Contemporary contact languages used by Indigenous people in Australia share many words and grammatical features and structures. I trace the development of contact varieties in Australia between 1788 to 1848, arguing that their similarities arise from the dominance of English-speakers among the invaders, their ways of talking to people who did not speak English fluently, the transfer of people between penal settlements, and the fact that sea traffic was the fastest form of travel between colonies. Evidence for zones of influence in which particular features appear is drawn from geographic distribution and time of first attestation. I use four types of reports for locating features: outsiders’ reports of direct speech by Aborigines and of outsiders’ speech to Aborigines, imitations by outsiders of Aboriginal speech, and outsiders’ comments on Aboriginal speech. Another kind of evidence comes from the adoption of contact variety words into Aboriginal languages. This is illustrated with a case study of words for ‘white woman’ in Aboriginal languages.
{"title":"After 1788*","authors":"Jane Simpson","doi":"10.1075/jpcl.00130.sim","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00130.sim","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Contemporary contact languages used by Indigenous people in Australia share many words and grammatical features\u0000 and structures. I trace the development of contact varieties in Australia between 1788 to 1848, arguing that their similarities\u0000 arise from the dominance of English-speakers among the invaders, their ways of talking to people who did not speak English\u0000 fluently, the transfer of people between penal settlements, and the fact that sea traffic was the fastest form of travel between\u0000 colonies. Evidence for zones of influence in which particular features appear is drawn from geographic distribution and time of\u0000 first attestation. I use four types of reports for locating features: outsiders’ reports of direct speech by Aborigines and of\u0000 outsiders’ speech to Aborigines, imitations by outsiders of Aboriginal speech, and outsiders’ comments on Aboriginal speech.\u0000 Another kind of evidence comes from the adoption of contact variety words into Aboriginal languages. This is illustrated with a\u0000 case study of words for ‘white woman’ in Aboriginal languages.","PeriodicalId":506461,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages","volume":"255 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139858349","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Contemporary contact languages used by Indigenous people in Australia share many words and grammatical features and structures. I trace the development of contact varieties in Australia between 1788 to 1848, arguing that their similarities arise from the dominance of English-speakers among the invaders, their ways of talking to people who did not speak English fluently, the transfer of people between penal settlements, and the fact that sea traffic was the fastest form of travel between colonies. Evidence for zones of influence in which particular features appear is drawn from geographic distribution and time of first attestation. I use four types of reports for locating features: outsiders’ reports of direct speech by Aborigines and of outsiders’ speech to Aborigines, imitations by outsiders of Aboriginal speech, and outsiders’ comments on Aboriginal speech. Another kind of evidence comes from the adoption of contact variety words into Aboriginal languages. This is illustrated with a case study of words for ‘white woman’ in Aboriginal languages.
{"title":"After 1788*","authors":"Jane Simpson","doi":"10.1075/jpcl.00130.sim","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00130.sim","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Contemporary contact languages used by Indigenous people in Australia share many words and grammatical features\u0000 and structures. I trace the development of contact varieties in Australia between 1788 to 1848, arguing that their similarities\u0000 arise from the dominance of English-speakers among the invaders, their ways of talking to people who did not speak English\u0000 fluently, the transfer of people between penal settlements, and the fact that sea traffic was the fastest form of travel between\u0000 colonies. Evidence for zones of influence in which particular features appear is drawn from geographic distribution and time of\u0000 first attestation. I use four types of reports for locating features: outsiders’ reports of direct speech by Aborigines and of\u0000 outsiders’ speech to Aborigines, imitations by outsiders of Aboriginal speech, and outsiders’ comments on Aboriginal speech.\u0000 Another kind of evidence comes from the adoption of contact variety words into Aboriginal languages. This is illustrated with a\u0000 case study of words for ‘white woman’ in Aboriginal languages.","PeriodicalId":506461,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages","volume":"6 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139798689","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The story of Babel has been used for centuries to prompt negative evaluations of linguistic diversity. It has been instrumentalised in debates about English, to attest linguistic purity and propagate the standard variety. In (post)colonial discourses, Babel came to project imperialist language ideologies and hierarchies onto new contexts. This paper demonstrates how Babel, as a recurring theme in debates on Hawai‘i Creole and Tok Pisin, has undergone transformation, having been employed in seemingly contradictory ways, variably used to legitimise or delegitimise the creoles. These competing, diametrically opposed lines of argumentation reflect different concepts of community and nation. Yet, as I propose here, Babel remains consistent in its core function: It serves as a topos, invoking ostensibly common knowledge about the dangers of (unmonitored) linguistic heterogenisation. Thus, regardless of its ideological force to challenge or maintain the (post)colonial status quo, it perpetuates a basic imperialist understanding of the nation as monolingual.
