Pub Date : 2022-12-19DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2151919
Alvin Zhou, Wenlin Liu, H. Kim, Eugene Lee, Jieun Shin, Yafei Zhang, Ke M. Huang-Isherwood, Chuqing Dong, A. Yang
Guided by moral foundation theory, this study examined how moral framing interacted with local constituents' ideological leaning to affect public engagement outcomes of government agencies' COVID-19 vaccine communication on Facebook. We analyzed a dataset of over 5,000 U.S. government agencies' Facebook posts on COVID-19 vaccines in 2021 (N = 70,671), assessed their use of moral language using a newly developed computational method, and examined how political divide manifests itself at the collective level. Findings from both fixed and random effects models suggest that: 1) the use of moral language is positively associated with public engagement outcomes on government agencies' social media accounts;2) five types of moral foundations have distinct effects on three types of public engagement (affective, cognitive, and retransmission);3) moral foundations and local politics interact to affect public engagement, in that followers of government agencies in liberal states/counties prefer messages emphasizing the care/harm and fairness/cheating dimensions while those in conservative states/counties prefer the loyalty/betrayal dimension. The study demonstrates how a strategic employment of moral language can contribute to public engagement of government agencies' mass communication campaigns. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved)
{"title":"Moral Foundations, Ideological Divide, and Public Engagement with U.S. Government Agencies’ COVID-19 Vaccine Communication on Social Media","authors":"Alvin Zhou, Wenlin Liu, H. Kim, Eugene Lee, Jieun Shin, Yafei Zhang, Ke M. Huang-Isherwood, Chuqing Dong, A. Yang","doi":"10.1080/15205436.2022.2151919","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2022.2151919","url":null,"abstract":"Guided by moral foundation theory, this study examined how moral framing interacted with local constituents' ideological leaning to affect public engagement outcomes of government agencies' COVID-19 vaccine communication on Facebook. We analyzed a dataset of over 5,000 U.S. government agencies' Facebook posts on COVID-19 vaccines in 2021 (N = 70,671), assessed their use of moral language using a newly developed computational method, and examined how political divide manifests itself at the collective level. Findings from both fixed and random effects models suggest that: 1) the use of moral language is positively associated with public engagement outcomes on government agencies' social media accounts;2) five types of moral foundations have distinct effects on three types of public engagement (affective, cognitive, and retransmission);3) moral foundations and local politics interact to affect public engagement, in that followers of government agencies in liberal states/counties prefer messages emphasizing the care/harm and fairness/cheating dimensions while those in conservative states/counties prefer the loyalty/betrayal dimension. The study demonstrates how a strategic employment of moral language can contribute to public engagement of government agencies' mass communication campaigns. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved)","PeriodicalId":47869,"journal":{"name":"Mass Communication and Society","volume":"224 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89129020","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-19DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2144746
D. De Coninck, J. van Assche, L. d’Haenens
{"title":"Right-Wing Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation as Mediators Between News Media Consumption and Perceived Migrant Threat","authors":"D. De Coninck, J. van Assche, L. d’Haenens","doi":"10.1080/15205436.2022.2144746","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2022.2144746","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47869,"journal":{"name":"Mass Communication and Society","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79185817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2151918
Yining Fan, Vincent P. Wong
{"title":"Intermedia Attribute Agenda-Setting Among Hong Kong, U.S. and Mainland Chinese Media: The Case of Hong Kong Anti-Extradition Bill Protests","authors":"Yining Fan, Vincent P. Wong","doi":"10.1080/15205436.2022.2151918","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2022.2151918","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47869,"journal":{"name":"Mass Communication and Society","volume":"51 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90554864","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2135447
Matthias Hofer, Alena Birrer, A. Eden, A. Seifert
{"title":"Daily TV Use and Meaning in Life Among Older Adults: The Moderating Role of Selective and Compensatory TV Use","authors":"Matthias Hofer, Alena Birrer, A. Eden, A. Seifert","doi":"10.1080/15205436.2022.2135447","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2022.2135447","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47869,"journal":{"name":"Mass Communication and Society","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89083269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2155195
Edson C. Tandoc, J. Lee, Sangwon Lee, Pei Jun Quek
{"title":"Does length matter? The impact of fact-check length in reducing COVID-19 vaccine misinformation","authors":"Edson C. Tandoc, J. Lee, Sangwon Lee, Pei Jun Quek","doi":"10.1080/15205436.2022.2155195","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2022.2155195","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47869,"journal":{"name":"Mass Communication and Society","volume":"118 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77386412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2119870
C. Overgaard, Gina M. Masullo, Marley Duchovnay, Casey Moore
ABSTRACT This two-study package theorizes connective democracy as a means of enabling the type of democratic discourse envisioned by deliberative democracy in highly polarized political climates. Using survey data (N = 1,160) and follow-up interviews with survey respondents (n = 56), we theorize connective democracy. We argue that connective democracy offers a less sanitized view of democracy than deliberative democracy where not all types of polarization are equally damaging to democracy. Further, connective democracy prioritizes cross-cutting political conversations and focuses on shared humanity and genuinely listening to divergent points of view. In essence, connective democracy provides a path forward to forge connections between people, thus providing a boundary condition for deliberative democracy. Our findings explore how the public enacts connective democracy, and the role of the professional news media in that enactment. Theoretical implications are discussed in light of recent concerns about affective polarization as well as deliberative democracy’s feasibility.
