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Depoliticisation, Resilience and the Herceptin Post-code Lottery Crisis: Holding Back the Tide 去政治化,弹性和赫赛汀邮编彩票危机:阻碍潮流
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2014-10-31 DOI: 10.1111/1467-856X.12060
Matthew Wood

This article:

  • Covers new empirical terrain in the study of depoliticisation, with an in-depth case study of health technology regulation;
  • Analyses depoliticisation from a novel analytical perspective, examining how depoliticised institutions are resilient to external pressure for politicisation;
  • Posits a distinctive framework for analysing resilience, drawing on cognate literatures on policy networks and agencification;
  • Raises interesting and distinctive questions about the nature of depoliticisation in advanced liberal democracies, arguing it is more contested than commonly acknowledged.

Depoliticisation as a concept offers distinctive insights into how governments attempt to relieve political pressures in liberal democracies. Analysis has examined the effects of depoliticisation tactics on the public, but not how those tactics are sustained during moments of political tension. Drawing on policy networks and agencification literatures, this article examines how these tactics are resilient against pressure for politicisation. Using an in-depth case study of the controversial appraisal of cancer drug Herceptin in 2005/6 by the National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE), the article examines how ‘resilient’ NICE was to external politicisation. It is argued that NICE was resilient because it was effectively ‘insulated’ by formal procedures and informal norms of deference to scientific expertise. This mechanism is termed ‘institutional double glazing’. The conclusion suggests developments to the conceptual and methodological framework of depoliticisation, and highlights theoretical insights into the nature of ‘anti-politics’ in contemporary democracies.

本文:涵盖了去政治化研究的新经验领域,对卫生技术监管进行了深入的案例研究;从一个新颖的分析角度分析去政治化,考察去政治化的机构如何适应外部的政治化压力;假设一个独特的框架来分析弹性,借鉴同源文献的政策网络和机构;对发达自由民主国家去政治化的本质提出了有趣而独特的问题,认为它的争议比普遍承认的要大。去政治化作为一个概念,对自由民主国家政府如何试图缓解政治压力提供了独特的见解。分析研究了非政治化策略对公众的影响,但没有研究这些策略在政治紧张时期是如何维持的。利用政策网络和机构文献,本文探讨了这些策略如何抵御政治化的压力。这篇文章利用英国国家卫生与临床卓越研究所(NICE)在2005/ 2006年对癌症药物赫赛汀的有争议的评估进行了深入的案例研究,研究了NICE对外部政治化的“弹性”。有人认为,NICE之所以具有弹性,是因为它被正式程序和尊重科学专业知识的非正式规范有效地“隔离”了。这种机制被称为“机构双层玻璃”。结论提出了去政治化的概念和方法框架的发展,并强调了对当代民主国家“反政治”本质的理论见解。
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引用次数: 24
The Family Migration Visa in the History of Marriage Restrictions: Postcolonial Relations and the UK Border 婚姻限制史上的家庭移民签证:后殖民关系与英国边境
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2014-10-31 DOI: 10.1111/1467-856X.12059
Joe Turner

This article:

  • Provides a necessary critical reflection on the changes to the UK family migration visa 2012;
  • Responds to the recent call made by Nick Vaughan-Williams and Victoria M. Basham in BJPIR for Critical Border Studies to better appreciate the interlocking elements of race, gender, class in border practices. It does this by also paying attention to sex;
  • Challenges the presentism in the recent literature on border practices/immigration by situating the family migration visa in a broader history;
  • Makes a strong contribution to the cross-over debates which are taking place in International Relations and governmentality literature regarding the postcolonial. It offers a Foucauldian analysis of government which takes colonial and postcolonial relations seriously.

This article explores the changes to the family migration visa (2012) through a history of postcolonial government. It explores how the visa shares a familiar function to previous forms of rule which targeted the household and family as a site of regulation. Under Empire, ‘marriage restrictions’ were used to manage the ‘intimate’ connections between coloniser and colonised. Over the course of the 20th century UK border regimes also targeted the intimate and the familial to regulate racial proximity. In tracing this history, I argue that the family migration visa works as a similar technique. The visa manages the intimate space of the couple, family and household through an ideal domesticity; in line with certain raced, gendered and class norms. It highlights how government techniques make claims over whom can live with, raise a family with, be intimate with whom in Britain.

