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How to Get Away with Treachery, or: Actor-Centered Perspectives on Entangled Conflicts and their Urban Protagonists in the Austrian Duchy, 1462/63 如何摆脱背叛,或:以行为者为中心透视奥地利公国的纠葛冲突及其城市主角,1462/63 年
Pub Date : 2024-06-03 DOI: 10.1017/s0067237824000596
Herbert Krammer
This article examines the involvement and interactions of Vienna's urban elites in the conflict of the early 1460s that marked the climax of the power struggle between the Habsburg brothers Emperor Frederick III and Duke Albert VI over rule in the Duchy of Austria. Vienna's role is addressed in two aspects: first, as a central stage for the conflict, and second, as an active participant as a political community that became increasingly integrated into the broader political networks of the duchy during the fifteenth century. Following an actor-centered approach and based on prosopographical groundwork, the study focuses on the actions of individual protagonists and various factions within Vienna's political elites. During the violent events, the urban representatives did not form a cohesive entity but interacted and allied in changing constellations with leading noble, courtly, and clerical actors in the duchy. Factors and conditions contributing to the formation of diverse interest groups among urban actors are closely examined, aiming to give a deeper insight into the dynamics and patterns of the entangled conflict.
这篇文章探讨了维也纳城市精英在 14 世纪 60 年代早期冲突中的参与和互动,这场冲突标志着哈布斯堡兄弟皇帝腓特烈三世和公爵阿尔伯特六世为争夺奥地利公国统治权而展开的权力斗争达到了高潮。维也纳的角色分为两个方面:第一,作为冲突的中心舞台;第二,作为政治共同体的积极参与者,在十五世纪日益融入公国更广泛的政治网络。本研究采用以行动者为中心的研究方法,以前人传记为基础,重点关注维也纳政治精英中的个人主角和不同派别的行动。在暴力事件中,城市代表并没有形成一个凝聚的实体,而是与公国中的贵族、宫廷和教士等主要角色在不断变化的组合中互动和结盟。我们仔细研究了促使城市行动者之间形成不同利益集团的因素和条件,旨在更深入地了解这场纠缠不清的冲突的动态和模式。
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引用次数: 0
Conflict Escalation Done Wrong? The Free City of Regensburg Seizes Ehrenfels Castle, 13 April 1417 冲突升级的错误做法?雷根斯堡自由城攻占埃伦费尔斯城堡,1417 年 4 月 13 日
Pub Date : 2024-05-17 DOI: 10.1017/s0067237824000493
Alexandra Kaar
This article examines the various modes of conflict management used by the free city of Regensburg and the local nobleman Hans I Staufer of Ehrenfels during a prolonged dispute over revenues from 1413 to 1418. In the early years of this feud, both parties utilized nonviolent methods such as legal action and arbitration, which were occasionally accompanied by minor military interventions. In April 1417, however, the Regensburg councilors broke with convention and decided to escalate the conflict with their feud opponent by capturing his ancestral castle, Ehrenfels, near Beratzhausen in the Upper Palatinate region. Using both urban account books and documentary evidence, the case study investigates the reasons behind the councilors' decision to launch this ostentatious military attack, their objectives in seizing Ehrenfels castle, and the impact of their show of force on the ongoing conflict. It portrays late medieval Central European towns as potent military actors and argues for a more systematic integration of economic considerations and cost-benefit calculations into our picture of late medieval feuding.
本文探讨了雷根斯堡自由市和当地贵族埃伦费尔斯的汉斯一世-施陶弗在 1413 年至 1418 年长期的收入纠纷中使用的各种冲突管理模式。在这场纷争的最初几年,双方都采用了非暴力的方式,如法律诉讼和仲裁,偶尔也会进行一些小规模的军事干预。然而,1417 年 4 月,雷根斯堡的议员们打破常规,决定攻占对方位于上普法尔茨地区贝拉特豪森附近的祖传城堡埃伦费尔斯,从而使双方的冲突升级。本案例研究利用城市账簿和文献证据,调查了议员们决定发动这次炫耀性军事攻击的原因、他们攻占埃伦费尔斯城堡的目的,以及他们的武力炫耀对持续冲突的影响。该研究将中世纪晚期的中欧城镇描绘成强大的军事行为体,并主张将经济因素和成本效益计算更系统地纳入我们对中世纪晚期世仇的描述中。
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引用次数: 0
Theuerdank: The Illustrated Epic of a Renaissance Knight Edited by Howard Louthan; translated by Jonathan Green. London: Routledge, 2022. Pp. 324. Theuerdank:文艺复兴时期骑士的图解史诗》,霍华德-卢瑟恩编;乔纳森-格林译。伦敦:Routledge, 2022 年。Pp.324.
