Pub Date : 2023-12-18DOI: 10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.09
George Horațiu Bontea
"One of the trickiest conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa has reopened as a result of the October 7 terrorist strikes. Open discussions were however halted by Hamas' unilateral strike, even though the two-state solution appeared increasingly likely with the Palestinian Authority serving as the future structural restructuring of #FreePalestine. The situation in the Gaza Strip caused a great deal of divisiveness in western public opinion in addition to internal conflicts and tensions. So, the purpose of this paper was to provide a poststructuralist analysis of the dominant academic viewpoints on the state of affairs between Israel and Palestine. The relationship between identity and foreign policy is examined in this study by utilising the primary methodological instruments of reflectivist international relations theory, including intertextuality, genealogy, discourse analysis, and deconstruction. They study both epistemological and ontological aspects because of the theoretical framework, and the narratives of ""us and them"" were and continue to be important components in the history and current circumstances of the Gaza Strip. The findings provide context for the significance of Hamas' rhetoric and the monopoly of power, as well as outlining the identitarian divide between Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank. Key words: Poststructuralism, Palestine, Israel, Gaza Strip, Hamas identity and foreign policy."
{"title":"Gaza War: From Identity Politics to Polarization in the Western Foreign Policy","authors":"George Horațiu Bontea","doi":"10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.09","url":null,"abstract":"\"One of the trickiest conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa has reopened as a result of the October 7 terrorist strikes. Open discussions were however halted by Hamas' unilateral strike, even though the two-state solution appeared increasingly likely with the Palestinian Authority serving as the future structural restructuring of #FreePalestine. The situation in the Gaza Strip caused a great deal of divisiveness in western public opinion in addition to internal conflicts and tensions. So, the purpose of this paper was to provide a poststructuralist analysis of the dominant academic viewpoints on the state of affairs between Israel and Palestine. The relationship between identity and foreign policy is examined in this study by utilising the primary methodological instruments of reflectivist international relations theory, including intertextuality, genealogy, discourse analysis, and deconstruction. They study both epistemological and ontological aspects because of the theoretical framework, and the narratives of \"\"us and them\"\" were and continue to be important components in the history and current circumstances of the Gaza Strip. The findings provide context for the significance of Hamas' rhetoric and the monopoly of power, as well as outlining the identitarian divide between Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank. Key words: Poststructuralism, Palestine, Israel, Gaza Strip, Hamas identity and foreign policy.\"","PeriodicalId":507019,"journal":{"name":"Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea","volume":"92 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139175611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-18DOI: 10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.13
R. Stoenescu
"Die nur sehr spät entstandenen Entwicklungsstufen des modernen Nationsbildungs-prozesses in Rumänien begünstigen bis heute noch die strukturellen Schwächen in Legislative, Judikative und Exekutive und den unterentwickelten staatlichen Verwaltungsapparat, durch das die Korruption der führenden politischen und wirtschaftlichen Eliten weiterhin ein aktuelles Thema bleibt. Durch die institutionellen und staatlichen Strukturprobleme, die durch Korruption begünstigt werden, bleibt das Land weiterhin rückständig und die Bevölkerung folglich arm, unzufrieden und weiterhin ungebildet, durch das der Nationalismus und Populismus, nicht nur auflebt sondern besonders attraktiv für die Bevölkerung wirkt und angesichts der internationalen politischen Spannungen eine Gefahr für die junge Demokratie bedeutet. Keywords: Nationalism, Populism, Right-wing, Romania, Political Party, Election 2020, Democracy, BOR, "
{"title":"Der Aufstieg des Rechtspopulismus in Rumänien","authors":"R. Stoenescu","doi":"10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.13","url":null,"abstract":"\"Die nur sehr spät entstandenen Entwicklungsstufen des modernen Nationsbildungs-prozesses in Rumänien begünstigen bis heute noch die strukturellen Schwächen in Legislative, Judikative und Exekutive und den unterentwickelten staatlichen Verwaltungsapparat, durch das die Korruption der führenden politischen und wirtschaftlichen Eliten weiterhin ein aktuelles Thema bleibt. Durch die institutionellen und staatlichen Strukturprobleme, die durch Korruption begünstigt werden, bleibt das Land weiterhin rückständig und die Bevölkerung folglich arm, unzufrieden und weiterhin ungebildet, durch das der Nationalismus und Populismus, nicht nur auflebt sondern besonders attraktiv für die Bevölkerung wirkt und angesichts der internationalen politischen Spannungen eine Gefahr für die junge Demokratie bedeutet. Keywords: Nationalism, Populism, Right-wing, Romania, Political Party, Election 2020, Democracy, BOR, \"","PeriodicalId":507019,"journal":{"name":"Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139172934","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-18DOI: 10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.04
