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The Empty Promise of Compassionate Conservatism: A Reply to Judge Wilkinson 富有同情心的保守主义的空洞承诺:对威尔金森法官的答复
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2004-03-01 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.462521
William P. Marshall
In his recently essay, Why Conservative Jurisprudence Is Compassionate, Judge J. Harvie Wilkinson's defends conservative jurisprudence against a claim that he believes unfairly derogates the normative attractiveness of conservative jurisprudence - specifically that conservative jurisprudence lacks compassion. To Judge Wilkinson, conservative jurisprudence, properly understood, can "more than hold [its] own" against its liberal counterpart in the compassion debate. This essay responds to Judge Wilkinson's thesis. It first articulates the arguments advanced by Judge Wilkinson in support of his thesis but then suggests that even if his contentions hold some resonance, they still fall short of the goal of defending contemporary conservative jurisprudence as compassionate. To begin with, Judge Wilkinson's arguments are essentially only negative points about the purported over-use of compassion in liberal jurisprudence; they are not positive propositions suggesting that conservatism has its own unique vision or understanding of compassion. Moreover, Judge Wilkinson's attempt to defend conservative jurisprudence is misplaced because the conservatism he describes is not contemporary conservative jurisprudence. Rather contemporary conservative jurisprudence, in order to achieve its desired results, is marked with the exact same jurisprudential deficiencies that Judge Wilkinson condemns in liberal jurisprudence. Finally, Judge Wilkinson's attempt to defend contemporary conservative thought against liberal attack is misdirected because the liberal/conservative dichotomy he describes is not the primary line that currently divides the conservative and liberal camps. The division is not between a jurisprudence that inappropriately responds to individual poignancies and one that relies on sharp lines and collective concerns. Rather the essential division is between a liberal jurisprudence geared to protecting the marginalized groups in society versus a conservative jurisprudence that tends to reinforce the existing powers of dominant groups. As this essay demonstrates, conservatives have taken their role in protecting entrenched interests quite seriously. They have expanded the constitutional rights of already powerful interests. They have opposed liberal attempts to increase the constitutional protections accorded marginalized groups. They have invalidated legislative attempts that would reduce the disparities between the powerful and the marginalized in the political marketplace. They have consistently resisted both constitutional and legislative attempts to increase the access of disadvantaged litigants to courts of justice. Accordingly, the essay contends that the claim that such a jurisprudence is "compassionate" is difficult to sustain.
在他最近的一篇文章《为什么保守法理学是富有同情心的》中,J. Harvie Wilkinson法官为保守法理学辩护,反对他认为不公平地贬低保守法理学的规范性吸引力的说法——特别是保守法理学缺乏同情心。对威尔金森法官来说,保守的法理学,如果得到正确的理解,在关于同情的辩论中,可以“比自由的法理学更有优势”。这篇文章回应了威尔金森法官的论点。它首先阐明了威尔金森法官提出的支持他的论点的论点,但随后表明,即使他的论点引起了一些共鸣,他们仍然没有达到捍卫当代保守法理学为富有同情心的目标。首先,威尔金森法官的论点基本上只是关于自由主义法学中所谓的过度使用同情的负面观点;它们并不是积极的主张,表明保守主义对同情有自己独特的看法或理解。此外,威尔金森法官试图为保守主义法理学辩护是错误的,因为他所描述的保守主义并不是当代的保守主义法理学。更确切地说,当代保守主义法理学为了达到其预期的结果,带有威尔金森法官在自由主义法理学中所谴责的完全相同的法理学缺陷。最后,威尔金森法官试图捍卫当代保守思想免受自由主义攻击的企图是错误的,因为他所描述的自由主义/保守主义二分法并不是目前划分保守主义和自由主义阵营的主要界线。这种区分并不存在于一种不恰当地回应个人痛苦的法理学和一种依赖于尖锐线条和集体关切的法理学之间。自由主义法理学倾向于保护社会中的边缘群体,而保守主义法理学则倾向于加强主导群体的现有权力。正如本文所表明的那样,保守派相当认真地对待自己在保护既得利益方面的角色。它们扩大了本已强大的利益集团的宪法权利。他们反对自由派试图增加对边缘群体的宪法保护。它们使旨在缩小政治市场中强者和边缘人之间差距的立法努力无效。他们一贯抵制宪法和立法方面增加弱势诉讼当事人诉诸法院的机会的努力。因此,本文认为,这种法理学是“富有同情心”的主张是难以维持的。
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引用次数: 0
Selection Effects in Constitutional Law 宪法中的选择效应
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2004-03-01 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.523542
Adrian Vermeule
The standard consequentialist analysis of constitutional law focuses on the incentives that shape the behavior of government officials and other constitutional actors. Incentive-based accounts justify elections as a means of constraining officials to promote the public welfare, or at least the welfare of the median voter; justify the separation of powers as a means of making "ambition counteract ambition"; justify negative liberties, such as free speech and free association, as a necessary corrective to incumbent officials' incentives to suppress political opposition; and so forth. In this experimental essay I offer a preliminary sketch of a different way of looking at constitutional law generally and constitutional structure in particular: through the lens of "selection effects." Constitutional rules, on this account, should focus not only on the creation of optimal incentives for those who happen to occupy official posts at any given time, but