Pub Date : 2023-11-23DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2276817
Kiran Stallone
{"title":"Love in war? The strategic use of intimacy in armed conflict","authors":"Kiran Stallone","doi":"10.1080/01436597.2023.2276817","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2276817","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48280,"journal":{"name":"Third World Quarterly","volume":"45 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139245370","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-10DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2275675
Jess Marinaccio
AbstractRecently, scholars of the Pacific region have discussed the concept of Oceanic diplomacy. Oceanic diplomacy focuses on diplomatic practices or principles that belong to Pacific cultures and are distinct from but sometimes work in concert with Western diplomatic practices. The goal of exploring Oceanic diplomacy is examining the current value of these practices and principles, whether within a single country, among Pacific nations, or at the global level. Here, I apply Oceanic diplomacy in analysing Tuvalu’s 2020 Foreign Policy: Te Sikulagi (The Horizon). I first examine the main cultural concepts highlighted in Te Sikulagi – falepili (being a good neighbour) and kaitasi (shared ownership) – and how they function within traditional Tuvaluan diplomacy. I next examine how, after the publication of Te Sikulagi, these concepts were earmarked for use in bolstering relations with other Pacific nations as part of Western or ‘conventional’ diplomatic practices (i.e. signing diplomatic relations). Finally, I outline how these concepts are utilised at the global level in Tuvalu’s activism on climate change. To conclude, I discuss not only how Oceanic diplomacy demonstrates the existence of diplomacies outside the Western diplomatic paradigm but also how these culturally distinctive and antecedent diplomacies are increasingly influencing global diplomatic trends.Keywords: Oceanic diplomacyPacific regionTuvaluforeign-policy making2020 Tuvalu foreign policy: Te Sikulagi Disclosure statementThe author reports there are no competing interests to declare.Ethical approvalEthical approval for interviews in this research was provided by Victoria University of Wellington’s Human Ethics Committee (Approval No. 23599). Informed consent was derived via signed informed consent forms.Notes1 Ethical approval for interviews in this research was provided by Victoria University of Wellington’s Human Ethics Committee (Approval No. 23599). Informed consent was derived via signed informed consent forms.2 The other countries are Vietnam, St. Kitts and Nevis, Gabon, the Bahamas, Kosovo, and St. Lucia.Additional informationFundingPart of this work was supported by Victoria University of Wellington under Grants 214491 and 221469.Notes on contributorsJess MarinaccioJess Marinaccio is Assistant Professor of Asian Pacific studies at California State University, Dominguez Hills, and was recently employed in Tuvalu’s Foreign Affairs Department. She received her doctorate in Pacific studies from Victoria University of Wellington and researches Pacific understandings of diplomacy. She has published in The Contemporary Pacific.
{"title":"Oceanic diplomacy and foreign-policy making in Tuvalu: a values-based approach","authors":"Jess Marinaccio","doi":"10.1080/01436597.2023.2275675","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2275675","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractRecently, scholars of the Pacific region have discussed the concept of Oceanic diplomacy. Oceanic diplomacy focuses on diplomatic practices or principles that belong to Pacific cultures and are distinct from but sometimes work in concert with Western diplomatic practices. The goal of exploring Oceanic diplomacy is examining the current value of these practices and principles, whether within a single country, among Pacific nations, or at the global level. Here, I apply Oceanic diplomacy in analysing Tuvalu’s 2020 Foreign Policy: Te Sikulagi (The Horizon). I first examine the main cultural concepts highlighted in Te Sikulagi – falepili (being a good neighbour) and kaitasi (shared ownership) – and how they function within traditional Tuvaluan diplomacy. I next examine how, after the publication of Te Sikulagi, these concepts were earmarked for use in bolstering relations with other Pacific nations as part of Western or ‘conventional’ diplomatic practices (i.e. signing diplomatic relations). Finally, I outline how these concepts are utilised at the global level in Tuvalu’s activism on climate change. To conclude, I discuss not only how Oceanic diplomacy demonstrates the existence of diplomacies outside the Western diplomatic paradigm but also how these culturally distinctive and antecedent diplomacies are increasingly influencing global diplomatic trends.Keywords: Oceanic diplomacyPacific regionTuvaluforeign-policy making2020 Tuvalu foreign policy: Te Sikulagi Disclosure statementThe author reports there are no competing interests to declare.Ethical approvalEthical approval for interviews in this