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Perceptions of Immigrant Belonging and Support for Redistribution 移民归属感的认知与对再分配的支持
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-25 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12216
Clara Sandelind, M. Hjerm
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引用次数: 0
Issue Information 问题信息
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-23 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12173
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引用次数: 0
How Context Matters: The Significance of Political Homogeneity and Language for Political Efficacy 语境如何起作用:政治同质性和语言对政治效能的意义
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-27 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12215
Thomas Karv, Marina Lindell, Lauri Rapeli
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引用次数: 7
The Executive Revolving Door: New Dataset on the Career Moves of Former Danish Ministers and Permanent Secretaries ☆ 行政旋转门:丹麦前部长和常任秘书职业变动的新数据集
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-14 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12214
A. Rasmussen, Nicholas Buhmann‐Holmes, Benjamin C. K. Egerod
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引用次数: 5
The Closed Door: A Democratic Problem in the Post‐Political Careers of Cabinet Ministers 关门:内阁部长后政治生涯中的民主问题
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-07 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12212
Ulf Hjelmar, L. H. Pedersen, R. Pedersen
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引用次数: 4
Attitudes to Climate Migrants: Results from a Conjoint Survey Experiment in Denmark 对气候移民的态度:丹麦联合调查实验的结果
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12213
T. Hedegaard
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引用次数: 7
External Voting Rights from a Citizen Perspective – Comparing Resident and Non‐resident Citizens' Attitudes towards External Voting 公民视角下的外部投票权——比较居民和非居民对外部投票的态度
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-22 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12211
Staffan Himmelroos, Johanna Peltoniemi
The number of countries that have adopted policies allowing emigrants to participate in home country elections from abroad has increased greatly in the last few decades. The enfranchisement of non- resident citizens in home country elections is, nevertheless, somewhat controver- sial because it gives political influence to individuals who are unlikely to be affected by the outcome of an election. Despite an active debate on external voting rights among political theorists, little is known what the citizens themselves think of this practice. To examine how both non- resident and resident citizens perceive external voting rights, we use two surveys of Finnish citizens from 2019. The first survey was directed to Finnish citizens living abroad (n = 1,949), and the second was conducted using an online panel consisting of Finnish citizens living in Finland (n = 994). Both surveys included items with normative questions about external voting rights, which allows us to compare what resident and non- resident citizens think of the enfranchisement of external citizens. Our findings suggest that resident citizens view external voting rights more negatively than non- resident citizens. The factors associated with these attitudes are also quite different for the two examined populations. For resident citizens more education and ideological self- placement to the left is associated with more positive views of external voting rights, while experience of having voted from abroad and dissatisfaction with democracy in the host country is associated with more positive views among non- resident citizens.
在过去几十年中,采取政策允许移民从国外参加本国选举的国家数量大幅增加。然而,在母国选举中授予非居民公民选举权有点争议,因为它赋予了不太可能受到选举结果影响的个人政治影响力。尽管政治理论家们对外部投票权进行了积极的辩论,但公民自己对这种做法的看法却鲜为人知。为了研究非居民和居民公民如何看待外部投票权,我们使用了2019年对芬兰公民的两项调查。第一项调查针对居住在国外的芬兰公民(n=1949),第二项调查使用由居住在芬兰的芬兰公民组成的在线小组进行(n=994)。这两项调查都包含了关于外部投票权的规范性问题,这使我们能够比较居民和非居民公民对外部公民选举权的看法。我们的研究结果表明,居民公民比非居民公民更消极地看待外部投票权。与这些态度相关的因素在两个受试人群中也有很大不同。对于居民公民来说,更多的教育和意识形态上的左倾与对外部投票权的更积极的看法有关,而从国外投票的经历和对东道国民主的不满与非居民公民中更积极的观点有关。
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引用次数: 6
Finding the One: Ease of Candidate Choices in High Information Open‐List PR Systems 寻找一个:在高信息公开列表公关系统中候选人选择的便利性
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-14 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12210
Theodora Järvi, Mikko Mattila, Åsa Schoultz
Vote choice in an open- list proportional representation (OLPR) electoral system can be considered a complex process. In systems where votes are cast for individual candidates the choice is complicated by the large number of candidates, the two layers of competition involving both individual candidates and parties, and the amount of information required to make an informed choice. Hence, voters are expected to apply strategies to narrow down the pool of candidates from which the actual choice is made, that is, to create a delimited consideration set using cognitive heuristics. The types of strategies that facilitate voters’ candidate choice are studied. More specifically, the voters’ perceptions of the ease with which they choose their candidate and how this is related to three decision- making patterns are studied: the party- centric, in which the voter looks for party- related and ideological cues; the socio- normative, in which the voter considers their social in- group; and the candidate- related, in which the voter puts emphasis on specific features of the candidates, such as political experience, age and gender. Our study is situated in the Finnish OLPR system, characterized by many candidates, intense intra- party competition and mandatory preferential voting. Using data from the 2019 Finnish National Election Study and ordinal probit selection models, the mechanisms that facilitate the ease of candidate choice are outlined. Our findings suggest that voters feeling close to a political party and knowing the candidate personally or through friends or family perceive their candidate choice as easier.
