The number of countries that have adopted policies allowing emigrants to participate in home country elections from abroad has increased greatly in the last few decades. The enfranchisement of non- resident citizens in home country elections is, nevertheless, somewhat controver- sial because it gives political influence to individuals who are unlikely to be affected by the outcome of an election. Despite an active debate on external voting rights among political theorists, little is known what the citizens themselves think of this practice. To examine how both non- resident and resident citizens perceive external voting rights, we use two surveys of Finnish citizens from 2019. The first survey was directed to Finnish citizens living abroad (n = 1,949), and the second was conducted using an online panel consisting of Finnish citizens living in Finland (n = 994). Both surveys included items with normative questions about external voting rights, which allows us to compare what resident and non- resident citizens think of the enfranchisement of external citizens. Our findings suggest that resident citizens view external voting rights more negatively than non- resident citizens. The factors associated with these attitudes are also quite different for the two examined populations. For resident citizens more education and ideological self- placement to the left is associated with more positive views of external voting rights, while experience of having voted from abroad and dissatisfaction with democracy in the host country is associated with more positive views among non- resident citizens.
{"title":"External Voting Rights from a Citizen Perspective – Comparing Resident and Non‐resident Citizens' Attitudes towards External Voting","authors":"Staffan Himmelroos, Johanna Peltoniemi","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12211","url":null,"abstract":"The number of countries that have adopted policies allowing emigrants to participate in home country elections from abroad has increased greatly in the last few decades. The enfranchisement of non- resident citizens in home country elections is, nevertheless, somewhat controver- sial because it gives political influence to individuals who are unlikely to be affected by the outcome of an election. Despite an active debate on external voting rights among political theorists, little is known what the citizens themselves think of this practice. To examine how both non- resident and resident citizens perceive external voting rights, we use two surveys of Finnish citizens from 2019. The first survey was directed to Finnish citizens living abroad (n = 1,949), and the second was conducted using an online panel consisting of Finnish citizens living in Finland (n = 994). Both surveys included items with normative questions about external voting rights, which allows us to compare what resident and non- resident citizens think of the enfranchisement of external citizens. Our findings suggest that resident citizens view external voting rights more negatively than non- resident citizens. The factors associated with these attitudes are also quite different for the two examined populations. For resident citizens more education and ideological self- placement to the left is associated with more positive views of external voting rights, while experience of having voted from abroad and dissatisfaction with democracy in the host country is associated with more positive views among non- resident citizens.","PeriodicalId":51572,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/1467-9477.12211","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48169899","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Vote choice in an open- list proportional representation (OLPR) electoral system can be considered a complex process. In systems where votes are cast for individual candidates the choice is complicated by the large number of candidates, the two layers of competition involving both individual candidates and parties, and the amount of information required to make an informed choice. Hence, voters are expected to apply strategies to narrow down the pool of candidates from which the actual choice is made, that is, to create a delimited consideration set using cognitive heuristics. The types of strategies that facilitate voters’ candidate choice are studied. More specifically, the voters’ perceptions of the ease with which they choose their candidate and how this is related to three decision- making patterns are studied: the party- centric, in which the voter looks for party- related and ideological cues; the socio- normative, in which the voter considers their social in- group; and the candidate- related, in which the voter puts emphasis on specific features of the candidates, such as political experience, age and gender. Our study is situated in the Finnish OLPR system, characterized by many candidates, intense intra- party competition and mandatory preferential voting. Using data from the 2019 Finnish National Election Study and ordinal probit selection models, the mechanisms that facilitate the ease of candidate choice are outlined. Our findings suggest that voters feeling close to a political party and knowing the candidate personally or through friends or family perceive their candidate choice as easier.
