American Sociological Review最新文献_第5页

Efficacy of traumatic memory reactivation with or without propranolol in PTSD with high dissociative experiences. 使用或不使用普萘洛尔对创伤后应激障碍伴高度分离体验者进行创伤记忆再激活的疗效。

IF 5 1区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/20008066.2022.2151098

Pascal Roullet, Simon Taïb, Claire Thalamas, Guillaume Vaiva, Wissam El Hage, Antoine Yrondi, Philippe Birmes

Background: Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) with dissociative symptoms is now a full-fledged subtype of this disorder. The dissociative subtype is associated with a greater number of psychiatric comorbidities. To date, the impact of dissociation on the efficacy of PTSD treatment remains unclear.Objective: The aim of this study was to compare the efficacy of a traumatic memory reactivation procedure with the administration of propranolol or a placebo once a week for six consecutive weeks in reducing PTSD and MDE symptoms between PTSD subjects with or without high dissociative symptoms.Method: For that, we conducted a randomized clinical trial in 66 adults diagnosed with longstanding PTSD and measured the SCID PTSD module, the PTSD Checklist (PCL-S), Beck's Depression Inventory-II (BDI-II), and the Dissociative Experiences Scale (DES).Results: Patients with and without high dissociative experience had significant improvement in their PCL-S scores over the 6 treatment sessions, and PCL-S scores continued to decline in all patients during the post-treatment period. However, there was no correlation between the presence/absence of high dissociative experiences and no specific effect of propranolol treatment. We found exactly the same results for MDE symptoms. Interestingly, patients with high dissociative experiences before treatment exhibited very significant improvement in their DES scores after the 6 treatment sessions, and patients maintained this improvement 3 months post-treatment.Conclusions: The traumatic memory reactivation procedure is an effective way to treat dissociative symptoms in patients with PTSD, and improvement of these dissociative symptoms was associated with a decrease in both PTSD and depression severity.

背景：伴有分离性症状的创伤后应激障碍（PTSD）现已成为该障碍的一个成熟亚型。解离亚型与更多的精神疾病合并症相关。迄今为止，解离对创伤后应激障碍治疗效果的影响仍不明确：本研究旨在比较创伤记忆再激活程序与连续六周每周一次服用普萘洛尔或安慰剂对有或无高度解离症状的 PTSD 受试者减轻 PTSD 和 MDE 症状的疗效：为此，我们对66名被诊断为长期创伤后应激障碍的成人进行了随机临床试验，并测量了SCID创伤后应激障碍模块、创伤后应激障碍核对表（PCL-S）、贝克抑郁量表-II（BDI-II）和分离体验量表（DES）：结果：在6个疗程的治疗过程中，有和没有高度解离体验的患者的PCL-S评分都有显著改善，所有患者的PCL-S评分在治疗后都持续下降。然而，存在/不存在高度解离体验与普萘洛尔治疗的具体效果之间没有相关性。我们在 MDE 症状方面也发现了完全相同的结果。有趣的是，治疗前有高度解离体验的患者在接受6次治疗后，其DES评分有了非常明显的改善，而且患者在治疗后3个月仍能保持这种改善：创伤记忆再激活程序是治疗创伤后应激障碍患者分离症状的有效方法，这些分离症状的改善与创伤后应激障碍和抑郁症严重程度的降低相关。

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引用次数: 0

Party, Race, and Neutrality: Investigating the Interdependence of Attitudes toward Social Groups 政党、种族与中立：对社会群体态度的相互依赖性研究

IF 9.1 1区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2022-11-26 DOI: 10.1177/00031224221135797

