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Political Opinion Leaders in High-Choice Information Environments: Are They More Informed Than Others? 高选择信息环境中的政治意见领袖:他们比其他人更知情吗?
IF 3 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-11-27 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2023.2281311
Jesper Strömbäck, Elina Lindgren, Yariv Tsfati, Alyt Damstra, Rens Vliegenthart, Hajo Boomgaarden, Elena Broda, Noelle Lebernegg, Sebastian Galyga
One implication of the transition to high-choice media environments is that what information people are exposed to depends less than on journalistic curation and more on social, algorithmic, and pe...
向高选择媒体环境过渡的一个含义是,人们接触到的信息更多地取决于社交、算法和媒体,而不是新闻策划。
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引用次数: 0
‘Look at How Corrupt They Are!’: How Anti-Political Discourse from Politicians Affects Their Own Image and the Image of Politics “看看他们有多腐败!”:政治家的反政治话语如何影响其自身形象和政治形象
2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-11-14 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2023.2282125
Dieter Dekeyser, Henk Roose
ABSTRACTIn this article, we use a survey experiment (N = 1,626) to test whether anti-political Facebook messages from politicians improve the character evaluation of the messenger while damaging the image of politics. We take account of people’s preexisting anti-political attitudes and their support for the political messenger as important moderators. Results show that anti-political discourse from politicians has minimal effects on the attitudes of audiences toward the messenger and toward politics. We find limited support for three underlying mechanisms: anti-political messages give (some) audiences new impressions that improve the personal image of the messenger (impression formation), anti-political discourse from politicians alienates some of their supporters (backlash effect), and anti-political discourse has more effect on people who do not hold anti-political attitudes (attitudinal incongruence). Overall, our results show that politicians reap little benefit from using anti-political discourse, as such discourse may worsen their own image and the image of politics among certain audiences.DisclaimerAs a service to authors and researchers we are providing this version of an accepted manuscript (AM). Copyediting, typesetting, and review of the resulting proofs will be undertaken on this manuscript before final publication of the Version of Record (VoR). During production and pre-press, errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal relate to these versions also. Disclosure StatementWe have no known conflict of interest to disclose.Notes1 Participants exposed to a favored political party read a Facebook message from: Vlaams Belang (15.8% of participants; the Flemish populist radical-right party), N-VA (12.7%; Flemish nationalist party), Open Vld (12.7%; the liberal party), CD&V (13.4%; Christian democratic party), sp.a/Vooruit (11.4%; the socialist party), Groen (14.1%; the green party), or PVDA (7.3%; the workers’ party). Participants exposed to an unfavored political party read a Facebook message from: Vlaams Belang (39.1%%), N-VA (10.6%), Open Vld (6.3%), CD&V (4.2%), sp.a/Vooruit (11.2%), Groen (10.4%), or PVDA (18.1%)..2 We use the package “lavaan” in R (Rosseel, Citation2012). All models were estimated using WLSMV estimation.3 Our interpretation of the mediation analysis assumes that all relevant mechanisms are considered. This assumption