research was provided by Victoria University of Wellington’s Human Ethics Committee (Approval No. 23599). Informed consent was derived via signed informed consent forms.Notes1 Ethical approval for interviews in this research was provided by Victoria University of Wellington’s Human Ethics Committee (Approval No. 23599). Informed consent was derived via signed informed consent forms.2 The other countries are Vietnam, St. Kitts and Nevis, Gabon, the Bahamas, Kosovo, and St. Lucia.Additional informationFundingPart of this work was supported by Victoria University of Wellington under Grants 214491 and 221469.Notes on contributorsJess MarinaccioJess Marinaccio is Assistant Professor of Asian Pacific studies at California State University, Dominguez Hills, and was recently employed in Tuvalu’s Foreign Affairs Department. She received her doctorate in Pacific studies from Victoria University of Wellington and researches Pacific understandings of diplomacy. She has published in The Contemporary Pacific.","PeriodicalId":48280,"journal":{"name":"Third World Quarterly","volume":"8 7","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135137622","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-09DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2274829
Andréas Litsegård, Frank Mattheis
An increasingly relevant layer of South–South cooperation (SSC) is the proliferation of interactions between regional organisations, in addition to bilateral cooperation. However, studies on interregionalism often exhibit a Eurocentric bias and a state-centric approach, as they frequently overlook non-state actors in their analyses. This article seeks to expand the conceptualisation of interregionalism into a global phenomenon that is interlinked with regionalism in a reciprocal manner, and that is driven by the mutual impact between different stratifications of interregionalism, involving state as well as non-state actors. Using empirical examples from Latin America, Africa, the Arab World and Europe, the article finds that formal cooperation between regional organisations has a more substantial impact on regionalism, particularly in asymmetric settings. Meanwhile, the emergence of interregional civil society cooperation remains closely tied to the existence of state-driven interregionalism whether as a sponsor or a common adversary.
{"title":"Broadening the concept of interregionalism: beyond state-centrism and Eurocentrism","authors":"Andréas Litsegård, Frank Mattheis","doi":"10.1080/01436597.2023.2274829","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2274829","url":null,"abstract":"An increasingly relevant layer of South–South cooperation (SSC) is the proliferation of interactions between regional organisations, in addition to bilateral cooperation. However, studies on interregionalism often exhibit a Eurocentric bias and a state-centric approach, as they frequently overlook non-state actors in their analyses. This article seeks to expand the conceptualisation of interregionalism into a global phenomenon that is interlinked with regionalism in a reciprocal manner, and that is driven by the mutual impact between different stratifications of interregionalism, involving state as well as non-state actors. Using empirical examples from Latin America, Africa, the Arab World and Europe, the article finds that formal cooperation between regional organisations has a more substantial impact on regionalism, particularly in asymmetric settings. Meanwhile, the emergence of interregional civil society cooperation remains closely tied to the existence of state-driven interregionalism whether as a sponsor or a common adversary.","PeriodicalId":48280,"journal":{"name":"Third World Quarterly","volume":" 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135192015","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-27DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2270507
Yani Yang, Yizheng Zou
{"title":"Development and national security: Indonesia’s Natuna Island and the South China Sea issue","authors":"Yani Yang, Yizheng Zou","doi":"10.1080/01436597.2023.2270507","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2270507","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48280,"journal":{"name":"Third World Quarterly","volume":"204 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136318967","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A crisis of ontological security in foreign policy: Iran and international sanctions in the post–JCPOA era","authors":"Fariborz Arghavani Pirsalami, Arash Moradi, Hosein Alipour","doi":"10.1080/01436597.2023.2267986","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2267986","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48280,"journal":{"name":"Third World Quarterly","volume":"22 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134908197","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-26DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2267019
Wan-Ping Lin