本文:对2012年英国家庭移民签证的变化进行必要的批判性反思;回应最近由尼克·沃恩·威廉姆斯和维多利亚·m·巴沙姆在BJPIR提出的关键边境研究的呼吁,以更好地理解边境实践中种族、性别、阶级的连锁因素。它还通过关注性来做到这一点;通过将家庭移民签证置于更广泛的历史中,挑战最近关于边境实践/移民的文献中的现实性;对有关后殖民的国际关系和治理文学中正在进行的跨界辩论作出了重大贡献。它对政府进行了福柯式的分析,认真对待殖民和后殖民关系。本文通过后殖民政府的历史来探讨家庭移民签证(2012)的变化。它探讨了签证如何与以前针对家庭和家庭作为监管场所的规则形式共享一个熟悉的功能。在帝国统治下,“婚姻限制”被用来管理殖民者和被殖民者之间的“亲密”关系。在20世纪的整个过程中,英国的边境制度也以亲密关系和家庭关系为目标,以规范种族接近。在追溯这段历史的过程中,我认为家庭移民签证也是一种类似的技术。visa通过理想的家庭生活,管理夫妻、家庭和家庭的亲密空间;符合特定的种族、性别和阶级规范。它凸显了政府的手段是如何决定在英国谁可以和谁一起生活,一起抚养家庭,和谁保持亲密关系的。
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引用次数: 28
Macroprudential Ideas and Contested Social Purpose: A Response to Terrence Casey 宏观审慎思想与有争议的社会目的:对特伦斯·凯西的回应
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2014-07-22 DOI: 10.1111/1467-856X.12058
Andrew Baker, Wesley Widmaier

In response to Terrence Casey's argument that the emergence of macroprudential regulation since the financial crash can and should save neoliberalism we raise five objections. 1). The Debt-Driven Growth Hypothesis (DDG) and the Financial Instability Hypothesis (FIH), as Casey terms them, are just as likely to be complementary as they are oppositional and they are by no means incompatible. 2) Casey's empirics are too thin and static, drawn from the 1980s and 1990s, while Anglo Liberal Financialised Capitalism (ALFC) is a complex adaptive system that has continued to evolve throughout the 2000s. 3) Casey overlooks the dynamic relationship between potentially excessive financialisation and the performance of the wider economy, which is becoming a growing concern for many policy makers using the macroprudential frame. 4) Macroprudential as a series of ideas about the economy are often incompatible with neoliberal premises and their ontological foundations. 5) Many of the policy makers who have acted as the biggest champions of macroprudential regulation have also been highly critical of ALFC and view the macroprudential turn as making a contribution to a much needed deeper financial reformation that would over time transform some of the constituent economic and social relations of the existing political economy. We conclude that what we call the social purpose of macroprudential regulation (the question of whether it is intended to patch up or transform the existing system) is contested, and that macroprudential regulation has much potential beyond saving ‘neoliberalism’.

泰伦斯•凯西(Terrence Casey)认为,自金融危机以来出现的宏观审慎监管能够而且应该拯救新自由主义,对此,我们提出五点反对意见。1).债务驱动增长假说(DDG)和金融不稳定假说(FIH),正如凯西所说,既可能是互补的,也可能是对立的,它们绝不是不相容的。2)凯西的经验过于单一化和静态化,取材于20世纪80年代和90年代,而盎格鲁自由金融资本主义(ALFC)是一个复杂的适应性系统,在整个21世纪的头十年中一直在不断发展。3)凯西忽略了潜在的过度金融化与更广泛经济表现之间的动态关系,这正成为许多使用宏观审慎框架的政策制定者日益关注的问题。4)宏观审慎作为一系列关于经济的思想,往往与新自由主义的前提及其本体论基础不相容。5)许多作为宏观审慎监管的最大支持者的政策制定者也高度批评ALFC,并将宏观审慎转向视为对急需的更深层次金融改革的贡献,随着时间的推移,这种改革将改变现有政治经济的一些经济和社会关系。我们得出的结论是,我们所谓的宏观审慎监管的社会目的(它是否打算修补或改造现有体系的问题)是有争议的,宏观审慎监管除了拯救“新自由主义”之外还有很大的潜力。
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引用次数: 7
Biraderi, Bloc Votes and Bradford: Investigating the Respect Party's Campaign Strategy Biraderi,集团投票和布拉德福德:调查尊重党的竞选策略
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2014-07-15 DOI: 10.1111/1467-856X.12057
Timothy Peace, Parveen Akhtar