is tentative given that (a) some important variables might not have been considered in the mediation analysis and (b) the causal (cognitive) mechanisms linking the mediator to the outcome variable(s) were not directly observed. For a full discussion on the problem of unobserved variable bias (or confounders) in causal analysis see Imai et al. (Citation2011).Additional informationNotes on contributorsDieter DekeyserDieter Dekeyser holds master’s degrees in criminology (2012), sociology (2014), and statistics (2015), and received his PhD in so
摘要本文采用调查实验(N = 1626)来检验政治家在Facebook上发布的反政治信息是否在损害政治形象的同时提高了对信息发布者的性格评价。我们考虑到人们先前存在的反政治态度和他们对政治信使的支持作为重要的版主。结果表明,政治家的反政治话语对受众对信使和政治态度的影响微乎其微。我们发现对三个潜在机制的支持有限:反政治信息给(一些)受众新的印象,改善了信使的个人形象(印象形成),政治家的反政治话语疏远了他们的一些支持者(反弹效应),反政治话语对不持有反政治态度的人有更大的影响(态度不一致)。总体而言,我们的研究结果表明,政治家从使用反政治话语中获益甚微,因为这种话语可能会恶化他们自己的形象和某些受众的政治形象。免责声明作为对作者和研究人员的服务,我们提供了这个版本的已接受的手稿(AM)。在最终出版版本记录(VoR)之前,将对该手稿进行编辑、排版和审查。在制作和印前,可能会发现可能影响内容的错误,所有适用于期刊的法律免责声明也与这些版本有关。披露声明我们没有已知的利益冲突需要披露。注1:受支持政党的参与者阅读的Facebook信息来自:Vlaams Belang(15.8%的参与者;弗拉芒民粹主义极右翼政党),新弗吉尼亚党(12.7%);佛兰德民族主义党),开放自由党(12.7%;自由党),基民盟(13.4%);基督教民主党(Christian democratic party),自由党(sp.a . /Vooruit) (11.4%;社会党),绿党(14.1%);绿党),或者自由党(7.3%);工人党)。接触到不受欢迎政党的参与者会在Facebook上阅读以下政党的信息:弗拉门斯党(39.1%)、N-VA(10.6%)、Open Vld(6.3%)、CD&V(4.2%)、sp.a/Vooruit(11.2%)、Groen(10.4%)或PVDA (18.1%)我们使用R中的“lavaan”包(Rosseel, Citation2012)。所有模型均采用WLSMV估计进行估计我们对中介分析的解释假设考虑了所有相关机制。这个假设是试探性的,因为(a)在中介分析中可能没有考虑到一些重要的变量,(b)没有直接观察到将中介与结果变量联系起来的因果(认知)机制。有关因果分析中未观察到的变量偏差(或混杂因素)问题的完整讨论,请参见Imai等人(Citation2011)。作者简介dieter Dekeyser拥有犯罪学(2012年)、社会学(2014年)和统计学(2015年)硕士学位,并于2022年在比利时根特大学获得社会学博士学位。他的研究兴趣包括民粹主义、政治态度、媒体效应、民意研究、认知社会学和研究方法论。罗斯在比利时根特大学获得社会学博士学位。现为副教授,教授方法论与文化社会学课程。他的研究重点是利用几何数据分析、审美倾向的实证分析和调查方法,研究文化参与与社会分层之间的联系。
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引用次数: 0
I Participate in Politics Because the News is Influential Against Me: Hostile Media Perception, Third-Person Perception, and Political Participation 我参与政治是因为新闻对我有影响力:敌对媒体感知、第三人感知与政治参与
2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2023.2272846
Seungsu Lee, Kyungmo Kim
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引用次数: 0
Who Says “Muslims are Not Terrorists”? News Differentiation, Muslim versus Non-Muslim Sources, and Attitudes Toward Muslims 谁说“穆斯林不是恐怖分子”?新闻分化,穆斯林与非穆斯林来源,以及对穆斯林的态度
2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2023.2268097
Ruta Kaskeleviciute, Helena Knupfer, Jörg Matthes
Media coverage on terrorism can lead to negative attitudes toward Muslims. We theorize that undifferentiated news—i.e. not explicitly distinguishing Muslims from terrorists—can accelerate these negative effects. In a quota-based 2 (news differentiation: differentiated and undifferentiated) × 2 (expert interviewee source: Muslim and non-Muslim) between-subjects experiment (N = 291), participants read news about Islamist terrorism. A control group received news unrelated to terror. Building on von Sikorski et al. (2017) and extending this line of research, we analyzed effects on explicit and implicit attitudes toward Muslims. Drawing on social identity, self-categorization and mediated intergroup contact theories, findings revealed that undifferentiated news increased hostile attitudes toward Muslims and attitudinal undifferentiation. However, undifferentiated news did not activate implicit attitudes. We also found that undifferentiated news had the strongest negative effects when coming from sources that are perceived as similar (i.e. non-Muslim).