Pub Date : 2024-05-10 DOI: 10.1017/s0067237824000651
Justin P. Meyer
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引用次数: 0
John W. Boyer Austria, 1867–1955 Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022. Pp. xvi + 1,131. 约翰-W-博耶 奥地利,1867-1955 年 牛津:牛津大学出版社,2022 年。第 xvi + 1,131 页。
Pub Date : 2024-05-10 DOI: 10.1017/s0067237824000523
R. J. W. Evans
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引用次数: 0
Cold War Austria and Migration from Eastern Europe: Refugees and Labor Migrants 冷战时期的奥地利与东欧移民:难民和劳工移民
Pub Date : 2024-05-10 DOI: 10.1017/s0067237824000626
Maximilian Graf
This article revisits Austria's migration history from the end of World War II until the end of the Cold War. Recent research has challenged the persistently commemorated welcoming Austrian attitude toward refugees who had been living under communism. The initial humanitarian efforts in 1956 and 1968, respectively, were remarkable. However, an analysis beyond the first weeks of both events reveals that (though to different degrees) public and political attitudes toward refugees took a negative turn. Throughout the 1970s, asylum for dissidents was portrayed as a continuation of the country's humanitarian tradition. However, in 1981, refugees from Poland were immediately perceived as unwanted labor migrants. In 1989/90, the scenario was similar: while the transiting East German refugees were welcomed, migrants from other countries (like Romania) were not. In the early 1990s, Austria decided on a reform of its asylum and foreigner policies. But when and why did the (supposedly welcome) refugees from countries under communist rule turn into unwelcome labor migrants? The analysis in this article explores the potential impact of the age of détente and the repercussions of the 1970s economic crises and the resulting end to active recruitment of foreign workers.
本文重温了奥地利从二战结束到冷战结束的移民历史。最近的研究对奥地利一直以来对生活在共产主义下的难民的欢迎态度提出了质疑。分别于 1956 年和 1968 年开展的最初的人道主义工作令人瞩目。然而,对这两次事件最初几周之后的分析表明,公众和政治对难民的态度(尽管程度不同)出现了消极的转变。在整个 20 世纪 70 年代,对持不同政见者的庇护被描绘成国家人道主义传统的延续。然而,1981 年,来自波兰的难民立即被视为不受欢迎的劳工移民。1989/90 年的情况与此类似:过境的东德难民受到欢迎,而来自其他国家(如罗马尼亚)的移民却不受欢迎。20 世纪 90 年代初,奥地利决定改革其庇护和外国人政策。但是,来自共产党统治下国家的难民(本应受到欢迎)何时以及为何变成了不受欢迎的劳工移民?本文的分析探讨了缓和时代的潜在影响、20 世纪 70 年代经济危机的反响以及由此导致的停止积极招募外籍劳工。
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引用次数: 0
Ottoman-Austrian Ceremonial Embassies of the First Half of the Seventeenth Century: The Selection of Ambassador Rıdvan Agha (1633) 十七世纪上半叶奥斯曼帝国与奥地利的礼仪使节:勒德万-阿加大使的选择(1633 年)
Pub Date : 2024-05-06 DOI: 10.1017/s0067237824000638
Mahmut Halef Cevrioğlu
The Treaty of Zsitvatorok, signed between the Habsburgs and the Ottomans in 1606, has long been accepted as a watershed in the relations between the two dynasties. Nevertheless, interest in its influence on diplomatic practices has flourished only recently. Focusing on the elaboration of new diplomatic traditions, such as the growing retinue sizes, use of titles for Ottoman ambassadors, and exchange of embassies at the border, this study argues that the post-Zsitvatorok period was marked by the Austrian insistence on, and reluctant Ottoman acceptance of, parity and reciprocity. By relying on the reports of Johann Rudolf Schmid von Schwarzenhorn, the Austrian resident representative in Istanbul, it closely scrutinizes the selection and preparation of the Ottoman ambassador (Rıdvan Agha) to Vienna in 1633. The article argues that the terms in the Zsitvatorok Treaty prompted the Ottoman diplomatic mechanism to refine itself in its dealings with the Austrian Habsburgs in the seventeenth century, encouraging the Ottomans to accept elements of modern diplomacy long before the establishment of Ottoman resident embassies in Europe at the turn of the nineteenth century.
