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Right-Wing Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation as Mediators Between News Media Consumption and Perceived Migrant Threat 右翼威权主义与社会支配取向在新闻媒体消费与移民威胁感知之间的中介作用
IF 3 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2144746
D. De Coninck, J. van Assche, L. d’Haenens
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引用次数: 2
Intermedia Attribute Agenda-Setting Among Hong Kong, U.S. and Mainland Chinese Media: The Case of Hong Kong Anti-Extradition Bill Protests 香港、美国和中国大陆媒体间的媒介属性议程设置:以香港反引渡法抗议为例
IF 3 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-12-07 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2151918
Yining Fan, Vincent P. Wong
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引用次数: 0
Daily TV Use and Meaning in Life Among Older Adults: The Moderating Role of Selective and Compensatory TV Use 老年人日常电视使用与生活意义:选择性和补偿性电视使用的调节作用
IF 3 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-12-07 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2135447
Matthias Hofer, Alena Birrer, A. Eden, A. Seifert
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引用次数: 1
Does length matter? The impact of fact-check length in reducing COVID-19 vaccine misinformation 长度重要吗?事实核查长度对减少COVID-19疫苗错误信息的影响
IF 3 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-12-07 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2155195
Edson C. Tandoc, J. Lee, Sangwon Lee, Pei Jun Quek
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引用次数: 0
Theorizing Connective Democracy: A New Way to Bridge Political Divides 联结民主理论化:弥合政治分歧的新途径
IF 3 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2119870
C. Overgaard, Gina M. Masullo, Marley Duchovnay, Casey Moore
ABSTRACT This two-study package theorizes connective democracy as a means of enabling the type of democratic discourse envisioned by deliberative democracy in highly polarized political climates. Using survey data (N = 1,160) and follow-up interviews with survey respondents (n = 56), we theorize connective democracy. We argue that connective democracy offers a less sanitized view of democracy than deliberative democracy where not all types of polarization are equally damaging to democracy. Further, connective democracy prioritizes cross-cutting political conversations and focuses on shared humanity and genuinely listening to divergent points of view. In essence, connective democracy provides a path forward to forge connections between people, thus providing a boundary condition for deliberative democracy. Our findings explore how the public enacts connective democracy, and the role of the professional news media in that enactment. Theoretical implications are discussed in light of recent concerns about affective polarization as well as deliberative democracy’s feasibility.
这两项研究将关联民主理论化,作为在高度两极化的政治气候中实现协商民主所设想的民主话语类型的一种手段。利用调查数据(N = 1,160)和对调查受访者的后续访谈(N = 56),我们将关联民主理论化。我们认为,与协商民主相比,结缔性民主提供了一种不那么干净的民主观,在协商民主中,并非所有类型的两极分化都对民主造成同样的损害。此外,关联民主优先考虑跨领域的政治对话,关注共同的人性和真正倾听不同的观点。从本质上讲,关联民主为人与人之间建立联系提供了一条前进的道路,从而为协商民主提供了边界条件。我们的研究结果探讨了公众如何制定关联民主,以及专业新闻媒体在该制定中的作用。根据最近对情感两极分化的关注以及协商民主的可行性,讨论了理论含义。
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引用次数: 4
The Politics of Resistance: An Ethnographic Examination of Political Alienation and Radical Disengagement among Rural White Underclass Men 抵抗政治:对农村白人下层阶级男性政治异化和激进脱离的民族志考察
IF 3 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2119872
Danny S. Parker
ABSTRACT Scholars have renewed interest in the rural working-class in response to the growth of populist politics. However, due to the difficulty of accessing rural underclass communities, their perspectives have yet to be examined in political communication research. This ethnography uses participant observation and semi-structured interviews to understand how the political and social identities of rural White underclass men are formed by observing their lived experiences, group processes, and the ways in which they consume and share information. Participants indicate a loss of faith in the democratic process so powerful that they do not believe it exists. Unlike their populist rural middle- and working-class counterparts, the rural underclass radically disengages from political and civic life. This radical disengagement entails deep distrust in the media and the government, intentional nonparticipation in politics, and routine norms and practices that diverge from greater society. These findings suggest structural alienation, as their cultural identity seems to have formed, in part, by a disregard for and resistance to a society that has pushed them to the margins of economic and social existence.
