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Charles Blagden in revolutionary America: two unpublished letters to John Lloyd 查尔斯·布莱登在革命的美国:两封未发表的写给约翰·劳埃德的信
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2017-12-20 DOI: 10.1098/RSNR.2017.0017
P. Frame
Prior to becoming a secretary of the Royal Society in 1784 Charles Blagden (bapt. 1748–d. 1820) served as a surgeon in the British army during the Revolutionary War in America. In the two unpublished letters of 1778 discussed here, Blagden provides his Welsh friend John Lloyd (1749–1815) with a vivid description of the current state of affairs in America, from a British perspective, and with insights into continuing scientific endeavour in a time of war. The letters illustrate the attempt that two men made to keep alive an intellectual life and are testimony to the rapidity with which matters of scientific interest could be disseminated in the eighteenth century, even during a major international conflict.
在1784年成为皇家学会秘书之前,Charles Blagden(1748年出生,1820年出生)在美国独立战争期间曾在英国军队担任外科医生。在这里讨论的1778年的两封未发表的信中,布拉格登从英国的角度向他的威尔士朋友约翰·劳埃德(1749-1815)生动地描述了美国的现状,并对战争时期持续的科学努力有了深刻的见解。这些信件说明了两个人为维持知识生活所做的努力,并证明了在18世纪,即使在重大国际冲突期间,科学利益问题也能迅速传播。
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引用次数: 0
Censoring Huxley and Wilberforce: A new source for the meeting that the Athenaeum ‘wisely softened down’ 对赫胥黎和威尔伯福斯的审查:雅典“明智地软化了”会议的新来源
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2017-12-20 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2016.0058
R. England
In mid July 1860, the Athenaeum published a summary of the discussions about Charles Darwin's theory that took place at the British Association meeting in Oxford. Its account omitted the famous exchange between Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford, and Thomas Huxley, the rising man of science. A fuller report of the meeting was published a week later in a local weekly, the Oxford Chronicle, but this has gone unnoticed by historians. The Oxford Chronicle supplies a new version of Wilberforce's question to Huxley, with more material about religious objections to human evolution and the proper role of authority in popular scientific discussions. Excerpts from the Athenaeum and Oxford Chronicle accounts show that they likely had a common ancestor, and other sources corroborate details given only in the Oxford Chronicle. This discovery reveals that the Athenaeum narrative—until now the longest and best known—was censored to remove material that was considered objectionable. The Oxford Chronicle gives us a fuller story of what was said and how the audience reacted to the encounter between Huxley and Wilberforce.
1860年7月中旬,《雅典报》发表了在牛津举行的英国协会会议上对查尔斯·达尔文理论的讨论摘要。它的叙述省略了牛津主教塞缪尔·威尔伯福斯和科学界的后起之秀托马斯·赫胥黎之间的著名交流。一周后,当地周刊《牛津纪事报》(Oxford Chronicle)发表了一份关于此次会议的更全面的报告,但历史学家对此并不注意。《牛津纪事报》向赫胥黎提供了威尔伯福斯问题的新版,提供了更多关于宗教对人类进化的反对以及权威在大众科学讨论中的适当作用的材料。《雅典纪事》和《牛津纪事》记载的摘录表明,他们可能有一个共同的祖先,其他来源证实了《牛津纪史》中只给出的细节。这一发现表明,雅典的叙事——迄今为止最长、最著名的叙事——被审查,以删除被认为令人反感的材料。《牛津纪事报》为我们提供了一个更全面的故事,讲述了赫胥黎和威尔伯福斯之间的遭遇以及观众的反应。
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引用次数: 2
2016 Wilkins–Bernal–Medawar lecture The curious history of curiosity-driven research 2016 Wilkins–Bernal–Medawar讲座好奇心驱动研究的好奇历史
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2017-12-20 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2017.0034
J. Agar
Curiosity has a curious place in the history of science. In the early modern period, curiosity was doubled-edged: it was both a virtue, the spring for a ‘love of truth’, but also the source of human error and even personal corruption. In the twentieth century, curiosity had become an apparently uncomplicated motivation. Successful scientists, for example Nobel Prize winners in their lectures and biographies, frequently attributed their first steps into science to a fundamental curiosity, an irrepressible desire to ask the question ‘why?’. The aside made by Albert Einstein in private correspondence in 1952—‘I have no special talents. I am only passionately curious’—has now become a meme. Yet in the twentieth century, science was shaped by many forces, and the practical utility of science in the real, messy problematic worlds of its formation seem far removed from the seeming innocence of curiosity-driven research. In my lecture and this paper, I ask why scientists say they ask ‘why?’, and trace the curious history of the idea of curiosity-driven science. In particular, I distinguish between a long and short history of curiosity in science, with the latter associated with the term ‘curiosity-driven science’ and the UK administration of Margaret Thatcher.