媒体对恐怖主义的报道可能导致对穆斯林的负面态度。我们的理论是,未分化的新闻——即:没有明确区分穆斯林和恐怖分子——会加速这些负面影响。在基于配额的2(新闻分化:分化和未分化)x2(专家受访者来源:穆斯林和非穆斯林)受试者实验中(N = 291),参与者阅读有关伊斯兰恐怖主义的新闻。对照组则收到与恐怖无关的新闻。在von Sikorski等人(2017)的基础上,并扩展了这一研究领域,我们分析了对穆斯林的显性和隐性态度的影响。利用社会认同、自我分类和中介的群体间接触理论,研究结果表明,未分化的新闻增加了对穆斯林的敌对态度和态度的不分化。然而,未区分的新闻并没有激活内隐态度。我们还发现,当消息来源被认为是相似的(即非穆斯林)时,未区分的新闻具有最强的负面影响。
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引用次数: 0
Why We Broke Up with X (And You Should Too) 为什么我们和X分手(你也应该这么做)
2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2023.2261822
Mike Schmierbach
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引用次数: 0
Examining the Role of Distrust in Science and Social Media Use: Effects on Susceptibility to COVID Misperceptions with Panel Data 研究不信任在科学和社交媒体使用中的作用:使用小组数据对COVID误解易感性的影响
2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2023.2268053
Sangwon Lee, S Mo Jones-Jang, Myojung Chung, Edmund W. J. Lee, Trevor Diehl
ABSTRACTTrust in scientific actors and institutions in the United States is at an all-time low. At the same time, studies show that people use social media for science information and become increasingly vulnerable to COVID-19-related misinformation. Yet, we do not know whether low levels of trust cause people to turn to social media in the first place. We argue that if people do not trust the scientific information provided by scientists, they are likely to turn to social media to get alternative scientific information (rather than relying on mainstream sources to get pandemic-related information), which in turn can increase susceptibility to COVID-19 misperceptions. Based on two-wave U.S. panel data, we found that distrust in science drives the uses of social media for COVID-19 information, and reliance on social media for COVID-19 information increases susceptibility to COVID-19 misperceptions.DisclaimerAs a service to authors and researchers we are providing this version of an accepted manuscript (AM). Copyediting, typesetting, and review of the resulting proofs will be undertaken on this manuscript before final publication of the Version of Record (VoR). During production and pre-press, errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal relate to these versions also. Additional informationNotes on contributorsSangwon LeeSangwon Lee (Ph.D., University of Wisconsin-Madison) is an Assistant Professor in the School of Media & Communication at Korea University. His research examines how new media technologies (e.g., social media, AI, etc.) impact our daily lives and society as a whole.S Mo Jones-JangS Mo Jones-Jang (Ph.D., University of Michigan) is an Associate Professor in the Department of Communication at Boston College. His research focuses on AI and misinformation in the science context.Myojung ChungMyojung Chung (Ph.D., Syracuse University) is an Assistant Professor in the School of Journalism at Northeastern University. Her primary research focuses on how people process and distribute misinformation in the digital era and how to combat misinformation.Edmund W. J. LeeEdmund W. J. Lee (Ph.D., Nanyang Technological University) is an Assistant Professor at the Wee Kim Wee School of Communication and Information at Nanyang Technological University, Singapore, and Assistant Director at the Centre for Information Integrity and the Internet (IN-cube). Lee’s research focuses on developing health technologies to tackle health inequalities, and how to take advantage of digital traces data in an intelligent and ethical manner to understand and improve public health outcomes.Trevor DiehlTrevor Diehl (Ph.D., University of Vienna) is an Associate Professor at Central Michigan University at the School of Broadcast and Cinematic Arts. His research interests include social media news audiences and political participation, multiplatform news, and emerging journalism practices.