Jordan Brensinger, Ramina Sotoudeh

Recent public and scholarly discourse suggests that partisanship informs how people feel about social groups in the United States by organizing those groups into camps of political friends and enemies. More generally, this implies that Americans’ attitudes toward social groups exhibit interdependence, a heretofore underexplored proposition. We develop a conceptual and methodological approach to investigating such interdependence and apply it to attitudes toward 17 social groups, the broadest set of measures available to date. We identify three subpopulations with distinct attitude logics: partisans, who feel warm toward groups commonly associated with their political party and cool toward those linked to the out-party; racials, distinguished by their consistently warmer or cooler feelings toward all racial groups relative to other forms of social group membership; and neutrals, who generally evaluate social groups neither warmly nor coolly. Individuals’ social positions and experiences, particularly the strength of their partisanship, their race, and their experience of racial discrimination, inform how they construe the social space. These findings shed light on contemporary political and social divisions while expanding the toolkit available for the study of attitudes toward social groups.

最近的公开和学术讨论表明，党派之争通过将美国的社会团体组织成政治朋友和敌人的阵营，来影响人们对这些团体的感受。更普遍地说，这意味着美国人对社会群体的态度表现出相互依存性，这是一个迄今为止未被充分探索的命题。我们制定了一种概念和方法来调查这种相互依存关系，并将其应用于对17个社会群体的态度，这是迄今为止最广泛的一套衡量标准。我们确定了三个具有不同态度逻辑的亚群体：党派人士，他们对通常与政党有关的群体感到热情，对与外部政党有关的人感到冷静；种族主义者，其特点是相对于其他形式的社会群体成员，他们对所有种族群体的感情始终是温暖或凉爽的；以及中立派，他们通常对社会群体的评价既不热情也不冷静。个人的社会立场和经历，特别是他们的党派立场、种族和种族歧视经历，决定了他们如何构建社会空间。这些发现揭示了当代的政治和社会分歧，同时扩大了研究对社会群体态度的工具包。

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引用次数: 0

Double Jeopardy: Teacher Biases, Racialized Organizations, and the Production of Racial/Ethnic Disparities in School Discipline 双重危险:教师偏见，种族化组织，以及学校纪律中种族/民族差异的产生

IF 9.1 1区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2022-11-18 DOI: 10.1177/00031224221135810

Jayanti Owens

Bridging research in social psychology with scholarship on racialized organizations, this article shows how individual bias and organizational demographic composition can operate together to shape the degree of discrimination in schools. To understand Black and Latino boys’ higher rates of discipline that persist net of differences in behavior, I combine an original video experiment involving 1,339 teachers in 295 U.S. schools with organizational data on school racial/ethnic and socioeconomic composition. In the experiment, teachers view and respond to a randomly assigned video of a White, Black, or Latino boy committing identical, routine classroom misbehavior. I find that, compared to White boys, Black and Latino boys face a double jeopardy. They experience both (1) individual-level teacher bias, where they are perceived as being more “blameworthy” and referred more readily for identical misbehavior, and (2) racialized organizational climates of heightened blaming, where students of all races/ethnicities are perceived as being more “blameworthy” for identical misbehavior in schools with large minority populations versus in predominantly White schools. This study develops a more comprehensive understanding of the production of racial/ethnic inequality in school discipline by empirically identifying a dual process that involves both individual teacher bias and heightened blaming that is related to minority organizational composition.

这篇文章将社会心理学研究与种族化组织的学术研究相结合，展示了个人偏见和组织人口构成如何共同作用，以塑造学校歧视的程度。为了理解黑人和拉丁裔男孩在行为差异中持续存在的较高纪律率，我将一个涉及295所美国学校的1339名教师的原始视频实验与学校种族/民族和社会经济构成的组织数据结合起来。在实验中，老师们观看并回应随机分配的一段视频，视频中一个白人、黑人或拉丁裔男孩犯了同样的、常规的课堂不当行为。我发现，与白人男孩相比，黑人和拉丁裔男孩面临双重危险。他们经历了(1)个人层面的教师偏见，他们被认为更“应该受到指责”，更容易因同样的不当行为而被提及;(2)种族化的组织氛围，指责加剧，在少数民族人口较多的学校，所有种族/民族的学生都被认为更“应该受到指责”，而在以白人为主的学校里，这些学生同样的不当行为。本研究对学校纪律中种族/民族不平等的产生有了更全面的理解，通过经验确定了一个双重过程，包括教师个人偏见和与少数民族组织构成有关的高度指责。

