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Instrument provision and geographical science: the work of the Royal Geographical Society, 1830–ca 1930 仪器供应和地理科学:英国皇家地理学会的工作,1830年至1930年
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-10-10 DOI: 10.1098/RSNR.2018.0034
J. Wess, C. Withers
This paper examines the Royal Geographical Society's provision and management of scientific instruments to explorers and expeditions in the century following its foundation in 1830. Assessment of the Society's directives concerning appropriate scientific instruments for the conduct of geography reveals the emergence (slow and uneven) of policies concerning the assignment of instruments. From examination of Council minutes and related manuscript sources, the paper documents the numbers of instruments acquired by the Society, by whom used, for what scientific purpose and in which parts of the world. The paper examines the number and chronology of expeditions supported by the Society's instruments, examines the expenditure upon instruments’ repair, and discusses the publications that followed their use in exploration. Correspondence between instrument users and the Society reveals that, on occasion, the use of instruments was adventitious. While geographical knowledge depended upon the use of scientific instruments to measure and to depict the world, geography was not a formally institutionalized survey science as was the case with the Geological Survey or the nation-defining mapping of Ordnance Survey.
本文考察了英国皇家地理学会在1830年成立后的一个世纪里为探险家和探险队提供和管理科学仪器的情况。对学会关于开展地理活动的适当科学仪器的指示的评估表明,有关仪器分配的政策出现了(缓慢和不均衡)。通过对理事会会议记录和相关手稿来源的审查,该论文记录了学会获得的仪器数量,由谁使用,用于什么科学目的,以及在世界的哪些地区。本文考察了由学会仪器支持的探险次数和时间顺序,考察了仪器维修支出,并讨论了仪器在探险中使用后的出版物。仪器使用者和学会之间的通信表明,有时,仪器的使用是偶然的。虽然地理知识取决于使用科学仪器来测量和描绘世界,但地理并不是一门正式制度化的调查科学,就像地质调查局或国家定义的军械调查局测绘一样。
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引用次数: 6
‘Too much for mee to speake of’: the many facets of John Wallis's life and legacy “太多了,我无法谈论”:约翰·瓦利斯生活和遗产的许多方面
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-10-10 DOI: 10.1098/RSNR.2018.0047
Adam D. Richter, Stephen D. Snobelen
Many early modern men and women left behind documents and artefacts that suggested how they wanted to be remembered. By the time John Wallis, the Oxford-based mathematician and theologian, had died in 1703, he had left several such items for future generations. For instance, in 1697, he wrote an autobiographical letter to his friend Thomas Smith, fellow of Magdalen College. The letter begins with an account of how Wallis, born in Ashford, Kent, in 1616 to a minister and his wife, spent his childhood at schools in Kent and Essex before he matriculated at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, in 1632. After graduating BA (1637) and MA (1640) from Emmanuel, Wallis was ordained as a minister and might have stayed on the clerical career path if not for certain unexpected developments, described in his letter, that led him toward a different career. In particular, Wallis explained how he discovered his aptitude for mathematics when, while home from Cambridge for Christmas in 1631, he learned basic arithmetic from his brother, who was training for a career as a draper. Wallis's natural mathematical ability would prove invaluable when, in 1649, he was installed as Savilian Professor of Geometry despite having little mathematical training. Although