Mihai Tatomir
"Energy-related issues occupy a central place on the political agenda of the European Union, so it is no wonder that several studies in the field of international relations focus on this EU policy. However, most of them tend to follow the subject from the perspective of the Union's need to cover its energy deficit by identifying new sources of supply, neglecting the issue of promoting sustainable development at the level of its foreign policy. Starting from these considerations, the present study aims to analyse the energy cooperation between the Union and the Kingdom of Morocco, following the instruments through which European officials try to boost renewable energy projects. The research will also highlight the opportunities in terms of achieving the foreign policy objective previously exposed, within the bilateral dynamics between the two actors. In order to assure a comprehensive analysis of the subject, the research will be conducted based on Robert Keohane theories regarding cooperation and international institutions. Keywords: European Union, Morocco, energy, policy, strategy."
{"title":"European Union Energy Policy on the External Market: Tools and Opportunities. Case Study: EU’s Energy Relations with the Kingdom of Morocco","authors":"Mihai Tatomir","doi":"10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.04","url":null,"abstract":"\"Energy-related issues occupy a central place on the political agenda of the European Union, so it is no wonder that several studies in the field of international relations focus on this EU policy. However, most of them tend to follow the subject from the perspective of the Union's need to cover its energy deficit by identifying new sources of supply, neglecting the issue of promoting sustainable development at the level of its foreign policy. Starting from these considerations, the present study aims to analyse the energy cooperation between the Union and the Kingdom of Morocco, following the instruments through which European officials try to boost renewable energy projects. The research will also highlight the opportunities in terms of achieving the foreign policy objective previously exposed, within the bilateral dynamics between the two actors. In order to assure a comprehensive analysis of the subject, the research will be conducted based on Robert Keohane theories regarding cooperation and international institutions. Keywords: European Union, Morocco, energy, policy, strategy.\"","PeriodicalId":507019,"journal":{"name":"Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea","volume":"217 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139174947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-18DOI: 10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.06
Junior Misi Mungala
"Today, like never before, humanity is developing a fear of self-destruction. After the development of atomic weapons, the current nuclear weapon, although considered a weapon of deterrence, threatens the world with an apocalypse from which it could not recover. Faced with this situation, after the second war, the ultimate question nagging people's minds is the following: what weapon would be used in the next war? As a result, saving humanity from the catastrophe that is looming on the horizon requires recourse to the founding values of good governance and the culture of peace. Despite the old European democracy and the emerging African democracies, we still wonder about the trajectories to take to combine peace in a world which, more and more, is heading towards its extinction. With the current Russian-Ukrainian conflicts, introducing a war at the doorstep of Europe, as well as the putsches recorded in Africa, with the establishment of military juntas, the case of Mali in 2020 and 2021, of Guinea in 2021, of Niger and Burkina Faso in 2022, of Gabon in 2023, also the increase in the authoritarian regime in the Democratic Republic of Congo, in Rwanda, without forgetting the establishment of the ghost state in the Central African Republic, etc. there is reason to question the idealistic and realistic aims of democratic values. History has made democracy not only a system of management of public affairs par excellence, but also a way of living and a way of being. Founded on the values of freedom and tolerance, democratization requires our appropriate resolution to expose a systematic method that can lead to the construction of a culture dedicated to dialogue and the peaceful management of conflicts. Democratization, through the combination of good governance and the culture of peace, constitutes a process which requires a method bringing together both a part linked to the form, relating to the political and institutional organization, and a part linked to the substance, relating to the behavior of political actors. Keywords : Democracy, liberalism, socialism, conflict management, good governance"