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引用次数: 18

Homicide and State History 凶杀和州历史

IF 9.1 1区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2022-11-09 DOI: 10.1177/00031224221131758

J. Gerring, C. Knutsen

We argue that cross-national variability in homicide rates is strongly influenced by state history. Populations living within a state are habituated, over time, to settling conflicts through regularized, institutional channels rather than personal violence. Because these are gradual and long-term processes, present-day countries composed of citizens whose ancestors experienced a degree of “state-ness” in previous centuries should experience fewer homicides today. To test this proposition, we adopt an ancestry-adjusted measure of state history that extends back to 0 CE. Cross-country analyses show a sizeable and robust relationship between this index and lower homicide rates. The result holds when using various measures of state history and homicide rates, sets of controls, samples, and estimators. We also find indicative evidence that state history relates to present levels of other forms of personal violence. Tests of plausible mechanisms suggest state history is linked to homicide rates via the law-abidingness of citizens. We find less support for alternative channels such as economic development or current state capacity.

我们认为，国家间凶杀率的变化很大程度上受到州历史的影响。随着时间的推移，生活在一个州内的人们习惯于通过正规的制度渠道而不是个人暴力来解决冲突。因为这些都是渐进和长期的过程，所以由祖先在前几个世纪经历过一定程度“国家性”的公民组成的当今国家，今天应该会经历更少的凶杀案。为了检验这一命题，我们采用了一种追溯到公元0年的经祖先调整的州历史测量方法。跨国分析显示，这一指数与较低的凶杀率之间存在着相当大且稳健的关系。当使用州历史和凶杀率的各种衡量标准、对照组、样本和估计量时，结果成立。我们还发现了一些指示性证据，表明国家历史与目前其他形式的人身暴力水平有关。对可信机制的测试表明，州历史通过公民的守法程度与谋杀率有关。我们发现，对经济发展或当前国家能力等替代渠道的支持较少。

引用次数: 0

Ready to Rent: Administrative Decisions and Poverty Governance in the Housing Choice Voucher Program 准备出租：住房选择券计划中的行政决策和贫困治理

IF 9.1 1区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2022-11-07 DOI: 10.1177/00031224221131798

B. McCabe

Sociological studies of poverty governance investigate how state actors manage marginalized populations, regulate their participation in social institutions, and reform their behavior through systems of punishment and rewards. Research in this area considers a range of institutions involved in managing poverty, but it has largely ignored an institution omnipresent in the lives of the poor—public housing agencies (PHAs). Focusing on the Housing Choice Voucher program, the largest rental assistance program in the country, I examine discretionary choices made by PHAs that affect who gets access to rental assistance, how long clients have to wait, and what they must do to maintain their benefits. I ask how these administrative decisions create successive opportunities for state agencies to govern the poor. Drawing on interviews with agency officials, I describe a tripartite process of selecting market-ready households, engaging them in rituals of market formation, and utilizing market nudges to remind them of their responsibilities as market actors. This framework deepens sociological understandings of how local state agencies utilize discretionary choices in a resource-scarce, highly decentralized policy environment to evaluate, reform, and discipline the poor.