哈布斯堡王朝与奥斯曼帝国于 1606 年签订的《齐特瓦托克条约》一直被认为是两个王朝关系的分水岭。然而,人们对该条约对外交实践的影响的兴趣直到最近才兴起。本研究重点关注新外交传统的发展,如随行人员规模的扩大、奥斯曼帝国大使头衔的使用以及在边境互派大使等,认为齐特瓦托克事件后时期的特点是奥地利坚持对等和互惠,而奥斯曼帝国则勉强接受。文章依据奥地利驻伊斯坦布尔代表约翰-鲁道夫-施密德-冯-施瓦岑霍恩(Johann Rudolf Schmid von Schwarzenhorn)的报告,仔细研究了 1633 年奥斯曼帝国驻维也纳大使(Rıdvan Agha)的选择和准备情况。文章认为,《齐特瓦托克条约》中的条款促使奥斯曼帝国的外交机制在十七世纪与奥地利哈布斯堡王朝的交往中不断完善,鼓励奥斯曼帝国在十九世纪之交奥斯曼帝国在欧洲建立常驻使馆之前的很长时间里接受现代外交的要素。
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引用次数: 0
Central Europe in the Fifteenth Century: Patterns of Conflict and Negotiation 十五世纪的中欧:冲突与谈判的模式
Pub Date : 2024-05-03 DOI: 10.1017/s0067237824000560
Christina Lutter, Jonathan R. Lyon
The nine articles in this collection are the product of two workshops hosted at the University of Chicago in 2022 and 2023 in affiliation with the University of Vienna. They build on recent work that has called attention to the extraordinary political and religious diversity in the fifteenth-century Holy Roman Empire, and Central Europe more broadly. Pushing back against older historiography, in which this period was frequently overlooked or framed by uncritical use of such broad categories as the “state,” the “territory,” the “estates,” and the “feud,” this collection recognizes the polycentric nature of the fifteenth century's structures and institutions. Specifically, these articles return to the sources, especially documents of practice rather than normative texts, to open the door to a new understanding of conflicts and negotiations. They illuminate the patterns of conflict and negotiation evident in specific historical contexts by examining actors, networks, and practices of community building—as well as the processes through which conflicts emerged, evolved, and were negotiated and settled. Rather than relying on time-honored categories and meta-narratives, the contributors embrace the messiness of social and political relations and of the extant source material to shine new light on key themes in the fifteenth century's history.
本文集中的九篇文章是芝加哥大学与维也纳大学合作于 2022 年和 2023 年举办的两次研讨会的成果。这些文章以近期的研究为基础,呼吁人们关注十五世纪神圣罗马帝国乃至中欧非同寻常的政治和宗教多样性。旧的史学常常忽视这一时期,或者不加批判地使用 "国家"、"领土"、"庄园 "和 "封地 "等宽泛的范畴来框定这一时期,而本文集则反其道而行之,承认十五世纪结构和制度的多中心性质。具体而言,这些文章回归资料来源,尤其是实践文件而非规范性文本,从而为重新理解冲突和谈判打开了大门。这些文章通过研究参与者、网络和社区建设实践--以及冲突出现、演变、谈判和解决的过程--揭示了特定历史背景下明显的冲突和谈判模式。撰稿人并不依赖于历史悠久的分类和元叙事,而是接受社会和政治关系的混乱以及现存的原始资料,从而为十五世纪历史的关键主题带来新的启示。
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引用次数: 0
Who Took the Fall in 1408, and Why? Vienna's Elites in Alliances and Conflicts with Habsburg Dukes 谁在 1408 年倒台,为什么?维也纳精英与哈布斯堡公爵的联盟与冲突
Pub Date : 2024-05-03 DOI: 10.1017/s0067237824000559
Christina Lutter
This article focuses on the involvement of Viennese elites in wide-reaching political conflicts around 1400. Central European princes often held positions as city lords, which resulted in ambivalent relations between them and urban elites, as well as with their kin residing in the countryside. Setting aside grand categories of institutional history in favor of the interactions and relations of concrete actors, their social networks, and their involvement in shaping politics, the article follows six urban actors through a major conflict that involved the city lords, urban authorities, and individual actors and eventually resulted in the beheading of three of them. The article adopts a prosopographical approach to find out more about patterns of social costs and benefits in these conflicts. It argues that considering polyvalent and relational dimensions of belonging can help us better understand constellations of conflict and alliance and the modes and mechanisms of late medieval politics. It eventually establishes the boundaries of social network approaches when it comes to assessing individual motives and their alleged resonance in contemporary narratives of community.
