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Adding ‘origination’ to diffusion theory: contrasting the roles of China and the EU in green finance 在扩散理论中增加“起源”:中国和欧盟在绿色金融中的作用对比
IF 4.3 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.1080/09692290.2023.2204532
M. Larsen
Abstract The diffusion of liberal economic ideas has been challenged by three global shifts: a bipolar tilt, nationalism, and climate change. One consequence is that policy norms are originating from new places and carry new content. To date, diffusion theory in International Political Economy (IPE) explains how liberal policy norms spread through ‘adaptation’ to local circumstances, but less why they diffuse from particular origins. The three global shifts make a focus on origins critical. I propose integrating Comparative Political Economy (CPE) into diffusion theory to capture the forces and conditions shaping policy norm ‘origination’. Analyzing the global proliferation of green finance policies, I show how China’s closed capital account and state-controlled financial system combined with a state-led and experimentation-prone governance system creates a top-down market-steering approach that makes China a pioneer of policy instruments. Second, I show how the EU’s global economic position, its independent central bank, and a negotiated and consultative governance system create a bottom-up market-facilitating approach that makes the EU a standard-setter of policy content. Adding origination creates a path forward for diffusion theory, exploring how certain political economy traits create roles in the diffusion process and how this impacts the diffusion mechanisms and adaptation processes emphasized today.
摘要自由主义经济思想的传播受到了三个全球转变的挑战:两极倾斜、民族主义和气候变化。一个后果是,政策规范源自新的地方,并带有新的内容。迄今为止,国际政治经济学(IPE)中的扩散理论解释了自由主义政策规范是如何通过“适应”当地环境而传播的,但较少解释它们为什么从特定来源扩散。三个全球性的转变使得对起源的关注变得至关重要。我建议将比较政治经济学(CPE)纳入扩散理论,以捕捉形成政策规范“起源”的力量和条件。通过分析绿色金融政策在全球的扩散,我展示了中国封闭的资本账户和国家控制的金融体系,以及国家主导和易于试验的治理体系,是如何形成自上而下的市场导向方法的,使中国成为政策工具的先驱。其次,我展示了欧盟的全球经济地位、独立的中央银行以及经过谈判和协商的治理体系如何创造了一种自下而上的市场促进方法,使欧盟成为政策内容的标准制定者。增加起源为扩散理论开辟了一条前进的道路,探索了某些政治经济特征如何在扩散过程中发挥作用,以及这如何影响今天强调的扩散机制和适应过程。
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引用次数: 1
Foundering on fallacies: theorizing the Eurozone’s self-harming mercantilism 建立在谬论之上:将欧元区自我伤害的重商主义理论化
IF 4.3 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-03-30 DOI: 10.1080/09692290.2023.2195678
P. Polyak
Abstract The Eurozone’s export-oriented policy regime and pursuit of trade surpluses remains thoroughly puzzling. Rooted in overly strict fiscal policies, inequality and underinvestment; undermining growth and contributing to trade tensions– it defies economic self-interest. This paper develops an analytical framework to confront this puzzle. It argues that these policies are self-harming, but are nonetheless pursued, because of three fallacies that obscure the cost-benefit calculus attached to them. These fallacies are rooted in the empirical problem of observational equivalence: the same observed surplus can be driven by different underlying processes, and its net benefit will depend on our assumptions about these drivers. The first fallacy is mistaking external enablers for domestic competitiveness—interpreting export success to be linked to domestic reform, when it was largely explained by better links to faster growing trading partners. The second fallacy is mistaking weak imports for strong exports—interpreting surpluses as ‘winning’, even when they are not driven by superior exports but sluggish imports. The third fallacy is mismeasuring multinational firms’ contributions to national exports—interpreting profit shifting and assets stashed in low tax jurisdictions as export performance. Germany and Ireland, as paradigmatic ‘success cases of austerity’, are used to expand the argument.
欧元区以出口为导向的政策体制和对贸易顺差的追求仍然令人费解。根源在于过度严格的财政政策、不平等和投资不足;它破坏了经济增长,加剧了贸易紧张局势——违背了经济自身利益。本文提出了一个分析框架来解决这一难题。它认为,这些政策是自我伤害,但仍然被推行,因为三个谬论掩盖了与之相关的成本效益计算。这些谬论根植于观测等价的经验问题:相同的观测盈余可以由不同的潜在过程驱动,其净收益将取决于我们对这些驱动因素的假设。第一个谬论是将外部因素误认为是国内竞争力——将出口的成功解释为与国内改革有关,而这在很大程度上是由与快速增长的贸易伙伴的更好联系来解释的。第二个谬论是将疲软的进口误认为强劲的出口——将盈余解释为“胜利”,即使它们不是由优质的出口驱动,而是由疲软的进口驱动。第三个谬论是错误地衡量跨国公司对国家出口的贡献——将利润转移和资产存放在低税收管辖区解读为出口业绩。作为“紧缩成功案例”的典范,德国和爱尔兰被用来扩大这一论点。
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引用次数: 1
The demise of sovereign wealth funds 主权财富基金的消亡
IF 4.3 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-03-28 DOI: 10.1080/09692290.2023.2190601
Leonardo Di Bonaventura Altuve
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引用次数: 0
Trading for survival: trade policy as a credible signal, alliance strategy, and public preferences in Taiwan 以贸易求生存:贸易政策作为可信的信号、联盟策略与台湾的公众偏好
IF 4.3 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-03-21 DOI: 10.1080/09692290.2023.2190922
I. T. Chen
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引用次数: 1
East Asia and the politics of global finance: a developmental challenge to the neoliberal consensus? 东亚与全球金融政治:对新自由主义共识的发展挑战?