{"title":"Bonne gouvernance et culture de la paix dans la démocratie : question de méthode","authors":"Junior Misi Mungala","doi":"10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.06","url":null,"abstract":"\"Today, like never before, humanity is developing a fear of self-destruction. After the development of atomic weapons, the current nuclear weapon, although considered a weapon of deterrence, threatens the world with an apocalypse from which it could not recover. Faced with this situation, after the second war, the ultimate question nagging people's minds is the following: what weapon would be used in the next war? As a result, saving humanity from the catastrophe that is looming on the horizon requires recourse to the founding values of good governance and the culture of peace. Despite the old European democracy and the emerging African democracies, we still wonder about the trajectories to take to combine peace in a world which, more and more, is heading towards its extinction. With the current Russian-Ukrainian conflicts, introducing a war at the doorstep of Europe, as well as the putsches recorded in Africa, with the establishment of military juntas, the case of Mali in 2020 and 2021, of Guinea in 2021, of Niger and Burkina Faso in 2022, of Gabon in 2023, also the increase in the authoritarian regime in the Democratic Republic of Congo, in Rwanda, without forgetting the establishment of the ghost state in the Central African Republic, etc. there is reason to question the idealistic and realistic aims of democratic values. History has made democracy not only a system of management of public affairs par excellence, but also a way of living and a way of being. Founded on the values of freedom and tolerance, democratization requires our appropriate resolution to expose a systematic method that can lead to the construction of a culture dedicated to dialogue and the peaceful management of conflicts. Democratization, through the combination of good governance and the culture of peace, constitutes a process which requires a method bringing together both a part linked to the form, relating to the political and institutional organization, and a part linked to the substance, relating to the behavior of political actors. Keywords : Democracy, liberalism, socialism, conflict management, good governance\"","PeriodicalId":507019,"journal":{"name":"Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea","volume":"109 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139176297","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-18DOI: 10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.15
Nicoleta Chicinaș
"This article aims to analyse the education system in the city of Cluj during the post-war period, after World War 2, with a close focus on the period of time between 1944 and 1948. It's a period characterized by a series of successive crises resulting from political decisions. These decisions affected all levels of education, all ethnic and religious groups in the region, as well as the political opponents to the newly established communist regime of the Romanian Communist Party, primarily represented by these three political parties: the National Peasants' Party, the National Liberal Party, and the Socialist Party. Throughout the research into education within this time period, a combination of methods were used, including historical, comparative and statistical methods, and the sources used refer to both official and unofficial archived documents, contemporary press, and edited documents. Keywords: crises, communism, education, Cluj, democratization, reform"
{"title":"The Crises in Post-War Education in Cluj","authors":"Nicoleta Chicinaș","doi":"10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.15","url":null,"abstract":"\"This article aims to analyse the education system in the city of Cluj during the post-war period, after World War 2, with a close focus on the period of time between 1944 and 1948. It's a period characterized by a series of successive crises resulting from political decisions. These decisions affected all levels of education, all ethnic and religious groups in the region, as well as the political opponents to the newly established communist regime of the Romanian Communist Party, primarily represented by these three political parties: the National Peasants' Party, the National Liberal Party, and the Socialist Party. Throughout the research into education within this time period, a combination of methods were used, including historical, comparative and statistical methods, and the sources used refer to both official and unofficial archived documents, contemporary press, and edited documents. Keywords: crises, communism, education, Cluj, democratization, reform\"","PeriodicalId":507019,"journal":{"name":"Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea","volume":"119 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139174392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-18DOI: 10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.01
Nickson Bondo Museka, Faustin Mwilambwe Kalombola