好奇心在科学史上有着奇特的地位。在现代早期,好奇心是双重的:它既是一种美德,是“热爱真理”的源泉,也是人类错误甚至个人腐败的根源。在二十世纪,好奇心显然已成为一种简单的动机。成功的科学家,例如诺贝尔奖获得者在他们的讲座和传记中,经常将他们进入科学的第一步归因于一种基本的好奇心,一种不可抑制的问“为什么?”的欲望。阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦在1952年的私人信件中说:“我没有什么特殊的才能。“我只是充满好奇”——现在已经成为一个迷因。然而,在二十世纪,科学是由多种力量塑造的,科学在其形成的真实、混乱、有问题的世界中的实用性似乎与好奇心驱动的研究的天真无邪相去甚远。在我的讲座和这篇论文中,我问科学家为什么说他们问“为什么?”,追溯好奇心驱动科学思想的奇特历史。特别是,我区分了科学好奇心的长期和短期历史,后者与“好奇心驱动的科学”一词和玛格丽特·撒切尔的英国政府有关。
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引用次数: 8
The York buildings dragons: Desaguliers, Arbuthnot and attitudes towards the scientific community 约克建筑龙:Desaguliers、Arbuthnot和对科学界的态度
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2017-12-20 DOI: 10.1098/RSNR.2017.0019
P. Rogers
The growing public awareness of natural philosophy and technology in the eighteenth century brought with it unintended consequences, including an enlarged space for satiric treatments of scientific issues, which have not always been recognized for what they are. A pamphlet entitled The York Buildings Dragons appeared in December 1725, with a second, augmented, edition in January 1726. It has generally been attributed to John Theophilus Desaguliers FRS (1683–1744), the Huguenot engineer, Newtonian expositor and leading Freemason. This article throws fresh light on the pamphlet: to provide more extensive background to the work, to describe its aims and methods, to define its mode as entirely satiric, to analyse its contents in greater detail, to show that Desaguliers cannot possibly have been the author and to suggest as a more plausible candidate the mathematician, physician and satiric author John Arbuthnot FRS (1667–1735). Historians of science and technology need to take care in assessing the pamphlet literature surrounding controversial innovations.
18世纪,公众对自然哲学和技术的认识不断提高,带来了意想不到的后果,包括扩大了对科学问题进行讽刺处理的空间,而这些问题并不总是得到人们的认可。1725年12月出版了一本名为《约克建筑之龙》的小册子,1726年1月出版了第二本增补版。它通常被认为是约翰Theophilus Desagliers FRS(1683–1744),胡格诺派工程师,牛顿主义的阐释者和主要的共济会。这篇文章为这本小册子提供了新的线索:为这部作品提供更广泛的背景,描述其目的和方法,将其模式定义为完全讽刺,更详细地分析其内容,表明德萨古利尔斯不可能是作者,并建议数学家作为一个更可信的候选人,医生和讽刺作家约翰·阿巴斯诺特FRS(1667-1735)。科学和技术历史学家在评估围绕有争议的创新的小册子文献时需要小心。
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引用次数: 1
The evolving spirit: morals and mutualism in Arabella Buckley's evolutionary epic 进化的精神:阿拉贝拉·巴克利进化史诗中的道德与互惠主义
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2017-12-20 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2016.0056
J. Larsen
Contemporaries of Charles Darwin were divided on reconciling his theory of natural selection with religion and morality. Although Alfred Russel Wallace stands out as a spiritualist advocate of natural selection who rejected a natural origin of morality, the science popularizer and spiritualist Arabella Buckley (1840–1929) offers a more representative example of how theists, whether spiritualist or more orthodox in their religion, found reconciliation. Unlike Wallace, Buckley emphasized the lawful evolution of morality and of the soul, drawing from the theological tradition of traducianism. Significantly, Buckley argued for a mutualistic and deeply theistic interpretation of Darwinian evolution, particularly the evolution of morals, without sacrificing the uniformity of natural law. Though Buckley's understanding of the evolutionary epic has been represented as emphasizing mutualism (Gates 1998) and spiritualist theology (Lightman 2007), here I demonstrate that her distinctive addition to the debate lies in her unifying theory of traducianism. In contrast to other authors, I argue that through Buckley we better understand Victorian spiritualism as more of a religion than an occult science. However, it was a conception of religion that, through her evolutionary traducianism, bridged science and spiritualism. This offers historians a more complex but satisfying image of the Victorian worldview after Darwin.