also on the question which (potential) officials are selected to occupy those posts over time. Where an incentive analysis is short-term and static, asking only how legal rules affect the behavior of a given set of officeholders, selection analysis is long-term and dynamic, asking how legal rules themselves produce feedback effects that, over time, bring new types of government officials into power. This turn to selection-based analysis yields fresh insight into the dynamics of constitutionalism. Because constitutional rules affect the pool of potential and actual officeholders, as well as the behavior of current officeholders, focusing on selection effects shows that some constitutional rules prove "self-stabilizing": the rules tend to select a corps of officeholders who will act to uphold and stabilize the rules themselves. Other constitutional rules, by contrast, prove "self-negating": the rules tend to select a corps of officeholders who work to undermine or destabilize the rules themselves. This framework supplies insights into diverse areas of constitutional law and theory, ranging from governmental structure, campaign finance and voting rights to criminal sentencing, free speech, and affirmative action.
对宪法的标准结果主义分析侧重于影响政府官员和其他宪法行为者行为的激励因素。基于激励的解释证明选举是一种约束官员促进公共福利的手段,或者至少是中间选民的福利;证明三权分立是一种使“野心抵消野心”的手段;证明言论自由和结社自由等负面自由是对现任官员压制政治反对派动机的必要纠正;等等。在这篇实验文章中,我提供了一个初步的概述,从一个不同的角度来看待宪法,特别是宪法结构:通过“选择效应”的镜头。因此,宪法规则不仅应注重为那些在任何时候碰巧担任公职的人创造最佳的奖励,而且还应注重长期挑选哪些(潜在)官员担任这些职务的问题。激励分析是短期和静态的,只询问法律规则如何影响一组特定官员的行为,而选择分析是长期和动态的,询问法律规则本身如何产生反馈效应,随着时间的推移,这种反馈效应会使新型政府官员上台。这种转向以选择为基础的分析产生了对宪政动态的新见解。由于宪法规则影响的是潜在和实际公职人员的数量,以及现任公职人员的行为,因此关注选择效应表明,一些宪法规则具有“自我稳定”的特点:规则倾向于选择一群自己维护和稳定规则的公职人员。相比之下,其他宪法规定则被证明是“自我否定”的:这些规定倾向于选择一群致力于破坏或破坏这些规定的公职人员。这个框架提供了对宪法法律和理论的不同领域的见解,从政府结构、竞选资金和投票权到刑事判决、言论自由和平权行动。
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引用次数: 67
Solving the Nuisance-Value Settlement Problem: Mandatory Summary Judgment 解决妨害赔偿问题:强制性简易判决
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2004-03-01 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.485242
D. Rosenberg, Randy J. Kozel
The nuisance-value settlement problem arises whenever a litigant can profitably initiate a meritless claim or defense and offer to settle it for less than it would cost the opposing litigant to have a court dismiss the claim or defense on a standard motion for merits review like summary judgment. The opposing litigant confronted with such a nuisance-value claim or defense rationally would agree to settle for any amount up to the cost of litigating to have it dismissed. These settlement payoffs skew litigation outcomes away from socially appropriate levels, undermining the deterrence and compensation objectives of civil liability. Yet current procedural rules are inadequate to foreclose nuisance-value strategies. Class action is commonly thought to exacerbate the nuisance-value settlement problem to the systematic disadvantage of defendants. This concern has contributed to the growing support among courts and commentators for subjecting class actions to precertification merits review (PCMR), generally understood as conditioning class certification on prior screening of class claims for some threshold level of merit. This article proposes mandatory summary judgment (MSJ) as a solution to the problem of nuisance-value settlement in class actions and in civil litigation generally. Essentially, MSJ denies judicial enforceability to any settlement agreement entered into before the nuisance-value claim or defense has been submitted for merits review on a motion for summary judgment or other standard dispositive motion. Assessing the potential costs of the MSJ solution, we conclude that neither the opportunity for evading MSJ strictures nor the possibility of adding expenses to the settlement of non-nuisance-value litigation outweighs the benefits of MSJ. MSJ will be most cost-effective in the class action context, given the already existing general requirements of judicial review and approval of class action settlements, but MSJ should also prove beneficial in preempting nuisance-value strategies outside of class actions in the standard separate action context. With the MSJ solution set out, the article moves finally to offering a more exhaustive analysis of the theoretical soundness and practical efficacy of MSJ in the class action context, where its marginal benefits are arguable the greatest. First, the article challenges the commonly held belief that class action certification exacerbates the nuisance-value settlement problem, attempting to displace the conventional understanding of complex litigation with a new conceptual framework based on the recharacterization of the class action as part of a continuum of litigation processes rather than an isolated litigation mechanism. Second, the article provides a comparative analysis of MSJ and PCMR as solutions to the nuisance-value problems that do exist in the class action context, concluding that MSJ presents the superior and more cost-effective option.