the reasons for his appointment were at least partly political,1 the results were spectacular: Wallis published a flurry of ground-breaking mathematical works during the 1650s, and he went on to enjoy a long and productive mathematical career for the next half-century. The rest of Wallis's autobiographical letter focuses on the significant events in which he participated throughout his life, from serving as a scribe in the Westminster Assembly of Divines to the founding of the Royal Society of London, of which he was an active member.2 These were the aspects of his career that Wallis sought to preserve …
许多早期现代男性和女性留下了文件和手工艺品,这些文件和手工制品表明了他们希望如何被人们记住。1703年,牛津数学家和神学家约翰·瓦利斯去世时,他已经为后代留下了几件这样的物品。例如,1697年,他给朋友、抹大拉学院的托马斯·史密斯写了一封自传体信。这封信的开头讲述了1616年出生于肯特郡阿什福德的瓦利斯是如何在1632年被剑桥埃马纽埃尔学院录取之前,在肯特郡和埃塞克斯郡的学校度过童年的。从埃马纽埃尔大学毕业后(1637年)和文学硕士(1640年),瓦利斯被任命为牧师,如果不是因为信中描述的某些意外的发展,他可能会继续走牧师的职业道路,这使他走向了一个不同的职业。特别是,沃利斯解释了他是如何在1631年圣诞节从剑桥回家时发现自己的数学天赋的,当时他从正在接受窗帘师职业培训的哥哥那里学习了基本算术。1649年,沃利斯被任命为Savilian几何教授,尽管他几乎没有受过数学训练,但他的天生数学能力将被证明是无价的。尽管他被任命的原因至少部分是政治原因,1但结果是惊人的:沃利斯在1650年代出版了一系列开创性的数学著作,在接下来的半个世纪里,他继续享受着漫长而富有成效的数学生涯。沃利斯自传体信件的其余部分集中于他一生中参与的重大事件,从在威斯敏斯特神学院担任抄写员到他是伦敦皇家学会的积极成员…
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引用次数: 0
Geometry, religion and politics: context and consequences of the Hobbes–Wallis dispute 几何、宗教与政治:霍布斯-沃利斯之争的背景与后果
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-10-10 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2018.0026
D. Jesseph
The dispute that raged between Thomas Hobbes and John Wallis from 1655 until Hobbes's death in 1679 was one of the most intense of the ‘battles of the books’ in seventeenth-century intellectual life. The dispute was principally centered on geometric questions (most notably Hobbes’s many failed attempts to square the circle), but it also involved questions of religion and politics. This paper investigates the origins of the dispute and argues that Wallis’s primary motivation was not so much to refute Hobbes’s geometry as to demolish his reputation as an authority in political, philosophical, and religious matters. It also highlights the very different conceptions of geometrical methodology employed by the two disputants. In the end, I argue that, although Wallis was successful in showing the inadequacies of Hobbes’s geometric endeavours, he failed in his quest to discredit the Hobbesian philosophy in toto.
1655年至1679年,托马斯·霍布斯(Thomas Hobbes)和约翰·沃利斯(John Wallis)之间的激烈争论是17世纪知识界最激烈的“书籍之战”之一。争论主要集中在几何问题上(最引人注目的是霍布斯多次试图使圆方起来的失败尝试),但也涉及宗教和政治问题。本文调查了争论的起源,并认为沃利斯的主要动机与其说是反驳霍布斯的几何学,不如说是摧毁他作为政治、哲学和宗教事务权威的声誉。它还突出了两位争论者所采用的几何方法论的非常不同的概念。最后,我认为,尽管沃利斯成功地展示了霍布斯几何努力的不足之处,但他未能全面诋毁霍布斯哲学。
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引用次数: 5
Polity and liturgy in the philosophy of John Wallis 约翰·沃利斯哲学中的政体和礼拜仪式
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-10-10 DOI: 10.1098/RSNR.2018.0027
Jason M. Rampelt
John Wallis, a founding member of the Royal Society, theologian and churchman, participated in the leading ecclesiastical conferences in England from the beginning of the English Civil War to the Restoration. His allegiance across governments, both civil and ecclesiastical, has provoked criticism. Close investigation into his position on key church issues, however, reveals a deeper philosophical unity binding together his natural philosophy, mathematics and views on church polity and liturgy.