The creation of the future African Criminal Court (ACC) was envisaged by the African Union (AU) as the African states’ collective response to the ""politicization"" of the International Criminal Court (ICC). Eight years following its signature, the Maloba Protocol has never obtained the fifteen ratifications required to spearhead the operationalisation of the ACC. This article attempts to address two fundamental questions: - what are the challenges hindering the creation of the CCA? - and how effective will the CCA be in trying Africans for crimes they have committed on their own soil? It reveals, on the one hand obstacles that hinder the implementation of the Malabo protocol; and on the other hand, challenges that could hamper the CCA's effectiveness as soon as it becomes operational. La création de la future Cour Pénale Africaine (CPA) a été envisagée par l’Union Africaine (UA) comme une réponse collective des États africains à la « politisation » de la Cour Pénale Internationale (CPI). Huit ans après sa signature, le protocole de Malabo qui crée la CPA n’a jamais obtenu les quinze ratifications requises pour rendre opérationnelle cette juridiction pénale africaine. Cet article tente de répondre à deux questions fondamentales celles de savoir : - quels sont les défis liés à la création de la CPA ? - et à quel point la CPA sera-t-elle efficace pour juger les africains pour les crimes qu’ils ont commis sur leur propre sol ? Il révèle, d’une part les obstacles qui obstruent l’entrée en vigueur du protocole de Malabo ; et d’autre part, les défis qui pourraient entraver l’efficacité de la CPA dès son opérationnalisation. Key-words: African Criminal Court, International Criminal Court, international law, African Union, Pan-African justice.
{"title":"La création de la Cour Pénale Africaine : défis et perspectives d’une justice alternative à la Cour Pénale internationale","authors":"Nickson Bondo Museka, Faustin Mwilambwe Kalombola","doi":"10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.01","url":null,"abstract":"The creation of the future African Criminal Court (ACC) was envisaged by the African Union (AU) as the African states’ collective response to the \"\"politicization\"\" of the International Criminal Court (ICC). Eight years following its signature, the Maloba Protocol has never obtained the fifteen ratifications required to spearhead the operationalisation of the ACC. This article attempts to address two fundamental questions: - what are the challenges hindering the creation of the CCA? - and how effective will the CCA be in trying Africans for crimes they have committed on their own soil? It reveals, on the one hand obstacles that hinder the implementation of the Malabo protocol; and on the other hand, challenges that could hamper the CCA's effectiveness as soon as it becomes operational. La création de la future Cour Pénale Africaine (CPA) a été envisagée par l’Union Africaine (UA) comme une réponse collective des États africains à la « politisation » de la Cour Pénale Internationale (CPI). Huit ans après sa signature, le protocole de Malabo qui crée la CPA n’a jamais obtenu les quinze ratifications requises pour rendre opérationnelle cette juridiction pénale africaine. Cet article tente de répondre à deux questions fondamentales celles de savoir : - quels sont les défis liés à la création de la CPA ? - et à quel point la CPA sera-t-elle efficace pour juger les africains pour les crimes qu’ils ont commis sur leur propre sol ? Il révèle, d’une part les obstacles qui obstruent l’entrée en vigueur du protocole de Malabo ; et d’autre part, les défis qui pourraient entraver l’efficacité de la CPA dès son opérationnalisation. Key-words: African Criminal Court, International Criminal Court, international law, African Union, Pan-African justice.","PeriodicalId":507019,"journal":{"name":"Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea","volume":"32 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139176200","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-18DOI: 10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.05
Diana Sfetlana Stoica
"Would western defined security be an African security and would this reproduce, or develop, from indigenous African ontologies, so that African understanding of security and violence could actually bestow to the global peacekeeping actions? Considering this research question, focused on the understanding of security and violence in an African postcolonial and maybe de-colonial taxonomy, the present paper invites to reflect on the evolution of the concepts of security and violence in African scholarships, their connections with the sustainable African social development narratives that seem to monopolize the space of debates in African Studies. Moreover, the intentions are to explore the disruptions between the need for peace and the narratives of struggle in the context of a critical resistance to the global connecting and disconnecting biases that define the conceptual “security” and “violence”. This content analysis and critical look on the becoming of the term of violence, at the base of a typical evolution of the term security, in African literature or African focused debates, might contribute to defining that security and violence are floating terms, their understanding in an African taxonomy should be Africanized, being highlighted that security includes violence as inner boosting element, that allows for the two to be in a strange relationship, recalling for attentive consideration and critics on the application of Western inspired peacekeeping actions that do not take into account specific conditions such as territory and culture. Keywords: violence, security, (de) coloniality, resistance, signifier"