This article

  • Contributes to theoretical debates on minority political participation in the UK, with specific reference to inter-generational variations within the South Asian Muslim community;
  • Contributes to the scholarly literature on the impact and effectiveness of new political parties within the British political system, through a case study of the Respect Party;
  • Adds to empirical primary data on strategies adopted by political parties in courting specific sections of the ethnic minority vote in the UK;
  • Offers an empirically-led demonstration of the changes taking place within the political sphere of South Asian Muslim diasporas in Britain.

In March 2012, the Respect Party won an unexpected by-election in the British city of Bradford, previously regarded as a safe Labour seat. This article examines the party's campaign strategy and in particular how it courted South Asian Muslim voters. A dominant feature of South Asian Muslim politics in the UK has been community bloc voting along lines of kinship (biraderi). The use of kinship networks for political gain effectively disenfranchised many young people and women. We demonstrate how Respect used their experience of campaigning in constituencies with significant numbers of South Asian Muslim voters to achieve an unlikely victory in Bradford. A key strategy was to mobilise otherwise politically marginalised sections of the South Asian Muslim community by offering an alternative to the culture of patronage in Bradford whilst at the same time utilising certain community structures in order to gain their own bloc votes.

本文有助于英国少数民族政治参与的理论辩论,具体涉及南亚穆斯林社区内的代际差异;通过对尊重党(Respect Party)的案例研究,对英国政治体系中新政党的影响和有效性的学术文献做出贡献;增加了英国政党在争取少数民族特定群体投票时所采取的策略的经验初级数据;该书以经验为导向,展示了南亚穆斯林侨民在英国政治领域发生的变化。2012年3月,尊重党在英国城市布拉德福德出人意料地赢得了补选,此前该城市被认为是工党的安全席位。本文考察了该党的竞选策略,特别是它如何拉拢南亚穆斯林选民。英国南亚穆斯林政治的一个主要特征是按亲属关系(biraderi)进行社区集团投票。利用亲属关系谋取政治利益实际上剥夺了许多青年和妇女的公民权。我们展示了尊重如何利用他们在南亚穆斯林选民数量众多的选区的竞选经验,在布拉德福德取得了不太可能的胜利。一个关键的策略是通过提供布拉德福德赞助文化的另一种选择来动员南亚穆斯林社区的政治边缘化部分,同时利用某些社区结构来获得他们自己的集团选票。
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引用次数: 11
The Emerging Post-Crisis Financial Architecture: The Path-Dependency of Ideational Adverse Selection 新兴的后危机金融架构:思想逆向选择的路径依赖
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2014-07-04 DOI: 10.1111/1467-856X.12056
Geoffrey R. D. Underhill

This article

  • Contributes to the debate on policy change and economic ideas after the crisis, finding ideas and material interests to be closely aligned and introducing the notion of ‘ideational adverse selection’.
  • Establishes that pre-crisis financial governance failed to provide financial stability yet provided benefits to precisely those whose advocacy underpinned its emergence.
  • Argues that despite the adoption of a ‘macroprudential approach’, the post-crisis reform of financial governance promulgated by the Basel Commitee and IOSCO does not (yet) admit of a ‘paradigm shift’.
  • Concludes that if ideational change and a shift in policy approach is to take place, the nature of the policy community as ‘input’ must also change.

