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Everything Changes, But It All Stays the Same. Labour Market Parties, Corporatism and Norwegian Sick Pay Policies 1978–2014 一切都变了,但一切还是老样子。劳动力市场政党、社团主义和挪威病假工资政策1978-2014
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-06 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12200
Gunnar Thesen
Since the adoption of a generous and universal sick pay scheme in 1978, the key elements of Norwegian sick pay policies have remained the same. The present study focuses on the gradual developments in welfare corporatism and policymaking during this period, arguing that these changes paved the way for new and surprising strategies and behaviour among the labour market parties. Tracking several retrenchment attempts across decades, the analyses show how policymaking in corporatist committees was gradually replaced by less predictable processes. Successive governments of different colors have tried to bypass the social partners and legislate hierarchically, thus signaling a break with traditional corporatist norms and decision rules. Labour and business groups adapted by negotiating a pact that kept the existing distribution of economic risks in the sick pay scheme off the political agenda, and by backing each other and creating negative attention to government in the media to protect the pact. In sum, although sick pay policies have remained largely unchanged, this is a status quo upheld by processes of welfare policymaking that have changed substantially. The pact between the social partners and the state is currently a new vetopoint for welfare policymaking. But the piecemeal institutional transformation witnessed in this period, together with the need for conflictual media strategies and new alliances to protect the pact, suggest that it could be a fragile veto- point.
自1978年通过慷慨和普遍的病假工资计划以来,挪威病假工资政策的关键要素一直保持不变。本研究重点关注这一时期福利社团主义和政策制定的逐步发展,认为这些变化为劳动力市场各方新的、令人惊讶的战略和行为铺平了道路。这些分析追踪了几十年来的几次紧缩尝试,显示了社团主义委员会的政策制定是如何逐渐被不太可预测的过程所取代的。历届不同肤色的政府都试图绕过社会伙伴,分级立法,从而标志着与传统社团主义规范和决策规则的决裂。劳工和商业团体通过谈判一项协议进行了调整,该协议将病假工资计划中现有的经济风险分配排除在政治议程之外,并通过相互支持和在媒体上引起对政府的负面关注来保护该协议。总之,尽管病假工资政策基本保持不变,但这是福利政策制定过程所维持的现状,这些政策制定过程发生了重大变化。社会合作伙伴和国家之间的协议目前是福利政策制定的新否决点。但这一时期出现的零碎的制度变革,加上需要冲突的媒体战略和新的联盟来保护该协议,表明它可能是一个脆弱的否决点。
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引用次数: 0
Making a (Political) Career: Young Party Members and Career‐Related Incentives for Party Membership 从事(政治)职业:年轻党员和与职业相关的党员激励
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-05 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12203
Elin Fjellman, Malena Rosén Sundström
Few empirical studies have investigated career- related incentives for party membership, including for young party members. Through the lens of rational choice, we ask what career-related incentives young and active party members consider when calculating costs and bene- fits of party membership. We argue for a broad understanding of career- related incentives, including careers outside party politics. The study is based on in- depth interviews with 25 young party members in Sweden. Our main empirical finding is that the interviewees experience a ‘super- dilemma’: Although the young party members might consider a political career, they think it is important to leave the party if it departs from their perceived ideology. Hence, these young members must keep non- political career options open. At the same time, many of the interviewees express concern that their party membership could negatively affect their non- political career. Material incentives offer potential members an expectation or hope of personal reward in return for party membership. These personal rewards can range from patronage appoint-ments or government contracts to more general inducements like career advancement. Solidary incentives offer potential participants the company of like- minded individuals and social or recreational opportunities. Purposive incentives afford individuals an opportunity to assist in achieving the party’s collective policy or ideological goal. (2002, 549)
很少有实证研究调查与职业相关的党员激励,包括年轻党员。通过理性选择的视角,我们询问年轻和活跃党员在计算党员的成本和收益时,考虑了哪些与职业相关的激励因素。我们主张广泛理解与职业相关的激励措施,包括政党政治之外的职业。这项研究基于对瑞典25名年轻党员的深入访谈。我们的主要经验发现,受访者经历了一个“超级困境”:尽管年轻党员可能会考虑政治生涯,但他们认为,如果离开党偏离了他们的意识形态,那么离开党是很重要的。因此,这些年轻成员必须保留非政治性的职业选择。同时,许多受访者表示担心他们的党员身份会对他们的非政治生涯产生负面影响。物质奖励为潜在党员提供了个人奖励的期望或希望,以换取党员资格。这些个人奖励可以是赞助任命或政府合同,也可以是职业发展等更普遍的奖励。稳固的激励措施为潜在参与者提供志同道合的个人陪伴以及社交或娱乐机会。有目的的激励措施为个人提供了帮助实现党的集体政策或意识形态目标的机会。(2002549)
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引用次数: 3
Political Consumerism and Interpersonal Discussion Patterns 政治消费主义与人际讨论模式
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-05 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12204
Carolin V. Zorell, T. Denk
The ecological impacts of consumption are well acknowledged, and most people worldwide are likely to have encountered proofs for or information about it. Likewise, online and offline media seem to be full of information on the issue. Even so, large numbers of people are ‘non- political’ consumers, inconsiderate of the ethical and ecological implications of what they buy and consume. Using representative survey data from Sweden collected in 2019, this paper shows that a major reason for non- political consumerism can be seen in the lack of interpersonal ‘recruitment’ efforts; that is, deliberate attempts by some to influence another’s consump- tion. Moreover, the analyses show that for a person having faced such attempts by others to influence their consumption is distinct from them discussing political consumption issues. With this, the paper also provides one of the first large- N studies confirming recent theoretical prop-ositions of an extended definition of political consumerism: discussion, that is, discursive action, is a sub- form of political consumerism next to boycotting, buycotting, and lifestyle change. Interpersonal influence, in turn, is a key predictor of political consumerism. Altogether, the results suggest that spreading information may feed discursive actions. Yet, to get more people change their consumption choices and engage in political consumerism, what is needed is that people influence each other to do so.