IF 4.3 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/09692290.2023.2170445
Fabian Pape, Johannes Petry
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引用次数: 2
What about the dragon in the room? Incorporating China into international political economy (IPE) teaching 那房间里的龙呢?将中国纳入国际政治经济学(IPE)教学
IF 4.3 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/09692290.2023.2175711
Mu-Jen Chen, Johannes Petry
Abstract In recent years, IPE research has increasingly tried to better understand the nature and implications of China’s rise in a changing global landscape. However, in IPE teaching, China is often treated as an afterthought to a familiar transatlantic story. IPE students thereby are not adequately prepared to explain important developments in the 21st-century global economy, their underlying causes, mechanisms and particularities. This article provides a roadmap for rethinking the IPE curriculum. In an initial step, we suggest incorporating more comparative political economy into the teaching of IPE theories to create an analytical sensitivity for understanding (Chinese) state-market relationships that significantly diverge from Western-centric narratives. In a second step, these conceptual frameworks should be taken into account when teaching core IPE issue areas such as finance, development, production and trade, in which we argue China must be treated as an integral part rather than an outlier of IPE teaching. Such a revised curriculum, we argue, equips students with the conceptual tools and empirical knowledge for understanding diverging domestic institutional configurations of different economies, and thereby enables students to analyze, compare and critically evaluate fundamental assumptions and arguments about how the global economy functions in the context of a rising China.
近年来,国际政治经济学研究越来越多地试图更好地理解中国崛起在不断变化的全球格局中的性质和影响。然而,在国际政治经济学的教学中,中国经常被视为一个熟悉的跨大西洋故事的补充。因此,国际政治经济学的学生没有做好充分的准备来解释21世纪全球经济的重要发展、其根本原因、机制和特殊性。本文提供了一个重新思考国际政治经济学课程的路线图。在第一步,我们建议将更多的比较政治经济学纳入国际政治经济学理论的教学中,以建立对理解(中国)与西方中心叙事显著不同的国家-市场关系的分析敏感性。第二步,在教授金融、发展、生产和贸易等核心国际政治经济学问题领域时,应考虑到这些概念框架,我们认为中国必须被视为国际政治经济学教学的一个组成部分,而不是一个局外人。我们认为,这种修订后的课程为学生提供了理解不同经济体不同国内制度配置的概念工具和经验知识,从而使学生能够分析、比较和批判性地评估关于中国崛起背景下全球经济如何运作的基本假设和论点。
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引用次数: 0
Back to Dakar: Decolonizing international political economy through dependency theory 回到达喀尔:通过依赖理论去殖民化国际政治经济
IF 4.3 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-03-13 DOI: 10.1080/09692290.2023.2169322
Felipe Antunes de Oliveira, I. Kvangraven
Abstract Whereas the field of International Political Economy (IPE) included a diversity of voices at its outset, histories of the field tend to marginalize certain contributions - particularly those from the Global South. The endeavor to decolonize IPE offers an opportunity to look back at IPE’s history, re-discover the marginalized voices, and imagine new possible futures. This article engages with contemporary calls to decolonize IPE and proposes an alternative route to do so by recovering dependency theory. We argue that dependency theory can be conceptualized as a peripheral IPE perspective that was committed to thinking from the Global South and to producing politically engaged scholarship just as the field was being formed. The article elaborates on the key tenets of dependency theory, contrasting it with mainstream IPE, and putting it in dialogue with decolonial approaches. To demonstrate the simultaneous non-Eurocentric, anti-colonial, and policy-oriented potential of dependency theory, we recover a foundational moment that disciplinary histories of IPE have forgotten: the 1972 Dakar conference, organized by Samir Amin, with the participation of leading Latin American and African dependency scholars.