查尔斯·达尔文的同时代人对他的自然选择理论与宗教和道德的调和存在分歧。虽然阿尔弗雷德·拉塞尔·华莱士作为一个反对道德的自然起源的自然选择的唯灵论倡导者而脱颖而出,但科学普及者和唯灵论者阿拉贝拉·巴克利(1840-1929)提供了一个更有代表性的例子,说明有神论者,无论是唯灵论者还是更正统的宗教,是如何找到和解的。与华莱士不同的是,巴克利强调道德和灵魂的合法进化,这是借鉴了传道者的神学传统。值得注意的是,巴克利主张对达尔文的进化论,特别是道德的进化,进行一种互惠主义和深刻的有神论解释,而不牺牲自然法则的统一性。虽然巴克利对进化史诗的理解被认为是强调互惠主义(Gates 1998)和唯心主义神学(Lightman 2007),但在这里,我证明了她对这场辩论的独特补充在于她的统一理论。与其他作者相比,我认为通过巴克利,我们可以更好地将维多利亚时代的唯心论理解为一种宗教,而不是一门神秘的科学。然而,这是一种宗教的概念,通过她的进化主义,架起了科学和唯心论的桥梁。这为历史学家提供了一幅更复杂但令人满意的达尔文之后维多利亚时代世界观的图像。
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引用次数: 3
A riverbank of science 科学的河岸
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2017-12-20 DOI: 10.1098/RSNR.2017.0027
Casper Andersen
Bernard Lightman, A companion to the history of science . Wiley Blackwell Companions to World History. Wiley Blackwell, Chichester, 2016. Pp. xvi + 601. £120.00 (hardback). ISBN 978-1-118-62077-9.Assembling a one-volume companion to the history of science across ages, scientific disciplines and global space is a particularly daunting task. The editor has approached this challenge in a somewhat unconventional way, as the companion is not organized chronologically or according to disciplines but in four overarching thematic sections devoted to roles, spaces, communication and tools in the history of science.The first thematic section explores social roles in the world of science from antiquity to the present. Drawing on the notion of the persona, the contributions in this section analyse a wide range of roles and social identities involved in the study of the natural world, including, for example, the alchemist, the instrument maker and the human experimental subject. This approach provides the reader with a strong sense of the shifting intellectual hierarchies among those who have studied nature through history. Moreover, the section also brings out illuminating contrasts, for example between the natural historian and the natural philosopher, and it historicizes the contested relations between amateurs and professionals.The second thematic section analyses the spaces and places that have been central in the study of the natural world and includes public and domestic as well as professional domains. A …
伯纳德·莱特曼,科学史的伴侣。威利·布莱克威尔《世界历史的同伴》Wiley Blackwell,奇切斯特,2016。第16页+ 601页£120.00(精装)。ISBN 978-1-118-62077-9。汇编一本跨越时代、科学学科和全球空间的科学史的单卷本,是一项特别艰巨的任务。编辑以一种非传统的方式来应对这一挑战,因为这本书没有按照时间顺序或学科进行组织,而是分为四个主要的主题部分,分别是科学史上的角色、空间、交流和工具。第一个主题部分探讨了从古至今科学界的社会角色。利用人物角色的概念,本节的贡献分析了自然世界研究中涉及的广泛角色和社会身份,例如,包括炼金术士、仪器制造商和人类实验对象。这种方法为读者提供了一种强烈的感觉,即那些通过历史研究自然的人之间的智力等级的变化。此外,本节还提出了具有启发性的对比,例如自然历史学家和自然哲学家之间的对比,并将业余爱好者和专业人士之间有争议的关系历史化。第二个主题部分分析了在自然世界研究中处于中心地位的空间和地点,包括公共和家庭以及专业领域。一个……
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引用次数: 0
Rocks, skulls and materialism: geology and phrenology in late-Georgian Belfast 岩石、头骨和物质主义:格鲁吉亚贝尔法斯特晚期的地质学和颅相学
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2017-11-22 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2017.0023
Jonathan Wright, Diarmid A. Finnegan
