Pub Date : 2024-06-10DOI: 10.1177/13540688241261956
Tim Bale
{"title":"Book Review: of Riley-Smith and of Wheatcroft","authors":"Tim Bale","doi":"10.1177/13540688241261956","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540688241261956","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":506984,"journal":{"name":"Party Politics","volume":" 24","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141366155","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-05DOI: 10.1177/13540688241257780
Leonardo Puleo, Giuseppe Carteny, Gianluca Piccolino
In the context of the ongoing deinstitutionalisation of the Italian party system, Fratelli d’Italia (FdI) emerged as the most voted-for party in the 2022 general election. Although previous studies categorised FdI as a populist radical right (PRR) party, no research has so far been conducted on its voters. We examine whether the traditional explanations for the rise of PRR parties also apply to FdI. We develop a theoretical argument suggesting that in the context of over-crowded competition amongst populist parties, as seen in Italy, leadership evaluation trumps policy and ideological consideration in predicting vote switching. Our results reveal that positive evaluations of Giorgia Meloni emerge as the most significant predictor of voters switching to FdI in the 2022 election. This research sheds light on individual-level mainstreaming of PRR attitudes and preferences, in particular during an electorally expansive phase, emphasising the role of leadership evaluations in voting behaviour in a context characterised by intense populist competition.
{"title":"Giorgia on their minds: Vote switching to Fratelli d’Italia in the Italian general election of 2022","authors":"Leonardo Puleo, Giuseppe Carteny, Gianluca Piccolino","doi":"10.1177/13540688241257780","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540688241257780","url":null,"abstract":"In the context of the ongoing deinstitutionalisation of the Italian party system, Fratelli d’Italia (FdI) emerged as the most voted-for party in the 2022 general election. Although previous studies categorised FdI as a populist radical right (PRR) party, no research has so far been conducted on its voters. We examine whether the traditional explanations for the rise of PRR parties also apply to FdI. We develop a theoretical argument suggesting that in the context of over-crowded competition amongst populist parties, as seen in Italy, leadership evaluation trumps policy and ideological consideration in predicting vote switching. Our results reveal that positive evaluations of Giorgia Meloni emerge as the most significant predictor of voters switching to FdI in the 2022 election. This research sheds light on individual-level mainstreaming of PRR attitudes and preferences, in particular during an electorally expansive phase, emphasising the role of leadership evaluations in voting behaviour in a context characterised by intense populist competition.","PeriodicalId":506984,"journal":{"name":"Party Politics","volume":"318 10","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141386502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-09DOI: 10.1177/13540688241247124
Tim Bale
{"title":"Book review: Data-driven campaigning and political parties: Five advanced democracies compared","authors":"Tim Bale","doi":"10.1177/13540688241247124","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540688241247124","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":506984,"journal":{"name":"Party Politics","volume":"63 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140726344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-09DOI: 10.1177/13540688241246141
S. Turnbull-Dugarte
Reactions to the rise of far-right parties that advocate democratic backsliding, and the dilution of socially liberal democratic norms present a dilemma for existing political parties. How should existing political parties respond to this challenge? A commonly adopted strategy is to apply a cordon sanitaire which excludes radical right-wing challengers from the government-forming process. Do voters support this policy? Leveraging data from Spain – where the mainstream right has accommodated the radical right-wing party, VOX, via numerous governing coalitions – I rely on individual citizens’ views on how parties should respond to rise of the far-right party, to answer this question. Empirically, the results show very low-level support for the cordon sanitaire in Spain. Indeed, the modal position of the electorate, regardless of their ideological position, is to treat the party just like any other. These results are not conditioned by the propensity of individuals to identify VOX as indeed being a “radical right” party. These descriptive findings suggest that whilst radical right-wing parties may present an inimical threat to democratic norms, citizens do not necessarily view the means of squashing this threat to be one of strategic exclusion. This likely explains why the mainstream right has been able to institutionalise VOX as a political ally: where strategic exclusion is not expected, the mainstream right need not fear violating an expectation that does not exist.