尽管国际政治经济学(IPE)领域在一开始就包含了各种各样的声音,但该领域的历史倾向于将某些贡献边缘化-特别是来自全球南方的贡献。去殖民化IPE的努力提供了一个机会来回顾IPE的历史,重新发现被边缘化的声音,并想象新的可能的未来。本文结合当代要求国际政治经济学去殖民化的呼声,提出了一种通过恢复依赖理论来实现这一目标的替代途径。我们认为,依赖理论可以被概念化为一种外围的国际政治经济学观点,它致力于从全球南方思考,并在该领域形成时产生政治参与的学术研究。本文详细阐述了依赖理论的关键原则,将其与主流国际政治经济学进行了对比,并将其与非殖民化方法进行了对话。为了证明依赖理论同时具有非欧洲中心主义、反殖民主义和政策导向的潜力,我们回顾了国际政治经济学学科史上被遗忘的一个基本时刻:1972年由萨米尔·阿明组织的达喀尔会议,拉丁美洲和非洲的主要依赖学者参加了会议。
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引用次数: 4
The diffusion deficit in scientific and technological power: re-assessing China’s rise 科技力量的扩散赤字:重新评估中国的崛起
IF 4.3 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-03-13 DOI: 10.1080/09692290.2023.2173633
Jeffrey Ding
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引用次数: 1
Food (in)security, the moral economy, and Ubuntu in South Africa: a Southern perspective 南非的粮食安全、道德经济和乌班图:南方视角
IF 4.3 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-03-13 DOI: 10.1080/09692290.2022.2161110
T. Ndhlovu
COVID-19 and rising energy costs have highlighted the interconnectedness of class, gender, race, and food insecurity. This article focuses on three interrelated arguments: the paradox of growing food surpluses alongside hunger and malnutrition;the role of a reconfigured Ubuntu philosophy;and two organisations that, despite central government's failure to prioritise food provision as a moral and human rights issue, are operationalising Ubuntu. Critical re-appraisal of Ubuntu regarding food insecurity has been a neglected area of research. In drawing from the moral economy, we make an urgent case for a Southern perspective of Ubuntu as a more nuanced, dynamic, and holistic approach for addressing excess food production and indigence. Using qualitative analysis to examine community projects in South Africa, namely, Abalimi Bezekhaya in the Eastern and Western Cape and Siyavuna Abalimi in KwaZulu-Natal, Ubuntu is shown to offer a radical solution where collective structural organisation is sensitive to nutritional needs and grounded on communal responsibility rather than profits.
新冠肺炎和能源成本上涨凸显了阶级、性别、种族和粮食不安全的相互关联。这篇文章集中讨论了三个相互关联的论点:粮食盈余与饥饿和营养不良并存的悖论;重新配置的Ubuntu哲学的作用;以及两个组织,尽管中央政府未能将粮食供应作为一个道德和人权问题来优先考虑,但它们正在运营Ubuntu。对Ubuntu关于粮食不安全的批判性重新评估一直是一个被忽视的研究领域。从道德经济的角度出发,我们迫切需要从南方的角度看待Ubuntu,将其视为一种更微妙、更动态、更全面的方法,以解决粮食生产过剩和贫困问题。使用定性分析来检查南非的社区项目,即东开普省和西开普省的Abalimi Bezekhaya和夸祖鲁-纳塔尔省的Siyavuna Abalimi,Ubuntu被证明提供了一个激进的解决方案,即集体结构组织对营养需求敏感,并以社区责任而非利润为基础。
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引用次数: 1
New champions of preferential trade? Two-level games in China’s and India’s shifting commercial strategies 优惠贸易的新拥护者?中国和印度商业战略转变中的两级博弈
IF 4.3 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/09692290.2022.2060278
Omar Ramon Serrano Oswald, J. Eckhardt
Abstract Following decades of relative isolation, China and India have become the world’s largest new traders. In this paper, we focus on their Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs). While the two economies initially followed similar paths, with a growing number of PTAs signed in the first decade of the 21st Century, since 2011 India has taken a U-turn and stopped completing them. China, on the other hand, has widened and deepened its trade agreements. We present a novel theoretical framework to analyze international economic negotiations by emerging economies and use it to study the puzzling divergence of the trade policies of China and India. By adapting the two-level game framework to emerging economies, we argue that there are key differences in the political economies of countries like China and India (compared to Western industrialized ones), which requires a more specific focus on the domestic side of the two-level game. We show that accounting for non-legislative domestic ratification processes and for iterative games and experiential learning by domestic actors are crucial in understanding the trade strategies of emerging economies. While much of the literature explains large emerging economies by looking at external systemic factors, we instead suggest that their domestic politics trumps international politics.
经过几十年的相对孤立,中国和印度已经成为世界上最大的新兴贸易国。本文的重点是它们的优惠贸易协定。虽然这两个经济体最初走的是类似的道路,在21世纪的第一个十年签署了越来越多的自由贸易协定,但自2011年以来,印度的态度发生了180度大转弯,不再完成这些协定。另一方面,中国扩大和深化了贸易协定。我们提出了一个新的理论框架来分析新兴经济体的国际经济谈判,并用它来研究中国和印度令人困惑的贸易政策分歧。通过将两级博弈框架适用于新兴经济体,我们认为中国和印度等国家的政治经济存在关键差异(与西方工业化国家相比),这需要更具体地关注两级博弈的国内方面。我们表明,考虑到非立法的国内批准过程,以及国内参与者的迭代博弈和经验学习,对于理解新兴经济体的贸易战略至关重要。虽然许多文献通过观察外部系统因素来解释大型新兴经济体,但我们认为,它们的国内政治胜过国际政治。
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引用次数: 0
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Review of International Political Economy
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