{"title":"Pacific transformations of the ‘Country of Babel’","authors":"Christoph Neuenschwander","doi":"10.1075/jpcl.00132.neu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00132.neu","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The story of Babel has been used for centuries to prompt negative evaluations of linguistic diversity. It has been\u0000 instrumentalised in debates about English, to attest linguistic purity and propagate the standard variety. In (post)colonial\u0000 discourses, Babel came to project imperialist language ideologies and hierarchies onto new contexts. This paper demonstrates how\u0000 Babel, as a recurring theme in debates on Hawai‘i Creole and Tok Pisin, has undergone transformation, having been employed in\u0000 seemingly contradictory ways, variably used to legitimise or delegitimise the creoles. These competing, diametrically opposed\u0000 lines of argumentation reflect different concepts of community and nation. Yet, as I propose here, Babel remains consistent in its\u0000 core function: It serves as a topos, invoking ostensibly common knowledge about the dangers of (unmonitored) linguistic\u0000 heterogenisation. Thus, regardless of its ideological force to challenge or maintain the (post)colonial status quo, it perpetuates\u0000 a basic imperialist understanding of the nation as monolingual.","PeriodicalId":506461,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages","volume":"74 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139526574","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Yarrie Lingo is the local name for the English-lexified creole language spoken in the Aboriginal community of Yarrabah in far north-eastern Queensland, Australia. This creole has only recently been gaining recognition but it is the main language of everyday interactions in Yarrabah. This study describes the recognitional trajectory of Yarrie Lingo and what has fostered this language awareness. With a focus on the experiences of the local Aboriginal educator, language activist and researcher, Bernadine Yeatman, we showcase a range of grounded methodologies, including devices like language posters, interviews and illustrative stories, along with maps, timelines and cartoons developed in conjunction with a linguist, Denise Angelo. This shines a light onto the practical ‘how to’ of language awareness for under-recognised language communities and the potential support a linguist can provide. It exemplifies a research approach which engages linguistic knowledge with local language expertise to co-design materials for community members, educators and service providers.
{"title":"Recognising Yarrie Lingo, the creole language of Yarrabah community in far north-eastern Queensland Australia","authors":"Bernadine Yeatman, Denise Angelo","doi":"10.1075/jpcl.00124.yea","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00124.yea","url":null,"abstract":"Yarrie Lingo is the local name for the English-lexified creole language spoken in the Aboriginal community of Yarrabah in far north-eastern Queensland, Australia. This creole has only recently been gaining recognition but it is the main language of everyday interactions in Yarrabah. This study describes the recognitional trajectory of Yarrie Lingo and what has fostered this language awareness. With a focus on the experiences of the local Aboriginal educator, language activist and researcher, Bernadine Yeatman, we showcase a range of grounded methodologies, including devices like language posters, interviews and illustrative stories, along with maps, timelines and cartoons developed in conjunction with a linguist, Denise Angelo. This shines a light onto the practical ‘how to’ of language awareness for under-recognised language communities and the potential support a linguist can provide. It exemplifies a research approach which engages linguistic knowledge with local language expertise to co-design materials for community members, educators and service providers.","PeriodicalId":506461,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages","volume":" 25","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139254706","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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