{"title":"Public support for the cordon sanitaire: Descriptive evidence from Spain","authors":"S. Turnbull-Dugarte","doi":"10.1177/13540688241246141","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540688241246141","url":null,"abstract":"Reactions to the rise of far-right parties that advocate democratic backsliding, and the dilution of socially liberal democratic norms present a dilemma for existing political parties. How should existing political parties respond to this challenge? A commonly adopted strategy is to apply a cordon sanitaire which excludes radical right-wing challengers from the government-forming process. Do voters support this policy? Leveraging data from Spain – where the mainstream right has accommodated the radical right-wing party, VOX, via numerous governing coalitions – I rely on individual citizens’ views on how parties should respond to rise of the far-right party, to answer this question. Empirically, the results show very low-level support for the cordon sanitaire in Spain. Indeed, the modal position of the electorate, regardless of their ideological position, is to treat the party just like any other. These results are not conditioned by the propensity of individuals to identify VOX as indeed being a “radical right” party. These descriptive findings suggest that whilst radical right-wing parties may present an inimical threat to democratic norms, citizens do not necessarily view the means of squashing this threat to be one of strategic exclusion. This likely explains why the mainstream right has been able to institutionalise VOX as a political ally: where strategic exclusion is not expected, the mainstream right need not fear violating an expectation that does not exist.","PeriodicalId":506984,"journal":{"name":"Party Politics","volume":"16 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140722271","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-08DOI: 10.1177/13540688241242275
C. Ungureanu, Marc Sanjaume‐Calvet
Scholars have recently focused on the eco-nationalist “turn” of the far-right right parties in Europe and their obstruction of a substantive environmental agenda. However, we argue that the analysis of the far-right eco-nationalism must be broadened to include certain established and impactful centre-right European parties. By focusing on the single case-study of the centre-right People’s Party (PP) in Spain, we argue that it has articulated Manichean, negationist, anti-elitist, and conspirative discursive elements typical of the far-right eco-nationalism before the emergence of Vox, the Spanish far-right party. In actuality, starting with 2019, Vox adopted and developed an eco-nationalist narrative advanced first at the “centre” by the ex-Prime Minister José María Aznar and still influential today at the level of PP’s leadership, namely a narrative framing ecology as “the new communism” and the (global) progressive elites and “consensus” as threatening the free Spanish nation and “freedom” worldwide.
{"title":"The blurred lines between center-right and far-right: “Reverse contamination” and the People’s Party’s environmentalism in Spain","authors":"C. Ungureanu, Marc Sanjaume‐Calvet","doi":"10.1177/13540688241242275","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540688241242275","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars have recently focused on the eco-nationalist “turn” of the far-right right parties in Europe and their obstruction of a substantive environmental agenda. However, we argue that the analysis of the far-right eco-nationalism must be broadened to include certain established and impactful centre-right European parties. By focusing on the single case-study of the centre-right People’s Party (PP) in Spain, we argue that it has articulated Manichean, negationist, anti-elitist, and conspirative discursive elements typical of the far-right eco-nationalism before the emergence of Vox, the Spanish far-right party. In actuality, starting with 2019, Vox adopted and developed an eco-nationalist narrative advanced first at the “centre” by the ex-Prime Minister José María Aznar and still influential today at the level of PP’s leadership, namely a narrative framing ecology as “the new communism” and the (global) progressive elites and “consensus” as threatening the free Spanish nation and “freedom” worldwide.","PeriodicalId":506984,"journal":{"name":"Party Politics","volume":"21 10","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140728943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-03DOI: 10.1177/13540688241241605
Klara Dentler
In many countries across the globe, the number of vote switchers is quite high. An under-researched dimension of this phenomenon is the impact of ambivalent political attitudes. Ambivalence describes the situation in which a person simultaneously has positive attitudes toward more than one political party or more than one political leader. Whilst the effects of party and leader ambivalence on vote switching have been investigated in the American political system, their application to multi-party systems is rare. This article aims to fill this gap. Before doing so, however, the article focuses on the development of party and leader ambivalent attitudes and system features of multi-party systems influencing ambivalence. For this research purpose, the article uses data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems covering 195 elections in 52 multi-party systems between 1996 and 2020. The results, among others, demonstrate that ambivalence increases voters’ probability to switch parties between elections.
在全球许多国家，选票转换者的数量相当高。对这一现象研究不足的一个方面是矛盾政治态度的影响。矛盾态度是指一个人同时对多个政党或多个政治领导人持积极态度。虽然在美国政治体制中已经对政党和领导人的矛盾态度对选票转换的影响进行了研究，但将其应用于多党制的情况还很少见。本文旨在填补这一空白。不过，在此之前，文章将重点关注政党和领导人矛盾态度的发展，以及多党制中影响矛盾态度的制度特征。为此，文章使用了《选举制度比较研究》（Comparative Study of Electoral Systems）的数据，涵盖了 1996 年至 2020 年间 52 个多党制国家的 195 次选举。研究结果表明，矛盾态度会增加选民在两次选举之间转换政党的概率。
{"title":"Ambivalence across the globe: Investigating political ambivalence and its impact on vote switching in 52 multi-party systems","authors":"Klara Dentler","doi":"10.1177/13540688241241605","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540688241241605","url":null,"abstract":"In many countries across the globe, the number of vote switchers is quite high. An under-researched dimension of this phenomenon is the impact of ambivalent political attitudes. Ambivalence describes the situation in which a person simultaneously has positive attitudes toward more than one political party or more than one political leader. Whilst the effects of party and leader ambivalence on vote switching have been investigated in the American political system, their application to multi-party systems is rare. This article aims to fill this gap. Before doing so, however, the article focuses on the development of party and leader ambivalent attitudes and system features of multi-party systems influencing ambivalence. For this research purpose, the article uses data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems covering 195 elections in 52 multi-party systems between 1996 and 2020. The results, among others, demonstrate that ambivalence increases voters’ probability to switch parties between elections.","PeriodicalId":506984,"journal":{"name":"Party Politics","volume":"134 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140749695","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-26DOI: 10.1177/13540688241234785
Suat Alper Orhan
The high saliency of immigration presented social democratic parties with a strategic quandary on reconciling different values and expectations. Danish Social Democratic Party (S) stood out as it shifted to restrictive policies while achieving intra-party cohesion and avoiding major internal strifes. This article investigates the factors behind S’ immigration shift and intra-party cohesion, focusing on a timeframe between 2005 and 2019 by combining an analysis of S’ immigration policies with insights from 12 interviews with party elites. Comparing varying strategies, ideological inclinations, and support, I explore the intra-party actors’ perceptions, constraining and permissive influences of intra-party dynamics, development and reconstruction of new ideological frameworks and factional alignment. Findings highlight the importance of intra-party dynamics on shifting policies in immigration for social democratic parties, providing further insights on how the S party elite navigated the policy shift while ensuring intra-party cohesion from electoral, ideological and organisational perspectives.