约翰·沃利斯是英国皇家学会的创始成员之一,他是神学家和教会人士,从英国内战开始到英国复辟,他参加了英国主要的教会会议。他对各个政府的忠诚,无论是文职政府还是教会政府,都招致了批评。然而,仔细研究他在关键教会问题上的立场,就会发现他的自然哲学、数学以及对教会政治和礼拜仪式的看法有着更深层次的哲学统一。
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引用次数: 0
Leonardo da Vinci's discovery of the dynamic soaring by birds in wind shear 列奥纳多·达·芬奇发现鸟类在风切变中的动态翱翔
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-10-03 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2018.0024
P. Richardson
Although Leonardo da Vinci (1452–1519) is well known to have studied bird flight, few people realize that he was the first to document flight manoeuvres now called dynamic soaring. Birds use these manoeuvres to extract energy from the gradient of wind velocity (wind shear) for sustained flight. In his Manuscript E (ca 1513–1515) Leonardo described land birds performing flight manoeuvres that match those of albatrosses and other seabirds when they are engaged in dynamic soaring over the ocean. His description pre-dates by almost 400 years the first generally accepted explanation of the physics of this soaring technique by Lord Rayleigh in 1883. Leonardo's early description of dynamic soaring is one of his major aerodynamic discoveries.
虽然列奥纳多·达·芬奇(1452-1519)以研究鸟类飞行而闻名,但很少有人意识到他是第一个记录飞行动作的人,现在被称为动态翱翔。鸟类利用这些动作从风速梯度(风切变)中获取能量,以便持续飞行。在他的手稿E(约1513-1515年)中,列奥纳多描述了陆地鸟类在海洋上进行动态翱翔时的飞行动作,与信天翁和其他海鸟的飞行动作相匹配。他的描述比瑞利勋爵(Lord Rayleigh)在1883年提出的第一个被普遍接受的关于这种飞行技术的物理解释早了近400年。列奥纳多早期对动态翱翔的描述是他在空气动力学方面的重大发现之一。
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引用次数: 14
John Wallis's world of ink: from manuscripts to library 约翰·瓦利斯的墨水世界:从手稿到图书馆
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-10-03 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2018.0022
Louisiane Ferlier
John Wallis's encyclopaedic endeavours were built on a mountain of ink and paper. To consider Wallis's work in the making, this article will draw his portrait as a reader and book collector. Keeper of the University of Oxford archives, he secured donations for the Bodleian and Savilian libraries and obsessively consulted old and new publications, manuscript and printed texts to build and defend his own work. Revealing interconnections between his contributions to theology, cryptography, linguistics, music and mathematics, this paper will focus on Wallis's methodical construction of his personal ‘inkscape’. His passionate obsession with the preservation and dissemination of his thought in print will be considered alongside the research he only consigned in manuscript form, through correspondence and notes. This reconstruction of John Wallis's libraries will therefore provide us with an overview of the érudit's contested achievements, as well as a panorama of contemporary scholarly practices.
约翰·瓦利斯的百科全书式著作建立在堆积如山的墨水和纸张之上。考虑到瓦利斯正在创作的作品,本文将画出他作为读者和图书收藏家的肖像。作为牛津大学档案馆的保管人,他为博德利图书馆和萨维尔图书馆筹集了捐款,并痴迷于查阅新旧出版物、手稿和印刷文本,以构建和捍卫自己的作品。揭示了瓦利斯在神学、密码学、语言学、音乐和数学方面的贡献之间的相互联系,本文将重点关注瓦利斯对个人“墨水景观”的有条不紊的构建。他对在印刷品中保存和传播自己思想的热情痴迷,将与他只以手稿形式通过信件和笔记委托进行的研究一起被考虑。因此,对约翰·瓦利斯图书馆的重建将为我们提供埃鲁迪特有争议的成就的概述,以及当代学术实践的全景。
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引用次数: 2
Selling visions: Kantianism, cameralism and applied science realized through encyclopaediae in Germany and beyond 销售愿景:通过德国及其他地区的百科全书实现的康德主义、摄影主义和应用科学
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-09-20 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2018.0007
R. Bud
This paper explores the introduction of the term ‘applied sciences’ into English from German at the beginning of the nineteenth century. First used for, and in, The Encyclopaedia Metropolitana, a project of Samuel Taylor Coleridge, the term served to describe the space between pure knowledge and practice, for a community to whom change in commerce and agriculture required elite management as well as encouragement. Addressed to those of ‘clerkly acquirements’, the audience anticipated Coleridge's later term of ‘clerisy’. I argue that we see a rather late example, on the periphery of the German cultural world in academically underserved Britain, of the importance of the encyclopaedia as a means of structuring knowledge. Mediating between an international cameralist tradition, a Kantian philosophical framework and a newly wealthy and aspirational audience, The Encyclopaedia Metropolitana was a cultural weapon through both its contents and its structure. It provided meaning to applied sciences as an epistemic category less certain than, and dependent on, the pure sciences, but also inclusive of a range of important subjects from chemistry to fortification. I argue that the term had served this role already in German, particularly after its adoption by Kantians, and moreover in encyclopaediae. In The Encyclopaedia Metropolitana, too, the categories of pure and applied science enabled the editor and readers to manage the burgeoning knowledge and destabilizing change of the early nineteenth century.