摘要在美国,人们对科学工作者和科研机构的信任处于历史最低点。与此同时,研究表明,人们使用社交媒体获取科学信息,越来越容易受到与covid -19相关的错误信息的影响。然而,我们不知道是否低水平的信任首先导致人们转向社交媒体。我们认为,如果人们不相信科学家提供的科学信息,他们可能会转向社交媒体获取替代的科学信息(而不是依靠主流来源获取与大流行相关的信息),这反过来又会增加对COVID-19误解的易感性。基于两波美国面板数据,我们发现对科学的不信任推动了社交媒体对COVID-19信息的使用,而对社交媒体对COVID-19信息的依赖增加了对COVID-19误解的敏感性。免责声明作为对作者和研究人员的服务,我们提供了这个版本的已接受的手稿(AM)。在最终出版版本记录(VoR)之前,将对该手稿进行编辑、排版和审查。在制作和印前,可能会发现可能影响内容的错误,所有适用于期刊的法律免责声明也与这些版本有关。李双元(威斯康星大学麦迪逊分校博士),高丽大学媒体与传播学院助理教授。他的研究考察了新媒体技术(如社交媒体、人工智能等)如何影响我们的日常生活和整个社会。Mo Jones-Jang(密歇根大学博士),波士顿学院传播系副教授。他的研究重点是人工智能和科学背景下的错误信息。ChungMyojung,美国雪城大学博士,美国东北大学新闻学院助理教授。她的主要研究集中在数字时代人们如何处理和传播错误信息以及如何打击错误信息。Edmund W. J. Lee(博士,南洋理工大学),新加坡南洋理工大学通信与信息学院助理教授,信息完整性与互联网中心(IN-cube)助理主任。李的研究重点是开发卫生技术来解决卫生不平等问题,以及如何以智能和道德的方式利用数字痕迹数据来理解和改善公共卫生结果。Trevor Diehl(维也纳大学博士),中密歇根大学广播与电影艺术学院副教授。他的研究兴趣包括社交媒体新闻受众和政治参与、多平台新闻和新兴新闻实践。
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引用次数: 0
Responses to Mental Health Care Posts by Social Media Influencers: The Moderating Effects of Previous Experience and Follower Involvement 社交媒体影响者对心理健康护理帖子的回应:先前经验和追随者参与的调节作用
2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2023.2269542
Olivia Simone Reed
ABSTRACTMental health information on social media is more often communicated by regular users as opposed to healthcare professionals, and a subset of these regular users, social media influencers, are employed as marketing sources for therapy companies. According to social cognitive theory, an influencer’s story about their positive experiences with therapy should encourage followers to also seek therapy, and stronger involvement with the influencer should enhance these effects. Although research has found that previous experience with modeled behaviors may mute vicarious learning effects, with a nuanced and stigmatized context like mental health treatment, it is important to parse out both the quantity and valence of previous experience in understanding how it shapes audience responses to mental health content on social media. The current study tests a moderated mediation model to help explain the impact of previous viewer experience with therapy (quantity and valence) and involvement with the influencer (similarity and parasocial relationship) on social cognitive theory-related outcomes. Results indicate no interaction effects of the moderators, however, there were direct positive effects of previous viewer experience and SMI outcome on outcome expectations, which in turn positively predicted behavioral intentions to seek therapy. Interestingly, self-efficacy had a negative effect on behavioral intentions.DisclaimerAs a service to authors and researchers we are providing this version of an accepted manuscript (AM). Copyediting, typesetting, and review of the resulting proofs will be undertaken on this manuscript before final publication of the Version of Record (VoR). During production and pre-press, errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal relate to these versions also. Disclosure StatementThe author reports there are no competing interests to declare.AcknowledgementThank you Dr. Jessica Gall Myrick for your assistance in the shaping of this project.Figure 1. Conceptual ModelDisplay full sizeFigure 2. Stimuli: Negative vs Positive SMI OutcomesDisplay full sizeFigure 3. Hypothesis Testing of H1-H6bNote: * p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001. Values are unstandardized.Display full sizeQuantity→ Self-Efficacy: b = .007*, SE = .003Quantity→ Outcome Expectations: b = .008*, SE = .003Manipulated SMI Outcome → Outcome Expectations: b = .40**, SE = .16Self-Efficacy→Behavioral Intentions: b = -.43*, SE = .21Outcome Expectations→ Behavioral Intentions: b = .77***, SE = .19Quality → Outcome Expectations: b = .39**