This article focuses on two cases of transnational financial governance that confirm that ideas and material interests are closely aligned in the construction of regulatory institutions at the international level: the Basel-II/III international capital adequacy standards and the IOSCO-based regulatory processes that underpin cross-border securities markets. The article first establishes that the pre-crisis system of financial regulation and supervision left public authorities dependent on private sector expertise and information provision such that policy idea-sets became increasingly aligned with private sector preferences. Secondly, this market-based system of financial governance provided benefits to precisely those whose advocacy underpinned its emergence while facilitating neither financial stability nor resolving the weaknesses of national-level governance in a context of cross-border integration. Lastly, it remains unclear if either pre-crisis alternatives or the lessons of the crisis itself have been applied properly to the reforms. The reform debate continues to pursue an essentially market-based approach to the problem of financial governance at the national, regional and global levels. Policy failure endogenous to a pre-crisis regulatory coalition has so far failed to disturb the tenacity of material interests and inertia of institutional path dependency.

本文有助于讨论危机后的政策变化和经济思想,发现思想和物质利益密切相关,并引入了“思想逆向选择”的概念。确立了危机前的金融治理未能提供金融稳定,但恰恰为那些倡导其出现的人带来了好处。认为,尽管采用了“宏观审慎方法”,但巴塞尔委员会和IOSCO颁布的金融治理后危机改革(尚未)承认“范式转变”。结论是,如果观念的改变和政策方法的转变发生,政策团体作为“输入”的性质也必须改变。本文重点关注跨国金融治理的两个案例,它们证实了在国际层面的监管机构建设中,理念和物质利益是密切相关的:巴塞尔协议ii /III国际资本充足率标准和基于iosco的监管程序,它们支撑着跨境证券市场。本文首先指出,危机前的金融监管体系使公共当局依赖于私营部门的专业知识和信息提供,从而使政策理念集越来越符合私营部门的偏好。其次,这种以市场为基础的金融治理体系恰恰为那些支持其出现的人提供了好处,但既不能促进金融稳定,也不能解决跨境一体化背景下国家层面治理的弱点。最后,尚不清楚危机前的替代方案或危机本身的教训是否已被恰当地应用于改革。关于改革的辩论继续在国家、区域和全球各级采取基本上以市场为基础的办法来解决财政管理问题。危机前监管联盟内生的政策失败,迄今未能扰乱物质利益的坚韧不拔和制度路径依赖的惯性。
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引用次数: 42
In Search of the Politics of Security 《寻求安全政治
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2014-06-16 DOI: 10.1111/1467-856X.12054
Jonathan Bright

This article

  • Provides an exploration of why security politics might change the behaviour of parliaments or legislatures, bringing together theory from diverse fields;
  • Illustrates a series of potential ways of measuring legislative behaviour;
  • Is a systematic quantitative test for the existence of security politics in a field which relies almost exclusively on qualitative methodology;
  • Contributes to the current debate in the field of critical security studies over the definition of the politics of security.

This article takes up the recent challenge to critical security studies posed by Browning and McDonald to define the effects of ‘the politics of security’. It focuses in particular on the behaviour of legislatures during the passage of legislation relating to crime and security. Effective scrutiny of this type of policy is crucial, but legislatures are often accused of failing to provide it. However, empirical work in the area remains limited: we know little about exactly how legislatures change their behaviour at such critical junctures. This article seeks to fill this gap. It offers firstly an exploration of diverse strands of work on the notion of ‘security politics’. Secondly, it offers an empirical test based on a dataset covering UK legislation from the period 2007–2012. The results suggest the appearance of security legislation causes parliament to heighten scrutiny, raising questions about the real nature of ‘security politics’.