随着民粹主义政治的兴起,学者们重新燃起了对农村工人阶级的兴趣。然而,由于难以接触到农村底层群体,他们的观点在政治传播研究中还没有得到充分的研究。这种民族志采用参与式观察和半结构化访谈的方式,通过观察农村白人下层男性的生活经历、群体过程以及他们消费和分享信息的方式,来了解他们的政治和社会身份是如何形成的。与会者表示,他们对强大的民主进程失去了信心,以至于不相信它的存在。与平民主义的农村中产阶级和工人阶级不同,农村下层阶级从根本上脱离了政治和公民生活。这种激进的脱离包括对媒体和政府的极度不信任,有意不参与政治,以及与更大社会脱节的常规规范和做法。这些发现表明了结构性异化,因为他们的文化认同似乎已经形成,部分原因是对一个将他们推向经济和社会存在边缘的社会的漠视和抵制。
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引用次数: 0
An Overdue Contribution: Mass Communication Theory in the Security of Democracy 迟来的贡献:民主安全中的大众传播理论
IF 3 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2117520
Michael McDevitt, Perry Parks, S. Craft
ABSTRACT Democratic backsliding is understood in political science as state-led debilitation of democratic institutions, rules, and norms. Autocratic control of media constitutes a core mechanism in authoritarian regime consolidation. Mass communication theory nevertheless offers ways to conceptualize media complicity beyond serving as tools of intimidation and censorship. Autonomous and semi-autonomous media representations of politics impact the capacity for responsive governance, consent of the governed, and ultimately the security of democracy. Following a discussion on implications of backsliding for normative theory, we identify promising points of connection between backsliding theory and mass communication. We conclude with an overview of the contributions to this special issue, “Media and the Future of Democracy.”
民主倒退在政治学中被理解为国家主导的民主制度、规则和规范的衰弱。对媒体的专制控制是威权政权巩固的核心机制。然而,大众传播理论提供了将媒体共谋概念化的方法,而不仅仅是作为恐吓和审查的工具。媒体对政治的自主和半自主的表述会影响响应性治理的能力、被统治者的同意,并最终影响民主的安全。在讨论了倒退对规范理论的影响之后,我们确定了倒退理论与大众传播之间有希望的联系点。最后,我们将概述本期特刊《媒体与民主的未来》的投稿。
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引用次数: 0
Russian Meddling in U.S. Elections: How News of Disinformation’s Impact Can Affect Trust in Electoral Outcomes and Satisfaction with Democracy 俄罗斯干预美国选举:虚假信息的影响如何影响对选举结果的信任和对民主的满意度
IF 3 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2119871
Andrew R. N. Ross, Cristian Vaccari, A. Chadwick
ABSTRACT Russia’s Internet Research Agency (R-IRA) has been a key focus of disinformation research due to its attempts to use social media to influence the outcome of the 2016 United States presidential election. However, questions remain about the extent to which news coverage of the R-IRA’s efforts may have shaped public perceptions of U.S. democracy. To assess its impact, we ran an experiment involving U.S. social media users (N = 916). We tested whether reading news reports about the R-IRA’s activities heightened perceptions that the R-IRA influenced the public’s vote choices, and whether this influence in turn reduced confidence in the outcomes of the 2016 and 2020 elections and broader satisfaction with democracy. Specifically, we tested if these indirect effects differ depending on whether the R-IRA activity was presented via news frames conveying certainty or uncertainty about the R-IRA’s impact on the U.S. public’s behavior. While the news frames did not significantly influence perceptions that the R-IRA had influenced the U.S. public in general, the degree of certainty with which they described the effects of the R-IRA differently affected perceptions that Republicans and Democrats had been influenced. This, in turn, influenced participants’ confidence in elections and satisfaction with democracy.