{"title":"From dissent to cohesion: Immigration policy shift and intra-party dynamics in the Danish Social Democratic Party","authors":"Suat Alper Orhan","doi":"10.1177/13540688241234785","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540688241234785","url":null,"abstract":"The high saliency of immigration presented social democratic parties with a strategic quandary on reconciling different values and expectations. Danish Social Democratic Party (S) stood out as it shifted to restrictive policies while achieving intra-party cohesion and avoiding major internal strifes. This article investigates the factors behind S’ immigration shift and intra-party cohesion, focusing on a timeframe between 2005 and 2019 by combining an analysis of S’ immigration policies with insights from 12 interviews with party elites. Comparing varying strategies, ideological inclinations, and support, I explore the intra-party actors’ perceptions, constraining and permissive influences of intra-party dynamics, development and reconstruction of new ideological frameworks and factional alignment. Findings highlight the importance of intra-party dynamics on shifting policies in immigration for social democratic parties, providing further insights on how the S party elite navigated the policy shift while ensuring intra-party cohesion from electoral, ideological and organisational perspectives.","PeriodicalId":506984,"journal":{"name":"Party Politics","volume":"198 S579","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140428344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-22DOI: 10.1177/13540688241233838
{"title":"Corrigendum to “Common sense, populism, and reactionary politics on Twitter: An analysis of populist far-right common sense narratives between 2008 and 2022”","authors":"","doi":"10.1177/13540688241233838","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540688241233838","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":506984,"journal":{"name":"Party Politics","volume":"16 7","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140441896","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-22DOI: 10.1177/13540688241234784
Yonatan L. Morse, Suh I Fru Norbert
Why do autocratic ruling parties adopt certain candidate selection processes, and what effects do they have on political outcomes? This article argues that many contemporary autocracies democratize candidate selection to address the demands of multiparty elections, but that this creates unforeseen hazards. Autocrats centralize candidate selection to reassert control over the composition of legislatures, but not necessarily to recruit more effective representatives. These ideas are explored in Cameroon, a longstanding authoritarian regime that has altered its candidate selection twice. Using an original biographical dataset and elite survey that measures legislative role orientations, the article shows how changes to candidate selection allowed the Cameroonian regime to retain more partisan legislators and to recruit new candidates who were more oriented to the party than the constituency. The article expands the comparative study of candidate selection to new settings and provides insights into how candidate selection helps shape and sustain authoritarian regimes.
{"title":"Unpacking candidate selection in authoritarian regimes: Evidence from Cameroon","authors":"Yonatan L. Morse, Suh I Fru Norbert","doi":"10.1177/13540688241234784","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540688241234784","url":null,"abstract":"Why do autocratic ruling parties adopt certain candidate selection processes, and what effects do they have on political outcomes? This article argues that many contemporary autocracies democratize candidate selection to address the demands of multiparty elections, but that this creates unforeseen hazards. Autocrats centralize candidate selection to reassert control over the composition of legislatures, but not necessarily to recruit more effective representatives. These ideas are explored in Cameroon, a longstanding authoritarian regime that has altered its candidate selection twice. Using an original biographical dataset and elite survey that measures legislative role orientations, the article shows how changes to candidate selection allowed the Cameroonian regime to retain more partisan legislators and to recruit new candidates who were more oriented to the party than the constituency. The article expands the comparative study of candidate selection to new settings and provides insights into how candidate selection helps shape and sustain authoritarian regimes.","PeriodicalId":506984,"journal":{"name":"Party Politics","volume":"2 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140439890","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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