社交媒体上的心理健康信息通常是由普通用户而不是医疗保健专业人员传播的,而这些普通用户中的一部分,即社交媒体影响者,被用作治疗公司的营销来源。根据社会认知理论,影响者关于其积极治疗经历的故事应该鼓励追随者也寻求治疗,而与影响者更强的参与应该会增强这些效果。尽管研究发现,在心理健康治疗等细致入微和污名化的背景下,以前的模仿行为经验可能会削弱替代学习效果,但在理解它如何影响受众对社交媒体上心理健康内容的反应时,分析以前经验的数量和价值是很重要的。本研究检验了一个有调节的中介模型,以帮助解释先前的观看者治疗经验(数量和效价)和与影响者的参与(相似性和副社会关系)对社会认知理论相关结果的影响。结果表明,调节因子之间不存在交互作用,但观影经验和重度精神分裂症结果对结果预期有直接的正向影响,进而正向预测寻求治疗的行为意向。有趣的是,自我效能感对行为意图有负面影响。免责声明作为对作者和研究人员的服务,我们提供了这个版本的已接受的手稿(AM)。在最终出版版本记录(VoR)之前,将对该手稿进行编辑、排版和审查。在制作和印前,可能会发现可能影响内容的错误,所有适用于期刊的法律免责声明也与这些版本有关。披露声明作者报告无竞争利益需要申报。感谢Jessica Gall Myrick博士对这个项目的帮助。图1所示。概念模型显示完整尺寸图2刺激:消极和积极的SMI结果显示完整尺寸图3。h1 - h6b的假设检验注:* p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, ** p < 0.001。价值观是不标准化的。数量→结果预期:b = 0.008 *, SE = 0.003操纵SMI结果→结果预期:b = 0.40 **, SE = 0.16自我效能感→行为意向:b = -。结果预期→行为意图:b = 0.77 ***, SE = 0.19质量→结果预期:b = 0.39 **
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引用次数: 0
Exploring the Audience of Alternative News Media: Trust, Reflexivity, and Political Attitudes in the Czech Republic 探索另类新闻媒体的受众:信任、反身性和捷克共和国的政治态度
2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-10-10 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2023.2268098
Alena Macková, lenka Hrbková, jakub Macek
ABSTRACTThis study explores the audiences of Czech alternative news media (ANM) and seeks the predictors for its use. It examines the relationship between ANM usage and trust in mainstream media, media reflexivity, political interest, political attitudes that indicate the liberal-conservative divide, and political antagonism. Adopting an audience-centered approach, the study identifies ANM users through their self-identification based on perceived ANM news sources. Additionally, it verifies the robustness of this approach by considering a spectrum of alternative-to-mainstream news sources. The findings reveal that the reception of Czech ANM is associated with lower trust in professional mainstream media and higher political interest. Moreover, self-identification-based measures show links with internet usage and media reflexivity, while the second model found weak effects for one’s attitude to the European Union and political antagonism. The study discusses the differences between the approaches and the implications of both measurements.DisclaimerAs a service to authors and researchers we are providing this version of an accepted manuscript (AM). Copyediting, typesetting, and review of the resulting proofs will be undertaken on this manuscript before final publication of the Version of Record (VoR). During production and pre-press, errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal relate to these versions also. Disclosure statementThe authors report there are no competing interests to declare.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by the Czech Science Foundation under Grant no. GA19-24724S.Notes on contributorsAlena MackováAlena Macková is an assistant professor in the Department of Media Studies and Journalism, Faculty of Social Studies at Masaryk University. She has a doctoral degree in political science, and she focuses on changes in the new information environment and their consequences for political communication and political behaviour.Lenka Hrbková is an assistant professor in the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Studies at Masaryk University. She has a doctoral degree in political science and she researches political attitudes and affective polarization.lenka HrbkováLenka Hrbková is an assistant professor in the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Studies at Masaryk University. She has a doctoral degree in political science and she researches political attitudes and affective polarization.jakub MacekJakub Macek is an associate professor in the Department of Media Studies and Journalism, Faculty of Social Studies at Masaryk University. He has a doctoral degree in media studies and deals with audience research, especially with issues of declining trust in media ad changes in media practices.