本文探讨了为什么安全政治可能改变议会或立法机构的行为,汇集了来自不同领域的理论;说明一系列衡量立法行为的可能方法;是对安全政治在一个几乎完全依赖定性方法论的领域中存在的系统定量检验;有助于当前在安全政治定义的关键安全研究领域的辩论。这篇文章接受了勃朗宁和麦克唐纳最近提出的对关键安全研究的挑战,以定义“安全政治”的影响。它特别侧重于立法机关在通过有关犯罪和安全的立法时的行为。对这类政策的有效审查至关重要,但立法机构经常被指责未能提供这种审查。然而,这一领域的实证工作仍然有限:我们对立法机构如何在如此关键的时刻改变其行为知之甚少。本文试图填补这一空白。它首先提供了对“安全政治”概念的各种工作的探索。其次,本文基于涵盖2007-2012年英国立法的数据集进行了实证检验。结果表明,安全立法的出现导致议会加强审查,引发了对“安全政治”本质的质疑。
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引用次数: 7
Solving the ‘Woman Problem’ in British Abortion Politics: A Contextualised Account 解决英国堕胎政治中的“女性问题”:一个语境化的解释
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2014-06-16 DOI: 10.1111/1467-856X.12045
Fran Amery

This article

  • Explains how a historical account may be usefully combined with an analysis of the constitutive representation of gender in order to provide insights into the substantive representation of women;
  • Provides an empirical account of how MPs favouring restrictions on legal abortion have historically constructed women as victims of unethical doctors in order to undermine the foundations of the 1967 Abortion Act;
  • Helps explain recent attempts to strip abortion providers of the ability to provide counselling;
  • Demonstrates that when set against the medicalised regulatory regime established by the 1967 Act, the contributions of pro-choice MPs may be criticised as problematic attempts to reconcile a feminist abortion politics with the status quo.

In 2011, Parliament debated an amendment to the government's Health and Social Care Bill which would have mandated that abortion counselling be provided by independent organisations. While many attacked the amendment as anti-feminist, its principal sponsor, Nadine Dorries, claimed to be acting on behalf of women. This article argues that a historical approach may be fruitfully utilised in order to make sense of such conflicting ‘feminist’ claims. Through analysis of parliamentary debates, it demonstrates that when historical and discursive context is taken into account, the Dorries amendment can be viewed as part of a broader attack on the foundations of the 1967 Abortion Act. This historical approach also allows the contributions of pro-choice women representatives to be criticised as problematic attempts to reconcile a feminist abortion politics with the status quo.

本文解释了如何将历史描述与性别构成表征的分析有效地结合起来,以深入了解女性的实质性表征;对支持限制合法堕胎的国会议员如何在历史上将妇女视为不道德医生的受害者,以破坏1967年《堕胎法》的基础进行了实证分析;有助于解释最近剥夺堕胎提供者提供咨询的能力的企图;这表明,当与1967年法案建立的医疗化监管制度相对照时,支持堕胎的议员的贡献可能会被批评为有问题的尝试,试图调和女权主义堕胎政治与现状。2011年,议会就政府《卫生和社会保健法案》的一项修正案进行了辩论,该修正案要求由独立组织提供堕胎咨询。虽然许多人抨击该修正案是反女权主义的,但它的主要发起人纳丁·多里斯(Nadine Dorries)声称自己是在代表女性。本文认为,为了理解这种相互矛盾的“女权主义”主张,可以有效地利用历史方法。通过对议会辩论的分析,它表明,当考虑到历史和话语背景时,Dorries修正案可以被视为对1967年堕胎法基础的更广泛攻击的一部分。这种历史方法也使得支持堕胎的妇女代表的贡献被批评为有问题的试图调和女权主义堕胎政治与现状。
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引用次数: 7
The Institutional Roots of Incremental Ideational Change: The IMF and Capital Controls after the Global Financial Crisis 渐进式观念变革的制度根源:国际货币基金组织与全球金融危机后的资本管制
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2014-06-16 DOI: 10.1111/1467-856X.12049
Manuela Moschella

This article

  • Contributes to the literature on ideational change by bringing to the surface an incremental ideational dynamic after major crises that differs from the well-known punctuated dynamic;
  • Explains the incremental dynamic of ideational change after a major crisis based on the flexibility of the institutional environment in which actors operate. Specifically, rather than preventing change until an explosion of radical change occurs, institutional frictions may also allow for successive adjustments over time;
  • Illustrates the theoretical arguments by examining the changes that have taken place in the IMF's thinking on capital controls since the start of the 2008 crisis;
  • Traces one of the most debated developments in the post-crisis international political economy, namely the rehabilitation of capital controls.