本文探讨了19世纪初“应用科学”一词从德语传入英语的过程。这个词最初用于塞缪尔·泰勒·柯勒律治(Samuel Taylor Coleridge)的《大都会百科全书》(The Encyclopaedia Metropolitana)中,用来描述纯粹知识和实践之间的空间,指的是商业和农业变革需要精英管理和鼓励的群体。针对那些“文员式的获得”,观众期待着柯勒律治后来的术语“知识”。我认为,我们看到了一个相当晚的例子,在德国文化世界的边缘,在学术落后的英国,百科全书作为构建知识的一种手段的重要性。《大都会百科全书》在国际摄影传统、康德哲学框架和新贵和有抱负的读者之间进行了调解,从其内容和结构来看,它都是一种文化武器。它为应用科学提供了意义,作为一种认知范畴,它不像纯科学那样确定,而且依赖于纯科学,但也包括从化学到防御工事的一系列重要学科。我认为,这个词在德语中已经扮演了这个角色,尤其是在被康德学派采用之后,而且在百科全书中也是如此。在《大都会百科全书》中,纯科学和应用科学的分类也使编辑和读者能够应对19世纪初迅速增长的知识和不稳定的变化。
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引用次数: 1
Humphry Davy: a study in narcissism? 汉弗莱·戴维:自恋研究?
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-09-20 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2017.0055
G. Cantor
Drawing on Jan Golinski's analysis of Humphry Davy's adoption of a variety of social roles, this paper seeks to ground Davy's social interactions by identifying his underlying psychological orientation. A close reading of Davy's own letters and the accounts of him given by his contemporaries suggest that many facets of his behaviour accord closely with those associated with a narcissistic personality, as described in the psychological literature. This perspective helps us understand better many aspects of Davy's life, including his fraught relationship with the Royal Society during and after his election to the presidency in 1820, and especially his conduct in 1816–1818, when he engaged in a vituperative priority dispute with George Stephenson over the invention of the miners' safety lamp. By viewing Davy as a narcissist we can unify apparently disparate aspects of his behaviour.
根据Jan Golinski对Humphry Davy扮演各种社会角色的分析,本文试图通过确定其潜在的心理取向来为Davy的社会互动奠定基础。仔细阅读戴维自己的信件和同时代人对他的描述,可以发现他的行为的许多方面与心理学文献中描述的自恋人格密切相关。这种观点有助于我们更好地理解戴维生活的许多方面,包括他在1820年当选总统期间和之后与皇家学会的紧张关系,尤其是他在1816-1818年的行为,当时他与乔治·斯蒂芬森就矿工安全灯的发明发生了一场谩骂性的优先权纠纷。通过将戴维视为自恋者,我们可以将他行为中明显不同的方面统一起来。
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引用次数: 2
‘Homoeopathy flourishes in the far East’: A forgotten history of homeopathy in late nineteenth-century China “顺势疗法在远东蓬勃发展”:19世纪末被遗忘的中国顺势疗法史
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-09-19 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2018.0041
Di-lai Lu
Homeopathy and its transnational transmission have received significant attention from historians of medicine. But the emergence of homeopathy in modern Chinese society has remained little explored. This article identifies the homeopathic practitioners arriving in nineteenth-century China, and then explores their origins, efforts and sense of professional identity in a transnational context. The history of homeopathy in China is found to begin in the late nineteenth century, during which the growth of the Christian missionary enterprise promoted the arrival of sporadic Euro-American homeopathic practitioners, also missionaries, in coastal regions of China. Almost all of them received professional training in American homeopathic medical institutions; and most of them were females, providing additional opportunities for local women patients to receive treatment. The practitioners recognized homeopathy and their collective homeopathic identity, but their healing services were not necessarily essentially homeopathic. Homeopathy that they learnt also evolved and transacted with exotic knowledge during its globalization. Under the influence of homeopathy, some Euro-Americans claimed to have discovered homeopathic elements in Chinese medical ideas and practice. The early history of homeopathy explored in this article helps deconstruct the popular imagination of a coherent ‘Western medicine’ in modern China.