摘要本研究探讨捷克另类新闻媒体(ANM)的受众,并寻求其使用的预测因子。它考察了ANM的使用与对主流媒体的信任、媒体反思性、政治利益、表明自由-保守分裂的政治态度以及政治对抗之间的关系。本研究采用以受众为中心的方法,通过感知到的ANM新闻来源的自我认同来识别ANM用户。此外,它通过考虑一系列替代主流新闻来源来验证该方法的鲁棒性。研究结果显示,接受捷克ANM与对专业主流媒体的信任度较低和较高的政治兴趣有关。此外,基于自我认同的测量显示了与互联网使用和媒体反射的联系,而第二个模型发现一个人对欧盟的态度和政治对抗的影响很弱。该研究讨论了两种测量方法之间的差异和含义。免责声明作为对作者和研究人员的服务,我们提供了这个版本的已接受的手稿(AM)。在最终出版版本记录(VoR)之前,将对该手稿进行编辑、排版和审查。在制作和印前,可能会发现可能影响内容的错误,所有适用于期刊的法律免责声明也与这些版本有关。作者报告无利益竞争需要申报。本研究由捷克科学基金会(Czech Science Foundation)资助。ga19 - 24724。作者简介salena MackováAlena mackov是马萨里克大学社会研究学院媒体研究与新闻系的助理教授。她拥有政治学博士学位,主要研究新信息环境的变化及其对政治传播和政治行为的影响。Lenka hrbkov是马萨里克大学社会研究学院政治科学系助理教授。她拥有政治学博士学位,主要研究政治态度和情感两极分化。lenka HrbkováLenka hrbkov,马萨里克大学社会研究学院政治科学系助理教授。她拥有政治学博士学位,主要研究政治态度和情感两极分化。jakub Macek,马萨里克大学社会研究学院媒体研究与新闻系副教授。他拥有媒体研究博士学位,从事受众研究,特别是媒体信任度下降和媒体实践变化的问题。
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引用次数: 0
A Meta-Analytical Review of the Determinants of Social Media Discontinuance Intentions 社交媒体中断意向决定因素的元分析综述
2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2023.2263872
Guangchao Charles Feng, Xianglin Su, Yiru He
The use of social media has grown tremendously, but a considerable number of individuals have stopped using it. This meta-analysis aims to examine the factors that contribute to discontinuing social media use by reviewing 88 studies with a cumulative sample size of 42,159, including 33 effect sizes. Our study reveals that various stressors, including messaging overload (CO), social overload (SO), information collection overload (IO), system feature overload (SFO), privacy concerns (PC), and negative emotions such as technostress, fatigue (SNF), guilt, and dissatisfaction, are significantly correlated with social media discontinuance (DUIN). It is worth noting that only gratifications were negatively associated with both discontinuance and fatigue, but not with all other inhibitors. Furthermore, self-disclosure (S-disc), social comparison (SC), and fear of missing out (FoMo), as well as addiction, were significantly associated only with fatigue. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed, emphasizing the importance of social media operators balancing content supply with actual user demand to prevent overload, negative emotions, and discontinuance.
社交媒体的使用已经大大增加,但相当多的人已经停止使用它。本荟萃分析旨在通过回顾88项研究(累计样本量为42159个,包括33个效应量),研究导致停止使用社交媒体的因素。我们的研究表明,各种压力源,包括消息传递过载(CO)、社交过载(SO)、信息收集过载(IO)、系统功能过载(SFO)、隐私问题(PC)和负面情绪,如技术压力、疲劳(SNF)、内疚和不满,与社交媒体中断(DUIN)显著相关。值得注意的是,只有满足与中断和疲劳负相关,而与所有其他抑制剂无关。此外,自我表露(S-disc)、社会比较(SC)、错失恐惧(FoMo)以及成瘾仅与疲劳显著相关。本文讨论了理论和实践意义,强调了社交媒体运营商平衡内容供应与实际用户需求的重要性,以防止超载、负面情绪和中断。
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引用次数: 0
Populist Hyperpartisans?: The Interaction Between Partisan Media Exposure and Populism in the 2020 US Presidential Election 民粹主义空前?2020年美国总统大选中党派媒体曝光与民粹主义的互动
2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2023.2264265
Myiah J. Hutchens, Brittany Shaughnessy, Eliana DuBosar
ABSTRACTAspects of our political world brought to the forefront in recent years include the impact of declining media trust and a surge of populist politicians around the globe. Highlighting those aspects, this study utilizes representative data from the American National Election Studies (ANES) collected during the 2020 US Presidential Election. We examine the relationship between use of different media (mainstream liberal, mainstream conservative, and hyper-conservative) and media trust as well as the moderating role of populist beliefs. Results found that hyper-conservative