{"title":"Foundations of African Perceptions on Security and Violence. Overlapping the Need for Peace with the Narratives of Struggle, a Safe Way or an African Way?","authors":"Diana Sfetlana Stoica","doi":"10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.05","url":null,"abstract":"\"Would western defined security be an African security and would this reproduce, or develop, from indigenous African ontologies, so that African understanding of security and violence could actually bestow to the global peacekeeping actions? Considering this research question, focused on the understanding of security and violence in an African postcolonial and maybe de-colonial taxonomy, the present paper invites to reflect on the evolution of the concepts of security and violence in African scholarships, their connections with the sustainable African social development narratives that seem to monopolize the space of debates in African Studies. Moreover, the intentions are to explore the disruptions between the need for peace and the narratives of struggle in the context of a critical resistance to the global connecting and disconnecting biases that define the conceptual “security” and “violence”. This content analysis and critical look on the becoming of the term of violence, at the base of a typical evolution of the term security, in African literature or African focused debates, might contribute to defining that security and violence are floating terms, their understanding in an African taxonomy should be Africanized, being highlighted that security includes violence as inner boosting element, that allows for the two to be in a strange relationship, recalling for attentive consideration and critics on the application of Western inspired peacekeeping actions that do not take into account specific conditions such as territory and culture. Keywords: violence, security, (de) coloniality, resistance, signifier\"","PeriodicalId":507019,"journal":{"name":"Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea","volume":"87 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139175097","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-18DOI: 10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.03
Charles Wilfried Tikena Boutora
"Pan-Africanism is both a project and a political commitment, an idea and an ideal which have largely contributed to the political and intellectual history of contemporary African societies. It is an imprecise term which leads to confusion. It is a word whose meaning varies depending on the individuals who use it. It is often constituted as an ideology, a political theory or even a concept. The question of its scientific definition is therefore almost never decided or discussed, each author making it, according to the needs of his demonstrations or his points of view, either an ideology, a concept, or a political theory. The proposal to include Pan-Africanism through the prism of the theory of social movements in this present study allows us to shed light and make a significant contribution to the history of Pan-Africanism. Keywords: Pan-Africanism, social movement, political theory"
{"title":"Regard sur le panafricanisme comme un mouvement social","authors":"Charles Wilfried Tikena Boutora","doi":"10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.03","url":null,"abstract":"\"Pan-Africanism is both a project and a political commitment, an idea and an ideal which have largely contributed to the political and intellectual history of contemporary African societies. It is an imprecise term which leads to confusion. It is a word whose meaning varies depending on the individuals who use it. It is often constituted as an ideology, a political theory or even a concept. The question of its scientific definition is therefore almost never decided or discussed, each author making it, according to the needs of his demonstrations or his points of view, either an ideology, a concept, or a political theory. The proposal to include Pan-Africanism through the prism of the theory of social movements in this present study allows us to shed light and make a significant contribution to the history of Pan-Africanism. Keywords: Pan-Africanism, social movement, political theory\"","PeriodicalId":507019,"journal":{"name":"Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea","volume":"90 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139175850","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-18DOI: 10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.11
I. Ghidiu
"The potential of clear hydrogen to develop into a valuable resource in the future is becoming a growingly attractive debate topic, in the context of a targeted decarbonized economy. The present article analyses the interest that institutional and corporate actors in the European Union and the United States dedicate to this subject by assessing the comprehensiveness of the official, governmental communication and that of private actors - focusing on gas transmission companies, either producers or transporters - on the exploitation of clear hydrogen. The aim of the research is to investigate where is currently the most visible attention manifesting and whether public institutions or the private sector are more engaged in bringing about change in the near future in the field of green transition. Keywords: European Union, United States, clear hydrogen, communication, green transition"