{"title":"Indefinite healing: China’s ‘One Country, Two Systems’ formula over Hong Kong from a Daoist–Zhongyi perspective","authors":"Wan-Ping Lin","doi":"10.1080/01436597.2023.2267019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2267019","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48280,"journal":{"name":"Third World Quarterly","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134908111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2269111
Selver B. Sahin, Stepan Verkhovets
AbstractThis article examines the underlying political economy context of the uneven development outcomes in post-conflict Timor-Leste. We use a modified version of a structural political economy approach that is situated in a Gramscian understanding of the state-society relationship. This approach conceptualises development as a process of historically specific class-based and gender-based contestations over the distribution of resources that result in particular forms of socio-political orders maintained through a combination of institutional and ideological mechanisms of wealth generation. Our analysis of whose interests have been prioritised and marginalised in post-independence Timor-Leste is based on a systematic examination of three major factors: regulation of class relations, organisation of gender relations, and the governance of the petroleum industry. We conclude that despite some important improvements in the formation of formal democratic institutions in Timor-Leste, the processes of the distribution of power and access to resources remain far from being inclusive prioritising a class-based group of male-dominant elites that manipulates institutions to advance their interests and use a hegemonic gender ideology to justify and maintain these existing unequal arrangements in the prevailing socio-political order. Thus, the development outcomes in Timor-Leste are strongly connected to the political-economic processes from a larger historical perspective.Keywords: Timor-Lestestate institutionsresistance movementgender relationspetroleum industry AcknowledgementsThe authors are grateful to the editors and three anonymous referees of Third World Quarterly for their valuable and constructive comments.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsSelver B. SahinSelver B. Sahin is Assistant Professor of International Relations at Bilkent University, Ankara, Turkey. She is the author of International Intervention and State- Making: How the Exception Became the Norm (Routledge, 2015). Her research is focused on the social dynamics of institutional and governmental outcomes and has been published in Democratisation, Development Policy Review, Journal of Contemporary Asia, Asian Studies Review, Australian Journal of International Affairs, and International Peacekeeping.Stepan VerkhovetsStepan Verkhovets is a PhD student at the Department of Political Science, McGill University, Montreal, Canada. He has published his research work on the political economy of institutional and governmental outcomes in the Journal of Contemporary Asia, and Globalizations.
摘要本文考察了冲突后东帝汶不平衡发展结果的潜在政治经济背景。我们使用结构政治经济学方法的修改版本，该方法位于葛兰西对国家-社会关系的理解中。这种方法将发展概念化为历史上特定的基于阶级和基于性别的资源分配争论的过程，这种争论导致通过创造财富的体制和意识形态机制的结合来维持特定形式的社会政治秩序。我们对东帝汶独立后谁的利益被优先考虑和边缘化的分析是基于对三个主要因素的系统检查:阶级关系的调节、性别关系的组织和石油工业的治理。我们得出的结论是，尽管东帝汶在正式民主制度的形成方面取得了一些重要进展，但权力分配和资源获取的过程仍然远远没有实现包容性，优先考虑以阶级为基础的男性主导精英群体，他们操纵制度来推进自己的利益，并利用霸权的性别意识形态来证明和维持这些现有的不平等安排在主流社会政治秩序中。因此，从更大的历史角度来看，东帝汶的发展成果与政治经济进程密切相关。关键词:东帝汶国家机构;抵抗运动;两性关系;石油工业致谢作者感谢《第三世界季刊》的编辑和三位匿名审稿人提供的宝贵和建设性的意见。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。作者简介:silver B. Sahin，土耳其安卡拉比尔肯特大学国际关系助理教授。她是《国际干预和国家制定:例外如何成为规范》(Routledge, 2015)一书的作者。她的研究主要集中在制度和政府成果的社会动态，并发表在民主化，发展政策评论，当代亚洲杂志，亚洲研究评论，澳大利亚国际事务杂志和国际维和。Stepan Verkhovets，加拿大蒙特利尔麦吉尔大学政治学系博士研究生。他在《当代亚洲杂志》和《全球化》上发表了关于制度和政府结果的政治经济学研究成果。
{"title":"Guns, gender and petroleum: a critical analysis of the underlying dynamics of Timor-Leste’s development trajectory","authors":"Selver B. Sahin, Stepan Verkhovets","doi":"10.1080/01436597.2023.2269111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2269111","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis article examines the underlying political economy context of the uneven development outcomes in post-conflict Timor-Leste. We use a modified version of a structural political economy approach that is situated in a Gramscian understanding of the state-society relationship. This approach conceptualises development as a process of historically specific class-based and gender-based contestations over the distribution of resources that result in particular forms of socio-political orders maintained through a combination of institutional and ideological mechanisms of wealth generation. Our analysis of whose interests have been prioritised and marginalised in post-independence Timor-Leste is based on a systematic examination of three major factors: regulation of class relations, organisation of gender relations, and the governance of the petroleum industry. We conclude that despite some important improvements in the formation of formal democratic institutions in Timor-Leste, the processes of the distribution of power and access to resources remain far from being inclusive prioritising a class-based group of male-dominant elites that manipulates institutions to advance their interests and use a hegemonic gender ideology to justify and maintain these existing unequal arrangements in the prevailing socio-political order. Thus, the development outcomes in Timor-Leste are strongly connected to the political-economic processes from a larger historical perspective.Keywords: Timor-Lestestate institutionsresistance movementgender relationspetroleum industry AcknowledgementsThe authors are grateful to the editors and three anonymous referees of Third World Quarterly for their valuable and constructive comments.