这篇文章的重点是维也纳精英参与 1400 年前后影响广泛的政治冲突。中欧王公通常担任城市领主,这导致了他们与城市精英以及居住在乡村的亲属之间的矛盾关系。文章撇开宏大的制度史范畴,转而关注具体行动者的互动和关系、他们的社会网络以及他们参与政治的情况,跟踪六位城市行动者经历了一场涉及城主、城市当局和个人行动者的重大冲突,并最终导致其中三人被斩首。文章采用了前传学的方法,以进一步了解这些冲突中的社会成本和利益模式。文章认为,考虑归属感的多价和关系维度有助于我们更好地理解冲突和联盟的组合以及中世纪晚期政治的模式和机制。在评估个人动机及其在当代社区叙事中的所谓共鸣时,它最终确立了社会网络方法的界限。
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引用次数: 0
“There Can Be No Agreement to Take up Arms against the Turks Unless We First Restore the Empire”: The Fall of Constantinople and the Rise of a New Political Dynamic in the Holy Roman Empire, 1453–1467 "除非我们首先恢复帝国,否则不可能达成协议拿起武器对抗土耳其人":君士坦丁堡的陷落与神圣罗马帝国新政治力量的崛起,1453-1467 年
Pub Date : 2024-04-24 DOI: 10.1017/s0067237824000481
Duncan Hardy
While the Europe-wide cultural impact of the fall of Constantinople to Sultan Mehmed II is well known, its political reverberations in the Holy Roman Empire have received comparatively little attention. This article argues that the events of 1453 inaugurated a new dynamic in the empire that facilitated the polity's consolidation and the creation of new collective institutions within it long before Maximilian I (1486–1519), whose reign is often presented as a constitutional turning point. Some prince-electors had been calling for more effective peace-keeping and judicial institutions for decades before 1453 but lacked the leverage to compel kings and emperors of the Romans to accept political change on their terms. The fall of Constantinople provided a focal point for these negotiations: in return for promising to support an anti-Ottoman crusade, the reformists were able to force a compromise on new peace-keeping legislation at the diets of the 1450s and 1460s. This compromise was catalyzed by public pressure. There was a widely held expectation that leading imperial protagonists should fulfill this mission to defend Christendom, manifested in orations, diplomatic missives, poetry and songs, plays, and early printed pamphlets produced within and for a range of German-speaking public spheres.
君士坦丁堡落入苏丹穆罕默德二世之手对整个欧洲的文化影响众所周知,但其对神圣罗马帝国的政治影响却很少受到关注。本文认为,早在马克西米利安一世(Maximilian I,1486-1519 年)统治之前,1453 年的事件就为帝国带来了新的动力,促进了政体的巩固和新集体机构的建立。在 1453 年之前的几十年里,一些王子选举人一直在呼吁建立更有效的维持和平与司法机构,但他们缺乏影响力,无法迫使罗马国王和皇帝按照他们的条件接受政治变革。君士坦丁堡的陷落为这些谈判提供了一个焦点:作为承诺支持反奥斯曼十字军东征的回报,改革派得以在 14 世纪 50 年代和 60 年代的节骨眼上就新的维和立法达成妥协。公众的压力促成了这一妥协。人们普遍期望帝国的主角们能够履行保卫基督教世界的使命,这体现在演讲、外交信函、诗歌和歌曲、戏剧以及在德语公共领域内和为德语公共领域制作的早期印刷小册子中。
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引用次数: 0
Fahey John E. Przemyśl, Poland: A Multiethnic City During and After a Fortress, 1867–1939 West Lafayette: Purdue University Press, 2023. Pp. 210. Fahey John E. Przemyśl, Poland:1867-1939 年要塞期间和要塞之后的多民族城市》,西拉法叶特:普渡大学出版社,2023 年。第 210 页。
Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI: 10.1017/s0067237824000456
Adam Kożuchowski
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引用次数: 0
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Austrian History Yearbook
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