{"title":"Patterns of Communication on Clear Hydrogen Innovation in the Transatlantic Environment","authors":"I. Ghidiu","doi":"10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.11","url":null,"abstract":"\"The potential of clear hydrogen to develop into a valuable resource in the future is becoming a growingly attractive debate topic, in the context of a targeted decarbonized economy. The present article analyses the interest that institutional and corporate actors in the European Union and the United States dedicate to this subject by assessing the comprehensiveness of the official, governmental communication and that of private actors - focusing on gas transmission companies, either producers or transporters - on the exploitation of clear hydrogen. The aim of the research is to investigate where is currently the most visible attention manifesting and whether public institutions or the private sector are more engaged in bringing about change in the near future in the field of green transition. Keywords: European Union, United States, clear hydrogen, communication, green transition\"","PeriodicalId":507019,"journal":{"name":"Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea","volume":"52 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139176207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-18DOI: 10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.07
Alina Iorga
"Less than a decade after the proclamation of “the end of history”, the anxieties about “the end of utopia” are gaining ground in the intellectual field all over the world, in the context of both “the crisis of the future” and the haunting of the present by the painful pasts. The latter two are the main consequences of the fracture in the contemporary temporal order – occurred in the ‘70s and deepened after the fall of the Iron Curtain – which defines the “presentist regime of historicity”. These dynamics are counterbalanced, in the same period, by a “global epidemic of nostalgia”, including the commodified forms of “retromania”, that reveals the presentist “faces of utopianism”, from the non-instrumental “retrospective utopias” – as poles of “existential” types of reflective nostalgic practices – to the instrumental “retrotopias” based on the “restorative nostalgia”, which were mobillized in the contemporary memory wars, starting from the ‘80s. Reflecting the tensions between the fixation on the traumatic legacy of the “age of extremes” and the apprehensions about “the future of nostalgia”, the presentist dynamics of multidirectional memory discloses conflictual landscapes (social, cultural, and political), from the mnemonic turn of the ’70s and the ‘80s – which has arisen against the background of the decline of both welfare state and the nation-states, and of the global economic crisis – to the post–Cold War contests around “the divised memories” of “Europe’s Europes”, coexisting with the clashes of contradictory “faces” of nostalgia and utopia. Keywords: presentism, multidirectional memory, nostalgia, retrospective utopia, retrotopia"
{"title":"Mémoire, nostalgie et « la fin de l’utopie » à l’âge du « présentisme »","authors":"Alina Iorga","doi":"10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.07","url":null,"abstract":"\"Less than a decade after the proclamation of “the end of history”, the anxieties about “the end of utopia” are gaining ground in the intellectual field all over the world, in the context of both “the crisis of the future” and the haunting of the present by the painful pasts. The latter two are the main consequences of the fracture in the contemporary temporal order – occurred in the ‘70s and deepened after the fall of the Iron Curtain – which defines the “presentist regime of historicity”. These dynamics are counterbalanced, in the same period, by a “global epidemic of nostalgia”, including the commodified forms of “retromania”, that reveals the presentist “faces of utopianism”, from the non-instrumental “retrospective utopias” – as poles of “existential” types of reflective nostalgic practices – to the instrumental “retrotopias” based on the “restorative nostalgia”, which were mobillized in the contemporary memory wars, starting from the ‘80s. Reflecting the tensions between the fixation on the traumatic legacy of the “age of extremes” and the apprehensions about “the future of nostalgia”, the presentist dynamics of multidirectional memory discloses conflictual landscapes (social, cultural, and political), from the mnemonic turn of the ’70s and the ‘80s – which has arisen against the background of the decline of both welfare state and the nation-states, and of the global economic crisis – to the post–Cold War contests around “the divised memories” of “Europe’s Europes”, coexisting with the clashes of contradictory “faces” of nostalgia and utopia. Keywords: presentism, multidirectional memory, nostalgia, retrospective utopia, retrotopia\"","PeriodicalId":507019,"journal":{"name":"Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea","volume":"254 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139172736","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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