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsSelver B. SahinSelver B. Sahin is Assistant Professor of International Relations at Bilkent University, Ankara, Turkey. She is the author of International Intervention and State- Making: How the Exception Became the Norm (Routledge, 2015). Her research is focused on the social dynamics of institutional and governmental outcomes and has been published in Democratisation, Development Policy Review, Journal of Contemporary Asia, Asian Studies Review, Australian Journal of International Affairs, and International Peacekeeping.Stepan VerkhovetsStepan Verkhovets is a PhD student at the Department of Political Science, McGill University, Montreal, Canada. He has published his research work on the political economy of institutional and governmental outcomes in the Journal of Contemporary Asia, and Globalizations.","PeriodicalId":48280,"journal":{"name":"Third World Quarterly","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135570161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-19DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2264780
Swati Mehta Dhawan, Kim Wilson, Hans-Martin Zademach
Based on new empirical insights gained in a multi-country project with a particular focus on Jordan as a hotspot of international development in the context of forced displacement, the paper in hand stages the relevance of the concept of financial health vis-à-vis financial inclusion to better support the financial lives of refugees. Financial inclusion of refugees – allowing them to store, borrow, and transfer money, insure against shocks, and pay bills through the formal financial infrastructure of host countries – has become a well-established practice in endeavours of economic integration in protracted displacement. Such access is expected to enable refugees to rebuild their livelihoods and become self-reliant. In other contexts, however, there is increasing acknowledgement that financial services are only a means to an end and not the end itself, resulting in a push for a shift in focus to a more holistic approach. Applying this understanding to the context of forced displacement, our research demonstrates that financial services are only one, and often not the most important, input to improve the self-reliance of refugees. In the absence of supportive conditions, such as access to jobs, identity and long-term certainty, financial inclusion investments can only improve refugees’ financial lives at the margins.
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Pub Date : 2023-09-27DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2257146
Huseyin Zengin
AbstractThis paper argues that the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has instrumentalised the Turkish army by conducting military operations in the run-up to elections. Although ending military tutelage has been interpreted in other countries as a sign of the professionalisation of the army, in Turkey it has done the opposite: the civilianisation discourse and civilian hegemony over military institutions have led to the instrumentalisation of the army. I demonstrate that the number of military operations significantly increased in the lead-up to elections, which strongly indicates the extent of instrumentalisation. Previous studies have primarily focused on the army’s praetorian role, neglecting the instrumentalisation process in which the military is engaged. This paper analyses the operational aspect of the army and introduces the concept of instrumentalisation. I contend that the cessation of military tutelage in Turkey has resulted in the securitisation of both society and politics. The failed coup in 2016, the double elections of 2015, and the heightened interest in the defence sector during election periods provide strong grounds for examining the instrumentalisation hypothesis.Keywords: Civil–military relationsAKPterrorismconflictelections AcknowledgementsI thank the anonymous reviewers for the excellent peer-review process. I also acknowledge the immense support of the Institute for Humane Studies.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Additional informationNotes on contributorsHuseyin ZenginHuseyin Zengin is currently Visiting Lecturer at the University of Pittsburgh. His research interests are political violence, civil–military relations, and democratisation. His work has appeared in Democratization, Research & Politics, Studies in Comparative International Development and Mediterranean Politics.