Recent years have seen the development of a more nuanced understanding of the emergence of scientific naturalism in the nineteenth century. It has become apparent that scientific naturalism did not emerge sui generis in the years following the publication of Charles Darwin's On the origin of species (1859), but was present, if only in incipient form, much earlier in the century. Building on recent scholarship, this article adopts a geographically focused approach and explores debates about geology and phrenology—two of the diverse forms of knowledge that contributed to scientific naturalism—in late-Georgian Belfast. Having provided the venue for John Tyndall's infamous 1874 address as president of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, Belfast occupies a central place in the story of nineteenth-century scientific naturalism. However, in uncovering the intricate and surprising ways in which scientific knowledge gained, or was denied, epistemic and civic credibility in Belfast, this discussion will demonstrate that naturalism, materialism and the relationship between science and religion were matters of public debate in the town long before Tyndall's intervention.
近年来,人们对19世纪科学自然主义的出现有了更细致的理解。很明显,科学自然主义在查尔斯·达尔文的《物种起源论》(1859年)出版后的几年里并没有出现,而是在本世纪更早的时候出现了,即使只是刚刚出现。在最近学术研究的基础上,本文采用了一种以地理为重点的方法,探讨了格鲁吉亚贝尔法斯特晚期关于地质学和颅相学的辩论——这两种不同形式的知识有助于科学自然主义。贝尔法斯特为约翰·廷德尔1874年作为英国科学促进会主席发表臭名昭著的演讲提供了场所,在19世纪科学自然主义的故事中占据了中心地位。然而,在揭示科学知识在贝尔法斯特获得或被剥夺认知和公民可信度的复杂而令人惊讶的方式时,这场讨论将表明,早在廷德尔干预之前,自然主义、唯物主义以及科学与宗教之间的关系就已经是该镇的公共辩论问题。
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引用次数: 1
A shared arena: the private astronomy lecturing trade and its institutional counterpart in Britain, 1817–1865 共享的舞台:1817-1865年,英国的私人天文学讲座贸易及其机构对应物
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2017-11-22 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2017.0018
Hsiang-fu Huang
Public lecturing on astronomy was prevalent in Britain throughout the first half of the nineteenth century. Many lecturers were private entrepreneurs operating lecturing businesses without institutional affiliations. Private lecturers enjoyed popularity in various places and sites ranging from metropolitan theatres to provincial town halls. By focusing on private lecturers, including Deane Franklin Walker (1778–1865), John Bird (d. 1840) and Robert Children, this paper explores the private astronomy lecturing trade and compares it with public lectures that took place inside scientific institutions. The careers of two London-based institutional lecturers, John Wallis (1788–1852) and George Henry Bachhoffner (1810–1879), are analysed as a comparison. Despite the trend towards institutionalized science, the activities of private astronomy lecturers had not been undermined by institutional competitors until the early 1860s. Astronomy remained largely an amateur practice in early Victorian Britain; public lecturing on astronomy was also far from a profession. Many astronomical lecturers, whether private or institutional, were not scientific practitioners working on original research or observational tasks. Some of their lecturing, and particularly their Lenten astronomical lectures, purveyed a distinctive kind of popular astronomy, which was a blend of instruction, amusement and religious sentiments. They indicate complex features of performance and showmanship beyond simply conveying popularized scientific knowledge.