顺势疗法及其跨国传播受到医学历史学家的高度关注。但是,顺势疗法在现代中国社会的出现仍然很少被探索。本文对19世纪来到中国的顺势疗法从业者进行了识别,并在跨国背景下探讨了他们的起源、努力和职业认同感。中国顺势疗法的历史可以追溯到19世纪末,在这期间,基督教传教事业的发展推动了零星的欧美顺势疗法从业者(也是传教士)来到中国沿海地区。他们几乎都在美国顺势疗法医疗机构接受过专业培训;其中大多数是女性,为当地女性患者提供了更多接受治疗的机会。从业者承认顺势疗法和他们的集体顺势疗法身份,但他们的治疗服务不一定本质上是顺势疗法。他们学习的顺势疗法在全球化过程中也与外来知识进行了进化和交易。在顺势疗法的影响下,一些欧美人声称在中国的医学思想和实践中发现了顺势疗法的元素。本文探讨的顺势疗法的早期历史有助于解构现代中国对连贯的“西方医学”的普遍想象。
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引用次数: 1
Towards a methodology for analysing nineteenth-century collecting journeys of science and empire, with Charles Darwin's activities in Tierra del Fuego as a case study 以查尔斯·达尔文在火地岛的活动为例,探讨分析19世纪科学与帝国收藏之旅的方法
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-08-29 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2018.0012
J. Owen
The interests of Charles Darwin and Alfred Russel Wallace in natural history and evolution took them to remote parts of the globe on hazardous, multi-sensory journeys that were ultimately about collecting. This paper introduces a methodology for exploring these complex experiences in more detail, informed by historical geography, anthropology, textual analysis and the geo-humanities. It involves looking for evidence of the richly stimulating and often challenging sensory dynamics within which they collected and connected data, observations, images, specimens, memories and ideas. Darwin's exploits in Tierra del Fuego are examined as a case study, with a particular focus on the collection of ‘Fuegian’ body paints in 1833. This type of analysis provides a fresh insight into the multi-sensory entanglement of encounter with people and place involved in the collecting process. It helps us to understand better the experiences that shaped what was collected and brought back to Britain, and the personal observations associated with these collections that sowed the seeds for Darwin's work on the origin of species.
查尔斯·达尔文(Charles Darwin)和阿尔弗雷德·拉塞尔·华莱士(Alfred Russel Wallace)对自然历史和进化的兴趣使他们前往地球上遥远的地方,进行危险的、多感官的旅行,最终目的是为了收集。本文介绍了一种以历史地理学、人类学、文本分析和地理人文科学为基础,更详细地探索这些复杂经验的方法。它包括寻找证据,证明他们在收集和连接数据、观察、图像、标本、记忆和想法的过程中,有着丰富的刺激和经常具有挑战性的感官动态。达尔文在火地岛的功绩作为一个案例研究,特别关注1833年“火地岛”人体颜料的收藏。这种类型的分析为在收集过程中与人和地点相遇的多感官纠缠提供了新的视角。它帮助我们更好地理解那些塑造了被收集和带回英国的东西的经历,以及与这些收藏相关的个人观察,这些观察为达尔文关于物种起源的工作播下了种子。
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引用次数: 1
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Notes and Records-The Royal Society Journal of the History of Science
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