在开放名单比例代表制(OLPR)选举制度中,投票选择可以被认为是一个复杂的过程。在将选票投给个人候选人的制度中,由于候选人人数众多,两层竞争涉及个人候选人和政党,以及做出知情选择所需的大量信息,选择变得复杂。因此,选民应该运用策略来缩小实际选择的候选人范围,也就是说,使用认知启发式来创建一个限定的考虑集。研究了促进选民选择候选人的策略类型。更具体地说,研究了选民对他们选择候选人的难易程度的看法,以及这与三种决策模式的关系:以政党为中心,选民寻找与政党有关的和意识形态的线索;社会规范性,即选民考虑自己的社会群体;与候选人相关的,选民强调候选人的具体特征,如政治经历、年龄和性别。我们的研究是在芬兰的OLPR系统中进行的,其特点是候选人多,党内竞争激烈,强制性优先投票。利用2019年芬兰全国选举研究的数据和有序概率选择模型,概述了促进候选人选择便利性的机制。我们的研究结果表明,与一个政党关系密切、个人或通过朋友或家人了解候选人的选民会更容易选择候选人。
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引用次数: 2
No More Political Compromise? Swedish Commissions of Inquiry 1990–2016 不再有政治妥协?1990–2016年瑞典调查委员会
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-07 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12205
Carl Dahlström, E. Lundberg, K. Pronin
This article studies recent trends in the composition and uses of Swedish commissions of inquiry in preparing policy for the government. For much of the 20th century, commissions with representatives of major parliamentary parties and other policy stakeholders served as an arena of negotiation and compromise between the government, the opposition parties, and organised interests. Drawing on a unique data set of 2,087 commissions appointed between 1990 and 2016, we show that their representativeness has declined significantly. We also document a significant decrease in the inclusion of politicians and an increase in the presence of civil servants. Governments have also increased their control over commissions by issuing more directives. We further document a dramatic decline of reservations and dissenting opinions in the commission reports. This may be due to a combination of including fewer potentially dissenting voices and restricting commissions’ scope. We conclude that commissions are no longer the arenas of compromise- seeking that they were for most of the 20th century.
本文研究了瑞典调查委员会在为政府制定政策时的组成和用途的最新趋势。在20世纪的大部分时间里,由主要议会政党和其他政策利益相关者代表组成的委员会是政府、反对党和有组织利益之间谈判和妥协的舞台。根据1990年至2016年间任命的2087个委员会的独特数据集,我们发现他们的代表性显著下降。我们还记录了政治家人数的大幅减少和公务员人数的增加。各国政府还通过发布更多指令来加强对委员会的控制。我们进一步记录了委员会报告中保留意见和反对意见的急剧下降。这可能是由于减少了潜在的反对声音和限制了委员会的范围。我们得出的结论是,委员会不再是妥协的舞台——在20世纪的大部分时间里,它们都在寻求妥协。
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引用次数: 2
The Welfare State Upholders: Protests Against Cuts in Sickness Benefits in Sweden 2006–2019 福利国家维护者:2006-2019年瑞典对削减疾病福利的抗议
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-07 DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12201
Magda Bertz Wågström, Jonas Larsson Taghizadeh
The power resource approach (PRA) claims that the labour movement continues to be the most prominent defender of the welfare state. The new politics thesis (NPT), on the other hand, claims that the welfare state has created new interest groups in the form of welfare clients who have taken over as the most prominent welfare state upholders. In an attempt to empirically evaluate these claims, we present a study of the extent to which clients and the labour move- ment have been involved in protests against cutbacks in the Swedish sickness benefit from 2006 to 2019. The article contributes to the welfare state literature by studying a most likely case for PRA- style interest group mobilization both in terms of country (Sweden) and policy area (sick-ness insurance). It also tests the claim from PRA scholars that client interests are uncommon in these contexts. Our results show that protest engagement among client groups is greater than the engagement among the labour movement when looking at protests directed specifically against cuts in the sickness benefit programme. However, when broader protests against cutbacks in several transfer programmes are taken into account, the number of protests initiated by clients and by the labour movement is comparable. Overall, our results suggest that both the PRA and the NPT are needed to explain current developments in social democratic welfare states like Sweden.
权力资源方法(PRA)声称,工人运动仍然是福利国家最突出的捍卫者。另一方面,新政治理论(NPT)声称,福利国家创造了新的利益集团,这些利益集团以福利客户的形式取代了福利国家最突出的维护者。为了对这些说法进行实证评估,我们提出了一项研究,研究了客户和劳工运动在多大程度上参与了反对2006年至2019年瑞典疾病福利削减的抗议活动。本文通过从国家(瑞典)和政策领域(疾病保险)两方面研究PRA式利益集团动员最有可能的案例,为福利国家文献做出了贡献。它还检验了PRA学者的说法,即客户利益在这些背景下并不常见。我们的研究结果表明,在专门针对削减疾病福利计划的抗议活动中,客户群体的抗议参与程度大于劳工运动的参与程度。然而,如果考虑到针对削减若干转移方案的更广泛抗议,则由客户发起的抗议和由工人运动发起的抗议的数量是相当的。总的来说,我们的结果表明,PRA和NPT都需要解释瑞典等社会民主福利国家的当前发展。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Scandinavian Political Studies
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