滋扰价值和解问题出现在诉讼当事人提起无价值的索赔或辩护并提出以低于对方诉讼当事人要求法院驳回索赔或辩护的标准动议(如即决判决)的成本的情况下。面对这样的滋扰价值索赔或辩护,对方当事人会理性地同意和解,支付诉讼费用的任何金额,以使其被驳回。这些和解费用使诉讼结果偏离了社会适宜的水平,破坏了民事责任的威慑和赔偿目标。然而,目前的程序规则不足以取消妨害价值策略。集体诉讼通常被认为加剧了妨害赔偿问题,使被告在制度上处于不利地位。这一关切促使法院和评论员越来越多地支持将集体诉讼置于认证前案情审查(PCMR)之下,这通常被理解为对集体索赔进行预先筛选,以达到某种价值门槛水平,从而限制集体认证。针对集体诉讼和一般民事诉讼中的妨害赔偿问题,提出了强制即决判决制度。本质上,MSJ否认司法强制执行任何和解协议之前签订的滋扰价值索赔或辩护已提交的案情审查动议即决判决或其他标准的处分动议。评估MSJ解决方案的潜在成本,我们得出的结论是,无论是逃避MSJ限制的机会,还是增加非滋扰价值诉讼解决费用的可能性,都不会超过MSJ的好处。考虑到现有的司法审查和批准集体诉讼和解的一般要求,MSJ在集体诉讼背景下将是最具成本效益的,但在标准的单独诉讼背景下,MSJ在集体诉讼之外的妨害价值策略方面也应证明是有益的。随着MSJ解决方案的提出,文章最后提供了一个更详尽的分析,MSJ在集体诉讼背景下的理论合理性和实践有效性,其中其边际效益是有争议的最大。首先,本文挑战了普遍持有的集体诉讼认证加剧了滋扰价值解决问题的观点,试图用一个新的概念框架取代对复杂诉讼的传统理解,该框架基于将集体诉讼重新描述为诉讼过程的一部分,而不是孤立的诉讼机制。其次,本文对集体诉讼中存在的妨害价值问题进行了比较分析,认为MSJ的解决方案更优,更具成本效益。
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引用次数: 8
The federal common law origins of judicial jurisdiction: Implications for modern doctrine 司法管辖权的联邦普通法渊源:对现代学说的启示
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2004-03-01 DOI: 10.2307/3202428
James M. Weinstein
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引用次数: 9
Corporations, Society and the State: A Defense of the Corporate Tax 公司、社会和国家:为公司税辩护
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2004-03-01 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.516202
R. Avi-Yonah
This article attempts to provide the first comprehensive rationale for defending the current corporate income tax. It argues that the usual reasons given for the tax (primarily as an indirect way of taxing shareholders, or alternatively as a form of benefit tax) are inadequate. It then explains what the original rationale to adopt this tax was in 1909, namely to regulate managerial power, and that this rationale stems from the "real" view of the corporation, which was the dominant view throughout the many transformations underwent by the corporate form from Roman times to the present. Turning to normative argument, the article then argues that the regulatory rationale given for taxing corporations in 1909 is still valid, since similar social conditions continue to exist, and in fact is strengthened by the rise of multinational enterprises. Finally, the article argues that this rationale is necessary from a normative perspective to support the fight against the two crucial current threats to the corporate tax posed by the corporate tax shelter and tax competition phenomena.