俄罗斯互联网研究机构(R-IRA)一直是虚假信息研究的重点,因为它试图利用社交媒体影响2016年美国总统大选的结果。然而,关于R-IRA行动的新闻报道可能在多大程度上影响了公众对美国民主的看法,问题仍然存在。为了评估其影响,我们进行了一项涉及美国社交媒体用户的实验(N = 916)。我们测试了阅读关于R-IRA活动的新闻报道是否提高了R-IRA影响公众投票选择的看法,以及这种影响是否反过来降低了对2016年和2020年选举结果的信心以及对民主的更广泛满意度。具体来说,我们测试了这些间接影响是否取决于R-IRA活动是通过新闻框架呈现的,新闻框架传达了R-IRA对美国公众行为影响的确定性还是不确定性。虽然新闻框架并没有显著影响R-IRA影响美国公众的看法,但他们描述R-IRA影响的确定性程度不同地影响了共和党人和民主党人受到影响的看法。这反过来又影响了参与者对选举的信心和对民主的满意。
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引用次数: 1
Can News Literacy Help Reduce Belief in COVID Misinformation? 新闻素养有助于减少对COVID错误信息的信念吗?
IF 3 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2137040
S. Ashley, S. Craft, Adam Maksl, M. Tully, E. Vraga
ABSTRACT The rapid spread of misinformation during the COVID-19 pandemic has increased calls for news literacy to help mitigate endorsement of misinformation, conspiracy theories, and other falsehoods. In two cross-sectional online surveys conducted in October 2020 (N = 1,502) and July 2021 (N = 1,330), this study examines relationships between news literacy, COVID-19 misinformation, conspiratorial thinking, and political orientation in the United States. The results show that individuals with higher levels of news literacy were more likely to reject COVID-19 misinformation and conspiratorial thinking, but also that news literacy matters more for individuals with liberal political views than conservative political views and is unevenly distributed across the study population with age, race, political orientation, and news diet as significant predictors of news literacy. Results suggest that improved news literacy could be part of a strategy to equip individuals to reject health misinformation, but varied approaches will be necessary to engage with disparate groups.
在2019冠状病毒病大流行期间,错误信息的迅速传播增加了对新闻素养的呼吁,以帮助减少对错误信息、阴谋论和其他虚假信息的认可。在2020年10月(N = 1502)和2021年7月(N = 1330)进行的两项横断面在线调查中,本研究考察了美国新闻素养、COVID-19错误信息、阴谋思维和政治取向之间的关系。结果表明,新闻素养水平较高的个体更有可能拒绝COVID-19的错误信息和阴谋思想,但新闻素养对具有自由政治观点的个体比对保守政治观点的个体更重要,并且在研究人群中分布不均匀,年龄、种族、政治取向和新闻饮食是新闻素养的重要预测因素。结果表明,提高新闻素养可能是一种策略的一部分,使个人能够拒绝健康错误信息,但需要采取不同的方法来与不同的群体接触。
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引用次数: 5
The Third-Person Effect 40 Years After Davison Penned It: What We Know and Where We Should Traverse 戴维森写作40年后的第三人称效应:我们知道什么,我们应该去哪里
IF 3 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-10-31 DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2022.2134802
R. Perloff, Lijiang Shen
ABSTRACT Forty years ago in 1983, W. Phillips Davison coined the term “third-person effect,” generating a robust outpouring of research. This paper places the third-person effect in the contemporary age, one vastly different from the era in which Davison conceptualized perceptions of media effects. The article first describes the historical, sociological climate in which Davison operated, noting how the concept congealed with the intellectual zeitgeist of the 1980s. The paper then provides a critical synthesis of research on the self-other perceptual disparity and the behavioral corollary, focusing on early studies, moderators, mediators, and meta-analytic findings. After describing problems and complexities in third-person research, we ponder implications for the very different media and political psychological climate of 2023. We propose four specific research questions and four testable propositions, building on classic and contemporary theory and research.
40年前的1983年,w·菲利普斯·戴维森(W. Phillips Davison)创造了“第三人效应”一词,引发了大量研究。本文将第三人称效应置于当代,这与戴维森将媒体效应概念化的时代大不相同。文章首先描述了戴维森所处的历史和社会环境,并指出这个概念是如何与20世纪80年代的知识分子时代精神结合在一起的。然后,本文对自我-他人感知差异和行为推论的研究进行了批判性综合,重点关注早期研究、调节因子、中介因子和元分析结果。在描述了第三人称研究的问题和复杂性之后,我们思考了2023年非常不同的媒体和政治心理气候的影响。在经典和当代理论研究的基础上,我们提出了四个具体的研究问题和四个可检验的命题。
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引用次数: 2
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Mass Communication and Society
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