighborly friendship between member states, encouraging effective cooperation between member states in the political, economic and trade, scientific and technological spheres, culture, education, energy, transport, tourism and other spheres, maintaining and guaranteeing regional peace, security and stability, promoting the establishment of a democratic, fair and reasonable new international political and economic order.Within the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, a number of meetings are held on a regular basis: meetings of heads of state, heads of government and foreign ministers, meetings of leaders of parliaments, national security secretaries and other government ministers, as well as conferences of government ministers, heads of law enforcement agencies, judges and generals prosecutors, etc.The Shanghai Cooperation Organization is actively expanding external relations and establishing official relations with international and regional organizations, such as the UN, ASEAN, CIS, EurAsEC, EAEU.The main prospective areas of activity and development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization have been studied.
{"title":"Шанхайська організація співробітництва: історія, стан та перспективи","authors":"Б. В. Голянич, В. Р. Вакуленко","doi":"10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31558/2519-2949.2023.3.13","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the history of development and the prerequisites for the creation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. It was established that the prerequisite for the creation of the mentioned organization was the promotion of China's foreign policy, the maintenance of diplomatic relations with neighboring countries, the resolution of territorial disputes left over from Soviet times, the development of mutual trust of the military on the border, and China's energy security.To date, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization includes nine member states: India, Kazakhstan, China, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, the Russian Federation, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Iran; three observer states; fourteen dialogue partners.The purpose of the organization is defined, namely: strengthening mutual trust and good-neighborly friendship between member states, encouraging effective cooperation between member states in the political, economic and trade, scientific and technological spheres, culture, education, energy, transport, tourism and other spheres, maintaining and guaranteeing regional peace, security and stability, promoting the establishment of a democratic, fair and reasonable new international political and economic order.Within the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, a number of meetings are held on a regular basis: meetings of heads of state, heads of government and foreign ministers, meetings of leaders of parliaments, national security secretaries and other government ministers, as well as conferences of government ministers, heads of law enforcement agencies, judges and generals prosecutors, etc.The Shanghai Cooperation Organization is actively expanding external relations and establishing official relations with international and regional organizations, such as the UN, ASEAN, CIS, EurAsEC, EAEU.The main prospective areas of activity and development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization have been studied.","PeriodicalId":477981,"journal":{"name":"Політичне життя","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136305445","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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