本文试图提供第一个全面的理由来捍卫现行的企业所得税。它认为,通常给出的征税理由(主要是作为对股东征税的一种间接方式,或者作为一种利益税的形式)是不充分的。然后,它解释了1909年采用这种税收的最初理由是什么,即规范管理权力,并且这种理由源于公司的“真实”观点,这是从罗马时代到现在公司形式经历的许多转变中占主导地位的观点。转向规范性论点,文章随后认为,1909年对公司征税的监管理由仍然有效,因为类似的社会条件继续存在,事实上,跨国企业的崛起加强了这一点。最后,本文认为,从规范的角度来看,这一理论基础是必要的,以支持对抗企业避税和税收竞争现象对公司税构成的两个关键威胁。
{"title":"Corporations, Society and the State: A Defense of the Corporate Tax","authors":"R. Avi-Yonah","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.516202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.516202","url":null,"abstract":"This article attempts to provide the first comprehensive rationale for defending the current corporate income tax. It argues that the usual reasons given for the tax (primarily as an indirect way of taxing shareholders, or alternatively as a form of benefit tax) are inadequate. It then explains what the original rationale to adopt this tax was in 1909, namely to regulate managerial power, and that this rationale stems from the \"real\" view of the corporation, which was the dominant view throughout the many transformations underwent by the corporate form from Roman times to the present. Turning to normative argument, the article then argues that the regulatory rationale given for taxing corporations in 1909 is still valid, since similar social conditions continue to exist, and in fact is strengthened by the rise of multinational enterprises. Finally, the article argues that this rationale is necessary from a normative perspective to support the fight against the two crucial current threats to the corporate tax posed by the corporate tax shelter and tax competition phenomena.","PeriodicalId":47840,"journal":{"name":"Virginia Law Review","volume":"90 1","pages":"1193"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2004-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67755060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 49
"Lyons v. Oklahoma," the NAACP, and Coerced Confessions under the Hughes, Stone, and Vinson Courts, 1936-1949 “里昂诉俄克拉何马”,全国有色人种协进会,以及休斯、斯通和文森法院的逼供,1936-1949
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2004-03-01 DOI: 10.2307/3202431
John F. Blevins
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引用次数: 1
"Zelman's" Evolving Legacy: Selective Funding of Secular Private Schools in State School Choice Programs 泽尔曼的《不断演变的遗产:州立学校选择计划中世俗私立学校的选择性资助》
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2003-12-01 DOI: 10.2307/3202370
Colleen Smith
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引用次数: 3
Dworkin's Fallacy, or What the Philosophy of Language Can't Teach Us About the Law 德沃金的谬误,或语言哲学无法教会我们的关于法律的东西
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2003-12-01 DOI: 10.2307/3202369
Michael S. Green
Although philosophers of law display an impressive diversity of opinion, they usually agree about one thing: Their discipline is closely connected to the philosophy of language. The extent of agreement on this point can be seen in the recent flood of books and articles exploring the connections between the two fields. In this Essay, I will argue that much of this literature is based upon a mistake. The philosophy of language generally has no jurisprudential consequences. The fact that so many philosophers of law have thought otherwise has seriously hampered progress in the field, and not just because time, effort, and paper have been wasted. Theories about the law have been accepted or rejected for the wrong reasons - on the basis of arguments about language that fail to support or undermine these theories at all. The philosophy of language appears to have jurisprudential consequences because of a mistake, which I will call Dworkin's fallacy in honor of the most famous philosopher of law to have succumbed to it. This Essay will analyze the fallacy and describe its negative effects. In Part I, I will describe an example of a debate in the philosophy of language that has wrongly been thought to have jurisprudential consequences. This debate concerns realism about reference. Can words refer in ways that transcend our current beliefs? For example, can the word law refer to something that people do not currently believe is law? In Part II, I will provide two examples of philosophers of law - Ronald Dworkin and Michael Moore - who misderive jurisprudential conclusions from this debate. In Part III, I will describe a second example of a debate in the philosophy of language that has wrongly been thought to have jurisprudential consequences. This debate, which is inspired by Ludwig Wittgenstein's remarkable discussion of rule-following, concerns the fundamental question: How is it that we can intend to use a word in one way rather than another? How can we make law mean law instead of, say, Nilla Wafers? In Part IV, I will provide two examples of philosophers of law - Dennis Patterson and Margaret Radin - who misderive jurisprudential conclusions from this second debate. Although Dworkin, Moore, Patterson, and Radin agree about little in the philosophies of language and law, Dworkin's fallacy causes each to see a relationship between the two disciplines. Given the pervasiveness of the fallacy, we should be skeptical whenever a philosopher of law relies on the philosophy of language. Chances are, she is discussing issues that are irrelevant to her true concerns. I will end the Essay with a brief discussion of three situations to which Dworkin's fallacy does not apply and in which the philosophy of language has genuine, if limited, relevance for the philosophy of law.