消费的生态影响是公认的,世界上大多数人可能都遇到过关于它的证据或信息。同样,线上和线下媒体似乎也充斥着关于这个问题的信息。即便如此,很多人还是“不关心政治”的消费者,不考虑他们购买和消费的东西的伦理和生态影响。本文利用2019年收集的瑞典代表性调查数据表明,非政治性消费主义的一个主要原因是缺乏人际“招聘”努力;也就是说,一些人故意试图影响另一个人的消费。此外,分析表明,对于一个面临他人试图影响其消费的人来说,这与他们讨论政治消费问题是不同的。在此基础上,本文还提供了第一批大型N研究之一,证实了最近关于政治消费主义扩展定义的理论命题:讨论,即话语行动,是政治消费主义的一种亚形式,仅次于抵制、购买和生活方式改变。反过来,人际影响是政治消费主义的关键预测因素。总之,研究结果表明,传播信息可能会助长话语行为。然而,要让更多的人改变他们的消费选择,参与政治消费主义,需要的是人们相互影响。
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引用次数: 5
Digging in the ‘Secret Garden of Politics’: The Institutionalisation and De‐institutionalisation of Membership Ballots in the Selection of Finnish Parliamentary Candidates 挖掘“政治秘密花园”:芬兰议会候选人选拔中成员投票的制度化和去制度化
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12202
D. Arter
This article is the first expressly to focus on membership ballots as an instrument in the selection of parliamentary candidates in Finland, a polity in which the nomination process is inclusive and decentralised. A Finnish case study is of comparative interest for three main reasons: (i) Finland is one of the few European countries in which candidate selection is regulated by the state; (ii) challenging much of the literature, the combination of democratised selection procedures and an intraparty preference voting system has not incentivised individualistic parliamentary behaviour and reduced legislative party unity; (iii) contrary to the trend towards the democratisation of nominations elsewhere, membership ballots, from being routinised and internalised in the four larger historic parties, have become the exception rather than the rule in Finland today. Accordingly, this paper assesses the changing trajectory of membership ballots and asks what does their deinstitutionalisation indicate about the [changing] dynamics of intraparty participatory democracy?
这篇文章是第一篇明确关注成员投票作为芬兰议会候选人选择的工具的文章,在芬兰,提名过程是包容和分散的。芬兰的一项案例研究具有相对的意义,主要有三个原因:(一)芬兰是少数几个由国家监管候选人选拔的欧洲国家之一;(ii)挑战了许多文献,民主化的选举程序和党内优先投票制度的结合并没有激励个人主义的议会行为,也没有减少立法党的团结;(iii)与其他地方提名民主化的趋势相反,成员投票从四个历史上较大的政党的常规化和内部化,已经成为今天芬兰的例外,而不是规则。因此,本文评估了成员投票的变化轨迹,并询问他们的非制度化对党内参与式民主的[变化]动态意味着什么?
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引用次数: 2
Back to School: The Effects of School Reopening on Parents and Children 《返校:学校重开对家长和孩子的影响》
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-28 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12198
J. Dahlgaard, Z. Fazekas
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引用次数: 0
Institutions or the Societal Setting? Explaining Invalid Voting in Local Elections in Sweden 制度还是社会环境?瑞典地方选举无效投票的解释
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-23 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12199
Krister Lundell, John Högström
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引用次数: 0
Same Problems, Different Solutions: Stealth Democracy and the Vote for a Populist Party 同样的问题,不同的解决方案:隐形民主和民粹主义政党的投票
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-16 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12196
Irene Esteban, D. Stiers
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引用次数: 2
Issue Information 问题信息
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-13 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12197
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引用次数: 0
Timing in Opposition Party Support under Minority Government 少数派政府下反对党支持的时机
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12195
Melanie Müller, Pascal D. König
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引用次数: 6
Ideological Tripolarization, Partisan Tribalism and Institutional Trust: The Foundations of Affective Polarization in the Swedish Multiparty System 意识形态三极化、党派部落主义与制度信任:瑞典多党制中情感极化的基础
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-16 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12194
Andres Reiljan, Alexander Ryan
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引用次数: 31
期刊
Scandinavian Political Studies
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