Although much scholarly attention has been devoted to examining the punctuated dynamics of ideational change, other dynamics exist. Ideational change may well occur incrementally in ordinary times or, as this study shows, can also materialise after a major shock, such as a financial and economic crisis. By examining the IMF's new approach to capital controls in the aftermath of the global financial crisis, the article demonstrates that the non-punctuated nature of ideational change can be explained in light of the enabling (and not solely constraining) features of the institutional context in which actors operate. Rather than preventing change until an explosion of radical change occurs, institutional frictions may also allow for successive adjustments over time. They may in fact allow for a gradual release of pressure, thereby preventing the impending explosion.

本文通过将不同于众所周知的间断动态的重大危机后的增量概念动态呈现出来,为观念变化的文献做出了贡献;解释了基于参与者运作的制度环境的灵活性的重大危机后观念变化的增量动态。具体来说,制度上的摩擦也可能允许随着时间的推移进行连续的调整,而不是在激进变革爆发之前阻止变革;通过考察自2008年危机爆发以来IMF在资本管制问题上的思维发生的变化,阐述了理论论点;追溯危机后国际政治经济学中最具争议的发展之一,即资本管制的恢复。尽管很多学者都致力于研究观念变化的间断动力,但也存在其他动力。观念的变化很可能在平时逐渐发生,也可能在金融和经济危机等重大冲击之后发生,就像这项研究显示的那样。通过研究国际货币基金组织在全球金融危机后对资本管制的新方法,本文表明,观念变化的不间断性质可以根据参与者运作的制度背景的有利(而不仅仅是限制)特征来解释。制度上的摩擦不会阻止变革,直到激进变革爆发,而是可能允许随着时间的推移进行连续的调整。事实上,它们可能允许压力逐渐释放,从而防止即将发生的爆炸。
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引用次数: 36
A ‘System of Self-appointed Leaders’? Examining Modes of Muslim Representation in Governance in Britain “自封领导制度”?考察穆斯林在英国政府中的代表模式
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2014-06-16 DOI: 10.1111/1467-856X.12051
Stephen H. Jones, Therese O'Toole, Daniel Nilsson DeHanas, Tariq Modood, Nasar Meer

This article

  • Contributes to theoretical debates about the significance of group identity and political representation;
  • Contributes to academic research into the shift from formal and hierarchical to more informal and network-based styles of governance;
  • Contributes to research on the integration of Muslims in Britain by elucidating the emergence and diversification of Muslim representative organisations in Britain since 1970;
  • Demonstrates the multifaceted and dynamic nature of Muslim representative claims-making in contemporary UK governance by identifying and analysing a range of modes of Muslim representation.

Since the turn of the century Britain has seen a proliferation of Muslim civil society organisations and an increase in the number of points of contact between Muslim spokespersons and government. Yet, this increased participation in UK governance has been a source of fierce controversies centring on the role of conservative male leaderships and the influence of radical Islamic groups. Drawing on interviews with 42 national elites who have engaged in UK Muslim–government relations in the past decade, this article charts the emergence of national-level Muslim representation and assesses its relationship to democratic participation and accountability. Building on the work of Michael Saward, we argue that unelected civil society representatives can act as an important supplement to elected representatives. We show how four modes of Muslim representation have emerged in the last decade—‘delegation’, ‘authority’, ‘expertise’ and ‘standing'—creating dynamic competition among representative claims.