摘要本文认为，正义与发展党(AKP)通过在选举前进行军事行动，将土耳其军队工具化。虽然结束军事监护在其他国家被解释为军队专业化的标志，但在土耳其，它却适得其反:文民化的话语和对军事机构的文官霸权导致了军队的工具化。我指出，在选举之前，军事行动的数量大大增加，这有力地表明了工具化的程度。以前的研究主要集中在军队的禁卫军角色上，忽视了军队参与的工具化过程。本文分析了军队的作战方面，介绍了工具化的概念。我认为，土耳其停止军事监护导致了社会和政治的证券化。2016年失败的政变、2015年的两次选举，以及选举期间对国防部门的浓厚兴趣，为检验工具化假说提供了强有力的依据。关键词:军民关系恐怖主义冲突感谢匿名审稿人出色的同行评议过程。我还要感谢人文研究所的大力支持。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。作者简介:huseyin Zengin huseyin Zengin目前是匹兹堡大学的客座讲师。他的研究兴趣为政治暴力、军民关系和民主化。他的著作发表在《民主化》、《研究与政治》、《比较国际发展研究》和《地中海政治》。
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Pub Date : 2023-09-21DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2254242
Claudia Eggart
The Kyrgyzstani apparel industry has seen spectacular growth in recent years, despite informal structures, a predatory business environment, and intersecting crises. Contrary to other apparel producers in the Global South, ‘Made in Kyrgyzstan’ (MiK) has emerged from below and independently of multinational corporations or state-funded development initiatives. This article takes an ethnographic approach to examine how apparel producers navigate the challenging national and geopolitical environment in which their businesses are embedded. It does so based on long-term fieldwork, conducted before (2019), during (2020, online), and after (2021) the pandemic at the Dordoi Bazaar in Bishkek, the main distribution platform for locally produced apparel. Based on the ethnographic material, this article questions the meaningfulness of an informality framework in the corrupt context of the Kyrgyzstani state, and instead shifts the focus on attempts to build durable businesses that are capable of dealing with local and global constraints. Doing so, it makes two related points. Firstly, it traces the unique nature of post-Soviet economic transformation in Kyrgyzstan through the peculiar growth of the informal apparel industry. Secondly, it emphasises the relevance of endemic state corruption when studying informal economic practices on the ground.
{"title":"‘Made in Kyrgyzstan is gold!’ the rise of the informal Kyrgyzstani apparel industry","authors":"Claudia Eggart","doi":"10.1080/01436597.2023.2254242","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2254242","url":null,"abstract":"The Kyrgyzstani apparel industry has seen spectacular growth in recent years, despite informal structures, a predatory business environment, and intersecting crises. Contrary to other apparel producers in the Global South, ‘Made in Kyrgyzstan’ (MiK) has emerged from below and independently of multinational corporations or state-funded development initiatives. This article takes an ethnographic approach to examine how apparel producers navigate the challenging national and geopolitical environment in which their businesses are embedded. It does so based on long-term fieldwork, conducted before (2019), during (2020, online), and after (2021) the pandemic at the Dordoi Bazaar in Bishkek, the main distribution platform for locally produced apparel. Based on the ethnographic material, this article questions the meaningfulness of an informality framework in the corrupt context of the Kyrgyzstani state, and instead shifts the focus on attempts to build durable businesses that are capable of dealing with local and global constraints. Doing so, it makes two related points. Firstly, it traces the unique nature of post-Soviet economic transformation in Kyrgyzstan through the peculiar growth of the informal apparel industry. Secondly, it emphasises the relevance of endemic state corruption when studying informal economic practices on the ground.","PeriodicalId":48280,"journal":{"name":"Third World Quarterly","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136155224","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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