贫困治理的社会学研究调查了国家行为者如何管理边缘化人口，规范他们对社会机构的参与，并通过惩罚和奖励制度改革他们的行为。这一领域的研究考虑了一系列参与管理贫困的机构，但在很大程度上忽略了穷人生活中无处不在的一个机构——公共住房机构。我专注于住房选择券计划，这是美国最大的租房援助计划，研究了PHA做出的自由选择，这些选择会影响谁可以获得租房援助，客户需要等待多久，以及他们必须做些什么才能维持福利。我想知道这些行政决定是如何为国家机构治理穷人创造连续的机会的。根据对机构官员的采访，我描述了一个三方过程，即选择准备进入市场的家庭，让他们参与市场形成的仪式，并利用市场推动来提醒他们作为市场参与者的责任。该框架加深了社会学对地方国家机构如何在资源稀缺、高度分散的政策环境中利用自由选择来评估、改革和约束穷人的理解。

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引用次数: 4

Relational Work in the Family: The Gendered Microfoundation of Parents’ Economic Decisions 家庭中的关系工作:父母经济决策的性别微观基础

IF 9.1 1区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2022-11-03 DOI: 10.1177/00031224221132295

Aliya Hamid Rao

How do parents decide what goods, experiences, and activities they can afford for their children during times of economic insecurity? This article draws on 72 in-depth interviews with U.S. professional middle-class families in which one parent is unemployed. Extending the concept of relational work, this study illuminates how the microfoundation of economic decisions is gendered. Families where fathers are unemployed take the approach of relational preservation: they seek to maintain a high threshold of expenditures on children and view curtailing child-related spending as a threat to their class status. These families see reducing expenditures on children as a parental, and especially paternal, failure. Families where mothers are unemployed take an approach of relational downscaling, lowering the threshold for essential expenditures on children. These families are reluctant to spend less on children’s education, but they do not view decreasing spending on other items, such as consumer goods, as threatening their class status. Gendering relational work reveals how inequalities within families are reproduced through meaning-making around expenditures on children, and it clarifies a key source of variation in parental economic decision-making.

在经济不安全的时期，父母如何决定他们能为孩子负担得起什么商品、体验和活动？本文对父母一方失业的美国职业中产阶级家庭进行了72次深入采访。本研究扩展了关系工作的概念，阐明了经济决策的微观基础是如何性别化的。父亲失业的家庭采取关系保护的方法：他们寻求保持对儿童的高支出门槛，并将削减与儿童相关的支出视为对其阶级地位的威胁。这些家庭认为，作为父母，尤其是作为父亲，减少对孩子的支出是失败的。母亲失业的家庭采取关系缩减的方法，降低了儿童基本支出的门槛。这些家庭不愿意在儿童教育上减少支出，但他们不认为在消费品等其他项目上减少支出会威胁到他们的阶级地位。分类关系研究揭示了家庭内部的不平等是如何通过围绕儿童支出的意义制造来再现的，并阐明了父母经济决策变化的一个关键来源。

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引用次数: 3

Collaborating in Class: Social Class Context and Peer Help-Seeking and Help-Giving in an Elite Engineering School 课堂合作:一所精英工程学校的社会阶层背景与同伴寻求与给予帮助

IF 9.1 1区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2022-10-29 DOI: 10.1177/00031224221130506

Anthony M. Johnson

Scholars have extensively documented social class differences in students’ relationships with educational institutions through their interactions with authority figures and the unequal institutional advantages these interactions yield. However, little is known about whether or how social class also shapes students’ peer interactions in ways that produce these inequalities. Using a qualitative case study of an elite engineering school in which I draw on participant observation and interviews with 88 undergraduates and six administrators, I argue that social class context—a proxy for social class—shapes the peer help-seeking and help-giving (collaborative) strategies students use, which can create inequalities in the institutional advantages they secure in the form of academic help, support, and learning opportunities. Focusing specifically on the social class context of students’ high schools, I find that compared to their less-privileged counterparts, privileged students—who came from class-advantaged high school contexts where they became familiar with collaboration and upper-middle-class cultural signals—more easily collaborated with their college classmates and displayed signals that communicated they were “good” collaborators. The findings highlight new mechanisms through which inequalities are reproduced in educational institutions and make theoretical contributions to research on cultural capital, inequality, and education.