本文对群体认同与政治代表的意义进行了理论探讨;有助于学术研究从正式的和分层的到更非正式的和基于网络的治理风格的转变;通过阐明1970年以来英国穆斯林代表组织的出现和多样化,对英国穆斯林融合的研究作出贡献;通过识别和分析穆斯林代表的一系列模式,展示了当代英国治理中穆斯林代表主张的多面性和动态性。自世纪之交以来,英国见证了穆斯林民间社会组织的激增,穆斯林发言人与政府之间的联络点数量也有所增加。然而,女性越来越多地参与英国治理一直是激烈争议的根源,争议的焦点是保守派男性领导人的角色和激进伊斯兰组织的影响。通过对42位在过去十年中参与英国穆斯林政府关系的国家精英的采访,本文描绘了国家级穆斯林代表的出现,并评估了其与民主参与和问责制的关系。基于Michael Saward的研究,我们认为非民选的公民社会代表可以作为民选代表的重要补充。我们展示了过去十年中穆斯林代表的四种模式是如何出现的——“委托”、“权威”、“专业知识”和“地位”——在代表性主张之间创造了动态竞争。
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引用次数: 21
Why Parliament Now Decides on War: Tracing the Growth of the Parliamentary Prerogative through Syria, Libya and Iraq 为什么议会现在决定战争:通过叙利亚,利比亚和伊拉克追踪议会特权的增长
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2014-06-11 DOI: 10.1111/1467-856X.12055
James Strong

  • Precedents set in debates over Iraq, Libya and Syria established a new parliamentary prerogative, that MPs must vote before military action can legitimately be launched.
  • Tony Blair conceded the Iraq vote to shore up Labour back-bench support, because he was convinced he would win, and because he was unwilling to change course regardless.
  • David Cameron allowed a vote on Libya because he believed parliament should have a say, because UN support meant he was certain to win, and to gain plaudits for not being Blair.
  • Cameron then had to allow a vote on Syria despite its greater political sensitivity. He mishandled the vote, and lost, and felt constrained to pull out of mooted military action.
  • Collectively these three precedents comprise a new constitutional convention, which will constrain the executive in future whether the law is formally changed or not.

Parliament now decides when Britain goes to war. The vote against military intervention in Syria on 29 August 2013 upheld a new parliamentary prerogative that gradually developed through debates over earlier actions in Iraq and Libya. While the academic community and much of the British political elite continue to focus on the free rein granted to prime ministers by the historic royal prerogative, this article argues it is critically constrained by its parliamentary counterpart. It traces the way political conditions, individual policymaker preferences, and the conventional nature of the unwritten British constitution allowed parliament to insert itself into the policymaking process without the consent of successive governments. It concludes that MPs will in future expect the right to vote on proposals to deploy the armed forces overseas, and that the legitimacy of military action will depend on the government winning such a vote.

在伊拉克、利比亚和叙利亚问题上的先例确立了一项新的议会特权,即议员们必须在合法发起军事行动之前进行投票。托尼•布莱尔(Tony Blair)承认在伊拉克问题上的投票是为了巩固工党后座议员的支持,因为他确信自己会赢,也因为他不愿无论如何都改变路线。戴维•卡梅伦(David Cameron)允许就利比亚问题进行投票,因为他认为议会应该有发言权,因为联合国的支持意味着他肯定会赢,并为自己不像布莱尔那样赢得喝彩。随后,卡梅伦不得不允许就叙利亚问题进行投票,尽管叙利亚问题具有更大的政治敏感性。他错误地处理了投票,输了,并被迫退出了有争议的军事行动。总的来说,这三个先例构成了一个新的宪法惯例,无论法律是否被正式修改,它都将在未来约束行政部门。英国何时参战由议会决定。2013年8月29日反对对叙利亚进行军事干预的投票维持了一种新的议会特权,这种特权是通过对伊拉克和利比亚早期行动的辩论逐渐形成的。虽然学术界和许多英国政治精英继续关注历史上皇室特权赋予首相的自由,但本文认为,它受到议会特权的严重限制。它追溯了政治条件、决策者个人偏好以及英国不成文宪法的传统性质,这些都允许议会在未经历届政府同意的情况下介入决策过程。报告的结论是,国会议员未来将期望有权就海外部署武装部队的提案进行投票,而军事行动的合法性将取决于政府能否赢得这样的投票。
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引用次数: 54
期刊
British Journal of Politics & International Relations
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