media use and anti-elitist populist beliefs are negatively associated with media trust while liberal media use is positively associated with media trust; mainstream conservative media use is unrelated to media trust when controlling for other media types and populist beliefs. This lack of a main effect for conservative media is clarified by examining the interaction with anti-elitist populism, which shows increased use of conservative media for individuals with low levels of populist beliefs is associated with increased media trust while the opposite is true for those high in populist beliefs.DisclaimerAs a service to authors and researchers we are providing this version of an accepted manuscript (AM). Copyediting, typesetting, and review of the resulting proofs will be undertaken on this manuscript before final publication of the Version of Record (VoR). During production and pre-press, errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal relate to these versions also. Disclosure StatementThe authors have no conflicts of interest to disclose.Figure 1. Interaction Between Populism and Media Use Predicting Media Trust.Display full sizeNote. Low and high values are visualized using one standard deviation above and below the mean for populism and one standard deviation above the mean and zero for all media variables.Notes1 The Sean Hannity radio show was included under hyper-partisan as Ad Fontes (Citation2023) notes it is more opinion-based than the Hannity television show.2 While the alpha is slightly below the traditional cutpoint of .7, we chose to keep the three items to ensure wider concept validity for our scale. We also re-ran all results using just the two questions that had been validated in prior scholarship, and the pattern of significance is identical..3 We also ran models using more extensive media controls accounting for entertainment programing, social media use, and others. The pattern of results was identical to what is presented here and can be seen in the online supplement.Additional informationNotes on contributorsMyiah J. HutchensMyiah J. Hutchens (Ph.D., The Ohio State University) is Chair and Associate Professor in the Department of Public Relations within the College of Journalism and Communications at the University of Florida. Her research interests include political communication and political
摘要近年来,媒体信任度的下降和全球民粹主义政治家的激增,成为我们政治世界的热点问题。为了突出这些方面,本研究利用了2020年美国总统大选期间收集的美国国家选举研究(ANES)的代表性数据。我们研究了不同媒体(主流自由主义、主流保守主义和超保守主义)的使用与媒体信任之间的关系,以及民粹主义信仰的调节作用。结果发现,极端保守的媒体使用和反精英的民粹主义信仰与媒体信任呈负相关,而自由的媒体使用与媒体信任呈正相关;在控制其他媒体类型和民粹主义信仰时,主流保守媒体的使用与媒体信任无关。通过检查与反精英民粹主义的相互作用,可以澄清这种对保守媒体缺乏主要影响的情况,这表明,民粹主义信仰水平低的个人增加使用保守媒体与增加媒体信任有关,而民粹主义信仰水平高的人则相反。免责声明作为对作者和研究人员的服务,我们提供了这个版本的已接受的手稿(AM)。在最终出版版本记录(VoR)之前,将对该手稿进行编辑、排版和审查。在制作和印前,可能会发现可能影响内容的错误,所有适用于期刊的法律免责声明也与这些版本有关。声明作者无利益冲突需要披露。图1所示。民粹主义与媒介使用的互动关系预测媒介信任。显示全尺寸。对于民粹主义,使用高于平均值和低于平均值的一个标准差,对于所有媒体变量,使用高于平均值和零的一个标准差来可视化低值和高值。注1:正如Ad Fontes (Citation2023)所指出的那样,肖恩·汉尼提的广播节目被列入超级党派之列,它比汉尼提的电视节目更基于观点虽然alpha值略低于传统的临界值0.7,但我们选择保留这三个项目,以确保我们的量表具有更广泛的概念有效性。我们还重新运行了所有的结果,只使用两个问题,已在先前的学术验证,和显著性模式是相同的我们还运行了使用更广泛的媒体控制的模型,包括娱乐节目、社交媒体使用等。结果的模式与这里展示的相同,可以在在线补充中看到。smyiah J. Hutchens(俄亥俄州立大学博士)是佛罗里达大学新闻与传播学院公共关系系的主席和副教授。主要研究方向为政治传播与政治讨论。Brittany Shaughnessy(硕士,弗吉尼亚理工大学)是佛罗里达大学新闻与传播学院的博士生。她的研究兴趣包括政治传播、农村怨恨和政治讨论。Eliana DuBosar,佛罗里达大学文学硕士,佛罗里达大学新闻与传播学院博士研究生。她的研究兴趣包括政治传播和选择性曝光。
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引用次数: 0
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