{"title":"Theorizing Connective Democracy: A New Way to Bridge Political Divides","authors":"C. Overgaard, Gina M. Masullo, Marley Duchovnay, Casey Moore","doi":"10.1080/15205436.2022.2119870","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2022.2119870","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This two-study package theorizes connective democracy as a means of enabling the type of democratic discourse envisioned by deliberative democracy in highly polarized political climates. Using survey data (N = 1,160) and follow-up interviews with survey respondents (n = 56), we theorize connective democracy. We argue that connective democracy offers a less sanitized view of democracy than deliberative democracy where not all types of polarization are equally damaging to democracy. Further, connective democracy prioritizes cross-cutting political conversations and focuses on shared humanity and genuinely listening to divergent points of view. In essence, connective democracy provides a path forward to forge connections between people, thus providing a boundary condition for deliberative democracy. Our findings explore how the public enacts connective democracy, and the role of the professional news media in that enactment. Theoretical implications are discussed in light of recent concerns about affective polarization as well as deliberative democracy’s feasibility.","PeriodicalId":47869,"journal":{"name":"Mass Communication and Society","volume":"21 1","pages":"861 - 885"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84469776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2119872
Danny S. Parker
ABSTRACT Scholars have renewed interest in the rural working-class in response to the growth of populist politics. However, due to the difficulty of accessing rural underclass communities, their perspectives have yet to be examined in political communication research. This ethnography uses participant observation and semi-structured interviews to understand how the political and social identities of rural White underclass men are formed by observing their lived experiences, group processes, and the ways in which they consume and share information. Participants indicate a loss of faith in the democratic process so powerful that they do not believe it exists. Unlike their populist rural middle- and working-class counterparts, the rural underclass radically disengages from political and civic life. This radical disengagement entails deep distrust in the media and the government, intentional nonparticipation in politics, and routine norms and practices that diverge from greater society. These findings suggest structural alienation, as their cultural identity seems to have formed, in part, by a disregard for and resistance to a society that has pushed them to the margins of economic and social existence.
{"title":"The Politics of Resistance: An Ethnographic Examination of Political Alienation and Radical Disengagement among Rural White Underclass Men","authors":"Danny S. Parker","doi":"10.1080/15205436.2022.2119872","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2022.2119872","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Scholars have renewed interest in the rural working-class in response to the growth of populist politics. However, due to the difficulty of accessing rural underclass communities, their perspectives have yet to be examined in political communication research. This ethnography uses participant observation and semi-structured interviews to understand how the political and social identities of rural White underclass men are formed by observing their lived experiences, group processes, and the ways in which they consume and share information. Participants indicate a loss of faith in the democratic process so powerful that they do not believe it exists. Unlike their populist rural middle- and working-class counterparts, the rural underclass radically disengages from political and civic life. This radical disengagement entails deep distrust in the media and the government, intentional nonparticipation in politics, and routine norms and practices that diverge from greater society. These findings suggest structural alienation, as their cultural identity seems to have formed, in part, by a disregard for and resistance to a society that has pushed them to the margins of economic and social existence.","PeriodicalId":47869,"journal":{"name":"Mass Communication and Society","volume":"27 1","pages":"838 - 860"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74794701","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2117520
Michael McDevitt, Perry Parks, S. Craft
ABSTRACT Democratic backsliding is understood in political science as state-led debilitation of democratic institutions, rules, and norms. Autocratic control of media constitutes a core mechanism in authoritarian regime consolidation. Mass communication theory nevertheless offers ways to conceptualize media complicity beyond serving as tools of intimidation and censorship. Autonomous and semi-autonomous media representations of politics impact the capacity for responsive governance, consent of the governed, and ultimately the security of democracy. Following a discussion on implications of backsliding for normative theory, we identify promising points of connection between backsliding theory and mass communication. We conclude with an overview of the contributions to this special issue, “Media and the Future of Democracy.”