学者们通过与权威人物的互动，广泛记录了学生与教育机构关系中的社会阶级差异，以及这些互动产生的不平等制度优势。然而，人们对社会阶层是否或如何以产生这些不平等的方式影响学生的同伴互动知之甚少。通过对一所精英工程学校的定性案例研究，我利用参与者的观察和对88名本科生和6名管理人员的采访，认为社会阶级背景——社会阶级的代表——塑造了学生使用的同伴寻求帮助和给予帮助（协作）策略，这可能会在他们以学术帮助、支持和学习机会的形式获得的制度优势方面造成不平等。特别关注学生高中的社会阶级背景，我发现与他们的弱势同龄人相比，特权学生——他们来自阶级优越的高中环境，在那里他们熟悉了合作和中上层文化信号——更容易与大学同学合作，并表现出他们是“好”合作者的信号。研究结果强调了在教育机构中再现不平等现象的新机制，并为文化资本、不平等和教育研究做出了理论贡献。

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引用次数: 2

Caught between Frontstage and Backstage: The Failure of the Federal Reserve to Halt Rule Evasion in the Financial Crisis of 1974 夹在前台和后台之间:1974年金融危机中美联储未能阻止规避规则

IF 9.1 1区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2022-10-27 DOI: 10.1177/00031224221131478

P. Fink

Rule evasion by companies is a major driver of change in contemporary market societies. Recent research holds that periods of market instability offer opportunities to bring rule evasion under control because crises expose hidden market practices. Based on original archival evidence from the financial crisis of 1974, this article shows that rule evasion is disclosed not automatically, but strategically and selectively. To explain the ensuing dynamics, the article develops a Goffmanian framework in which regulators learn of a crisis of rule evasion backstage (in their interactions with companies) but use a conventional definition of the situation frontstage (in their presentations to the public). In an as yet unrecognized outcome, the regulators may find themselves caught between frontstage and backstage: their communications to the public limit their room for maneuver against the companies backstage, forcing them to repurpose their extant crisis-management tools. Because regulators publicly pretend to stay within their mandate, this form of crisis response renders re-regulation of rule evasion less likely. The finding contributes a new explanation for a central puzzle in the burgeoning sociology of crises: why periods of instability so rarely lead to change.

企业规避规则是当代市场社会变革的主要推动力。最近的研究认为，市场不稳定时期提供了控制规避规则的机会，因为危机暴露了隐藏的市场行为。本文基于1974年金融危机的原始档案证据，表明规则规避不是自动披露的，而是有策略地、有选择性地披露的。为了解释随后的动态，本文开发了一个戈夫曼框架，在这个框架中，监管机构在后台(在他们与公司的互动中)了解到逃避规则的危机，但在前台(在他们向公众发表演讲时)使用传统的定义。目前尚未认识到的结果是，监管机构可能会发现自己被夹在前台和后台之间:他们与公众的沟通限制了他们对付幕后公司的回旋余地，迫使他们重新利用现有的危机管理工具。由于监管机构公开假装在履行职责，这种形式的危机应对使得对逃避规则的重新监管变得不太可能。这一发现为新兴的危机社会学中的一个核心谜题提供了新的解释:为什么不稳定时期很少导致变革。

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引用次数: 1

Online Conspiracy Groups: Micro-Bloggers, Bots, and Coronavirus Conspiracy Talk on Twitter 在线阴谋团体:微博、机器人和推特上的冠状病毒阴谋论

IF 9.1 1区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2022-10-26 DOI: 10.1177/00031224221125937