在整个十九世纪上半叶,天文学的公开讲座在英国盛行。许多讲师都是在没有机构背景的情况下经营演讲业务的私营企业家。私人讲师在从大都市剧院到省级市政厅的各个地方和场所都很受欢迎。通过关注包括Deane Franklin Walker(1778-1865)、John Bird(1840)和Robert Children在内的私人讲师,本文探讨了私人天文学讲师行业,并将其与科学机构内的公共讲座进行了比较。对两位伦敦机构讲师约翰·瓦利斯(1788-1852)和乔治·亨利·巴赫霍夫纳(1810-1879)的职业生涯进行了比较分析。尽管科学有制度化的趋势,但直到19世纪60年代初,私人天文学讲师的活动才受到制度竞争对手的破坏。在维多利亚时代早期的英国,天文学在很大程度上仍然是一种业余实践;关于天文学的公开演讲也远远不是一种职业。许多天文讲师,无论是私人还是机构,都不是从事原始研究或观测任务的科学从业者。他们的一些讲座,特别是四旬斋天文学讲座,提供了一种独特的流行天文学,它融合了教学、娱乐和宗教情感。它们表明了表演和表演技巧的复杂特征,而不仅仅是传达普及的科学知识。
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引用次数: 1
Pesticides, pollution and the UK's silent spring, 1963–1964: Poison in the Garden of England 农药、污染和英国寂静的春天,1963-1964:英格兰花园里的毒药
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2017-09-20 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2016.0040
J. F. M. Clark
Despite being characterized as ‘one of the worst agricultural accidents in Britain in the 1960s’, the ‘Smarden incident’ has never been subjected to a complete historical analysis. In 1963, a toxic waste spill in Kent coincided with the publication of the British edition of Rachel Carson's Silent spring. This essay argues that these events combined to ‘galvanize’ nascent toxic and environmental consciousness. A seemingly parochial toxic waste incident became part of a national phenomenon. The Smarden incident was considered to be indicative of the toxic hazards that were born of technocracy. It highlighted the inadequacies of existent concepts and practices for dealing with such hazards. As such, it was part of the fracturing of the consensus of progress: it made disagreements in expertise publicly visible. By the completion of the episode, 10 different governmental ministries were involved. Douglas Good, a local veterinary surgeon, helped to effect the ‘reception’ of Silent spring in the UK by telling the ‘Smarden story’ through local and national media and through the publications of anti-statist organizations.
尽管被描述为“20世纪60年代英国最严重的农业事故之一”,但“斯马尔登事件”从未进行过完整的历史分析。1963年,肯特郡的一次有毒废物泄漏恰逢英国版Rachel Carson的《寂静的春天》出版。这篇文章认为,这些事件结合在一起“激发”了新生的有毒和环境意识。一个看似狭隘的有毒废物事件成为全国现象的一部分。斯马尔登事件被认为表明了技术官僚所产生的有毒危害。它强调了处理这种危险的现有概念和做法的不足之处。因此,这是打破进步共识的一部分:它使专业知识方面的分歧公开可见。该集结束时,有10个不同的政府部门参与其中。当地兽医道格拉斯·古德(Douglas Good)通过当地和国家媒体以及反中央集权组织的出版物讲述了“斯马尔登的故事”,帮助英国“接待”了寂静之春。
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引用次数: 10
War, nature and technoscience 战争、自然和科技
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2017-09-20 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2017.0032
B. Marsden
This issue of Notes and Records contains three papers and an essay review. The papers may be read, in rather different ways, as commentaries on the relationship between science, technology, medicine and war. War appears in these studies as an opportunity for the display of diverse technologies in the Crimea; as the unavoidable context for chemical work in the first half of the twentieth century; and as a chilling metaphor—Rachel Carson's ‘war against nature’—for the potentially devastating effect of pesticides and other chemicals on the natural world. The three papers comment, also, on the changing status and perception of technocracy—by throwing new light on the complex interplay of scientific innovation, large-scale industry and …
本期《札记》共收录三篇论文和一篇论文综述。这些论文可以用不同的方式解读为对科学、技术、医学和战争之间关系的评论。在这些研究中,战争是在克里米亚展示各种技术的机会;作为二十世纪上半叶化学工作不可避免的背景;作为一个令人不寒而栗的比喻——雷切尔·卡森的“对抗自然的战争”——杀虫剂和其他化学物质对自然世界的潜在破坏性影响。这三篇论文还评论了技术官僚的地位和观念的变化——通过对科学创新、大规模工业和…
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引用次数: 0
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Notes and Records-The Royal Society Journal of the History of Science
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