尽管法律哲学家表现出令人印象深刻的观点多样性,但他们通常在一件事上是一致的:他们的学科与语言哲学密切相关。从最近大量探讨这两个领域之间联系的书籍和文章中可以看出,人们在这一点上的一致程度。在这篇文章中,我将论证这些文献大多是基于一个错误。语言哲学通常没有法理上的结果。如此多的法律哲学家持不同的观点,这一事实严重阻碍了这一领域的进步,这不仅仅是因为浪费了时间、精力和纸张。关于法律的理论因错误的理由而被接受或拒绝——基于对语言的争论,这些争论根本不能支持或破坏这些理论。语言哲学之所以会产生法理学上的后果,是因为一个错误,我将其称为德沃金的谬误,以纪念最著名的法律哲学家德沃金的谬误。本文将分析这一谬论,并描述其负面影响。在第一部分中,我将描述一个语言哲学辩论的例子,该辩论被错误地认为具有法理学后果。这场争论涉及到关于指称的现实主义。词语能以超越我们当前信仰的方式表达吗?例如,law这个词可以指人们目前认为不是法律的东西吗?在第二部分中,我将提供两个法律哲学家的例子——罗纳德·德沃金和迈克尔·摩尔——他们从这场辩论中错误地得出了法理学结论。在第三部分中,我将描述语言哲学辩论的第二个例子,该辩论被错误地认为具有法理学后果。这场辩论受到路德维希·维特根斯坦(Ludwig Wittgenstein)关于规则遵循的杰出讨论的启发,它关注的是一个基本问题:我们是如何打算以一种方式而不是另一种方式使用一个词的?我们怎么能让法律变成真正的法律,而不是,比如说,尼拉薄饼?在第四部分,我将提供两个法律哲学家的例子——丹尼斯·帕特森和玛格丽特·雷丁——他们从第二次辩论中错误地得出了法理学结论。尽管德沃金、摩尔、帕特森和雷丁在语言哲学和法律哲学上几乎没有什么共识,但德沃金的谬论使他们每个人都看到了这两个学科之间的关系。鉴于这种谬论的普遍性,每当法律哲学家依赖于语言哲学时,我们都应该持怀疑态度。很有可能,她正在讨论的问题与她真正关心的问题无关。在这篇文章的最后,我将简要讨论三种情况,其中德沃金的谬论不适用,在这些情况下,语言哲学与法律哲学有着真正的(如果有限的话)相关性。
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引用次数: 19
Kangaroo Court or Competent Tribunal?: Judging the 21st Century Military Commission 袋鼠法庭还是合资格法庭?: 21世纪军事委员会审判
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2003-12-01 DOI: 10.2307/3202371
D. Glazier
President Bush's military commission order, based upon FDR's guidance for the 1942 trial of Nazi saboteurs, authorized procedures departing substantially from court-martial practice. This paper demonstrates the military commission, whose actual origin is traced to the Mexican War in 1847, differed from the statutory court-martial primarily in jurisdiction, not procedure. It argues that Article 36 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice should be read, particularly in light of developments in contemporary international law and the Charming Betsy canon, to require continued commonality between the two tribunals. This argument was substantially adopted by the district court in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 344 F. Supp. 2d 152, 166 n12, 169 n15, 170 n16 (D.D.C. 2004).
布什总统的军事委员会命令是基于罗斯福对1942年审判纳粹破坏者的指导,授权的程序与军事法庭的惯例有很大的不同。军事法庭的实际起源可追溯至1847年的墨西哥战争,其与法定军事法庭的区别主要在于管辖权,而非程序。它认为,《统一军事司法法典》第36条应被解读为,特别是考虑到当代国际法的发展和《迷人的贝特西》经典,要求两个法庭之间继续具有共性。地区法院在哈姆丹诉拉姆斯菲尔德案(344 F)中基本上采纳了这一论点。补编2d 152, 166 n12, 169 n15, 170 n16 (d.d.c 2004)。
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引用次数: 3
Review of "Structure and Relationship in Constitutional Law" “宪法的结构与关系”述评
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2003-11-01 DOI: 10.2307/3202363
John Harrison, Charles L. Black join
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Virginia Law Review
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