H. Greve, H. Rao, P. Vicinanza, Echo Yan Zhou

Conspiracies are consequential and social, yet online conspiracy groups that consist of individuals (and bots) seeking to explain events or a system have been neglected in sociology. We extract conspiracy talk about the COVID-19 pandemic on Twitter and use the biterm topic model (BTM) to provide a descriptive baseline for the discursive and social structure of online conspiracy groups. We find that individuals enter these communities through a gateway conspiracy theory before proceeding to extreme theories, and humans adopt more diverse conspiracy theories than do bots. Event-history analyses show that individuals tweet new conspiracy theories, and tweet inconsistent theories simultaneously, when they face a threat posed by a rising COVID-19 case rate and receive attention from others via retweets. By contrast, bots are less responsive to rising case rates, but they are more consistent, as they mainly tweet about how COVID-19 was deliberately created by sinister agents. These findings suggest human beings are bricoleurs who use conspiracy theories to make sense of COVID-19, whereas bots are designed to create moral panic. Our findings suggest that conspiracy talk by individuals is defensive in nature, whereas bots engage in offense.

阴谋是后果性的和社会性的，然而由个人(和机器人)组成的在线阴谋团体试图解释事件或一个系统，这在社会学中被忽视了。我们提取了Twitter上关于COVID-19大流行的阴谋言论，并使用biterm主题模型(BTM)为在线阴谋团体的话语和社会结构提供了描述性基线。我们发现，个人在进入极端理论之前，会先通过门户阴谋论进入这些社区，而人类采用的阴谋论比机器人更多样化。事件历史分析表明，当个人面临COVID-19病例率上升的威胁并通过转发获得他人的关注时，他们会同时发布新的阴谋论和不一致的理论。相比之下，机器人对病例率上升的反应较弱，但它们更一致，因为它们主要在推特上发布有关邪恶特工如何故意制造COVID-19的信息。这些发现表明，人类是使用阴谋论来理解COVID-19的能工巧匠，而机器人的目的是制造道德恐慌。我们的研究结果表明，个人的阴谋论本质上是防御性的，而机器人则是进攻性的。

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引用次数: 4

The Elements of Cultural Power: Novelty, Emotion, Status, and Cultural Capital 文化力量的要素：新颖性、情感、地位与文化资本

IF 9.1 1区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2022-09-24 DOI: 10.1177/00031224221123030

Di Zhou

Why do certain ideas catch on? What makes some ideas more powerful than others? Using a novel dataset that traces Chinese netizens’ discussion of U.S. politics on an online forum, this study examines key predictors of cultural power—novelty, emotion, status, and linguistic features—using an innovative diachronic word-embedding method. The study finds a curvilinear relationship between novelty and resonance, as well as a positive relationship between status and cultural power. Contrary to theoretical expectations, moderate emotions, whether positive or negative, are found to be more effective in evoking resonance than more intense emotions, possibly due to the mediating effect of the forum’s “group style.” Thus, it appears that although extreme sentiments toward the United States may exist, they are not likely to be resonant, at least among more educated Chinese netizens. The study also finds significant effects of linguistic features, such as lexical diversity and the use of English in Chinese discussions. This suggests a Bourdieusian “cultural capital signaling and selection” path to cultural power, which has not been considered in most studies of resonance.

为什么某些想法会流行起来?是什么让一些想法比其他想法更强大?本研究使用一个新颖的数据集，追踪中国网民在一个在线论坛上对美国政治的讨论，使用一种创新的历时词嵌入方法，研究了文化权力的关键预测因素——新颖性、情感、地位和语言特征。研究发现，新颖性与共鸣之间呈曲线关系，地位与文化权力之间呈正相关。与理论预期相反，适度的情绪，无论是积极的还是消极的，被发现比更强烈的情绪更有效地唤起共鸣，可能是由于论坛的“群体风格”的中介作用。因此，尽管对美国的极端情绪可能存在，但它们不太可能引起共鸣，至少在受过良好教育的中国网民中是这样。研究还发现了语言特征的显著影响，如词汇多样性和在汉语讨论中使用英语。这表明了一种布尔迪乌的“文化资本信号和选择”的文化权力路径，这在大多数共振研究中都没有被考虑到。

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引用次数: 2