{"title":"An Overdue Contribution: Mass Communication Theory in the Security of Democracy","authors":"Michael McDevitt, Perry Parks, S. Craft","doi":"10.1080/15205436.2022.2117520","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2022.2117520","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Democratic backsliding is understood in political science as state-led debilitation of democratic institutions, rules, and norms. Autocratic control of media constitutes a core mechanism in authoritarian regime consolidation. Mass communication theory nevertheless offers ways to conceptualize media complicity beyond serving as tools of intimidation and censorship. Autonomous and semi-autonomous media representations of politics impact the capacity for responsive governance, consent of the governed, and ultimately the security of democracy. Following a discussion on implications of backsliding for normative theory, we identify promising points of connection between backsliding theory and mass communication. We conclude with an overview of the contributions to this special issue, “Media and the Future of Democracy.”","PeriodicalId":47869,"journal":{"name":"Mass Communication and Society","volume":"13 1","pages":"747 - 763"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75274655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2119871
Andrew R. N. Ross, Cristian Vaccari, A. Chadwick
ABSTRACT Russia’s Internet Research Agency (R-IRA) has been a key focus of disinformation research due to its attempts to use social media to influence the outcome of the 2016 United States presidential election. However, questions remain about the extent to which news coverage of the R-IRA’s efforts may have shaped public perceptions of U.S. democracy. To assess its impact, we ran an experiment involving U.S. social media users (N = 916). We tested whether reading news reports about the R-IRA’s activities heightened perceptions that the R-IRA influenced the public’s vote choices, and whether this influence in turn reduced confidence in the outcomes of the 2016 and 2020 elections and broader satisfaction with democracy. Specifically, we tested if these indirect effects differ depending on whether the R-IRA activity was presented via news frames conveying certainty or uncertainty about the R-IRA’s impact on the U.S. public’s behavior. While the news frames did not significantly influence perceptions that the R-IRA had influenced the U.S. public in general, the degree of certainty with which they described the effects of the R-IRA differently affected perceptions that Republicans and Democrats had been influenced. This, in turn, influenced participants’ confidence in elections and satisfaction with democracy.
{"title":"Russian Meddling in U.S. Elections: How News of Disinformation’s Impact Can Affect Trust in Electoral Outcomes and Satisfaction with Democracy","authors":"Andrew R. N. Ross, Cristian Vaccari, A. Chadwick","doi":"10.1080/15205436.2022.2119871","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2022.2119871","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Russia’s Internet Research Agency (R-IRA) has been a key focus of disinformation research due to its attempts to use social media to influence the outcome of the 2016 United States presidential election. However, questions remain about the extent to which news coverage of the R-IRA’s efforts may have shaped public perceptions of U.S. democracy. To assess its impact, we ran an experiment involving U.S. social media users (N = 916). We tested whether reading news reports about the R-IRA’s activities heightened perceptions that the R-IRA influenced the public’s vote choices, and whether this influence in turn reduced confidence in the outcomes of the 2016 and 2020 elections and broader satisfaction with democracy. Specifically, we tested if these indirect effects differ depending on whether the R-IRA activity was presented via news frames conveying certainty or uncertainty about the R-IRA’s impact on the U.S. public’s behavior. While the news frames did not significantly influence perceptions that the R-IRA had influenced the U.S. public in general, the degree of certainty with which they described the effects of the R-IRA differently affected perceptions that Republicans and Democrats had been influenced. This, in turn, influenced participants’ confidence in elections and satisfaction with democracy.","PeriodicalId":47869,"journal":{"name":"Mass Communication and Society","volume":"56 1","pages":"786 - 811"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89668554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-01DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2137040
S. Ashley, S. Craft, Adam Maksl, M. Tully, E. Vraga
ABSTRACT The rapid spread of misinformation during the COVID-19 pandemic has increased calls for news literacy to help mitigate endorsement of misinformation, conspiracy theories, and other falsehoods. In two cross-sectional online surveys conducted in October 2020 (N = 1,502) and July 2021 (N = 1,330), this study examines relationships between news literacy, COVID-19 misinformation, conspiratorial thinking, and political orientation in the United States. The results show that individuals with higher levels of news literacy were more likely to reject COVID-19 misinformation and conspiratorial thinking, but also that news literacy matters more for individuals with liberal political views than conservative political views and is unevenly distributed across the study population with age, race, political orientation, and news diet as significant predictors of news literacy. Results suggest that improved news literacy could be part of a strategy to equip individuals to reject health misinformation, but varied approaches will be necessary to engage with disparate groups.
{"title":"Can News Literacy Help Reduce Belief in COVID Misinformation?","authors":"S. Ashley, S. Craft, Adam Maksl, M. Tully, E. Vraga","doi":"10.1080/15205436.2022.2137040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2022.2137040","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The rapid spread of misinformation during the COVID-19 pandemic has increased calls for news literacy to help mitigate endorsement of misinformation, conspiracy theories, and other falsehoods. In two cross-sectional online surveys conducted in October 2020 (N = 1,502) and July 2021 (N = 1,330), this study examines relationships between news literacy, COVID-19 misinformation, conspiratorial thinking, and political orientation in the United States. The results show that individuals with higher levels of news literacy were more likely to reject COVID-19 misinformation and conspiratorial thinking, but also that news literacy matters more for individuals with liberal political views than conservative political views and is unevenly distributed across the study population with age, race, political orientation, and news diet as significant predictors of news literacy. Results suggest that improved news literacy could be part of a strategy to equip individuals to reject health misinformation, but varied approaches will be necessary to engage with disparate groups.","PeriodicalId":47869,"journal":{"name":"Mass Communication and Society","volume":"13 1","pages":"695 - 719"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90684137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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