{"title":"Finding the One: Ease of Candidate Choices in High Information Open‐List PR Systems","authors":"Theodora Järvi, Mikko Mattila, Åsa Schoultz","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12210","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12210","url":null,"abstract":"Vote choice in an open- list proportional representation (OLPR) electoral system can be considered a complex process. In systems where votes are cast for individual candidates the choice is complicated by the large number of candidates, the two layers of competition involving both individual candidates and parties, and the amount of information required to make an informed choice. Hence, voters are expected to apply strategies to narrow down the pool of candidates from which the actual choice is made, that is, to create a delimited consideration set using cognitive heuristics. The types of strategies that facilitate voters’ candidate choice are studied. More specifically, the voters’ perceptions of the ease with which they choose their candidate and how this is related to three decision- making patterns are studied: the party- centric, in which the voter looks for party- related and ideological cues; the socio- normative, in which the voter considers their social in- group; and the candidate- related, in which the voter puts emphasis on specific features of the candidates, such as political experience, age and gender. Our study is situated in the Finnish OLPR system, characterized by many candidates, intense intra- party competition and mandatory preferential voting. Using data from the 2019 Finnish National Election Study and ordinal probit selection models, the mechanisms that facilitate the ease of candidate choice are outlined. Our findings suggest that voters feeling close to a political party and knowing the candidate personally or through friends or family perceive their candidate choice as easier.","PeriodicalId":51572,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/1467-9477.12210","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42188609","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article studies recent trends in the composition and uses of Swedish commissions of inquiry in preparing policy for the government. For much of the 20th century, commissions with representatives of major parliamentary parties and other policy stakeholders served as an arena of negotiation and compromise between the government, the opposition parties, and organised interests. Drawing on a unique data set of 2,087 commissions appointed between 1990 and 2016, we show that their representativeness has declined significantly. We also document a significant decrease in the inclusion of politicians and an increase in the presence of civil servants. Governments have also increased their control over commissions by issuing more directives. We further document a dramatic decline of reservations and dissenting opinions in the commission reports. This may be due to a combination of including fewer potentially dissenting voices and restricting commissions’ scope. We conclude that commissions are no longer the arenas of compromise- seeking that they were for most of the 20th century.
{"title":"No More Political Compromise? Swedish Commissions of Inquiry 1990–2016","authors":"Carl Dahlström, E. Lundberg, K. Pronin","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12205","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12205","url":null,"abstract":"This article studies recent trends in the composition and uses of Swedish commissions of inquiry in preparing policy for the government. For much of the 20th century, commissions with representatives of major parliamentary parties and other policy stakeholders served as an arena of negotiation and compromise between the government, the opposition parties, and organised interests. Drawing on a unique data set of 2,087 commissions appointed between 1990 and 2016, we show that their representativeness has declined significantly. We also document a significant decrease in the inclusion of politicians and an increase in the presence of civil servants. Governments have also increased their control over commissions by issuing more directives. We further document a dramatic decline of reservations and dissenting opinions in the commission reports. This may be due to a combination of including fewer potentially dissenting voices and restricting commissions’ scope. We conclude that commissions are no longer the arenas of compromise- seeking that they were for most of the 20th century.","PeriodicalId":51572,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/1467-9477.12205","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47821018","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The power resource approach (PRA) claims that the labour movement continues to be the most prominent defender of the welfare state. The new politics thesis (NPT), on the other hand, claims that the welfare state has created new interest groups in the form of welfare clients who have taken over as the most prominent welfare state upholders. In an attempt to empirically evaluate these claims, we present a study of the extent to which clients and the labour move- ment have been involved in protests against cutbacks in the Swedish sickness benefit from 2006 to 2019. The article contributes to the welfare state literature by studying a most likely case for PRA- style interest group mobilization both in terms of country (Sweden) and policy area (sick-ness insurance). It also tests the claim from PRA scholars that client interests are uncommon in these contexts. Our results show that protest engagement among client groups is greater than the engagement among the labour movement when looking at protests directed specifically against cuts in the sickness benefit programme. However, when broader protests against cutbacks in several transfer programmes are taken into account, the number of protests initiated by clients and by the labour movement is comparable. Overall, our results suggest that both the PRA and the NPT are needed to explain current developments in social democratic welfare states like Sweden.
{"title":"The Welfare State Upholders: Protests Against Cuts in Sickness Benefits in Sweden 2006–2019","authors":"Magda Bertz Wågström, Jonas Larsson Taghizadeh","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12201","url":null,"abstract":"The power resource approach (PRA) claims that the labour movement continues to be the most prominent defender of the welfare state. The new politics thesis (NPT), on the other hand, claims that the welfare state has created new interest groups in the form of welfare clients who have taken over as the most prominent welfare state upholders. In an attempt to empirically evaluate these claims, we present a study of the extent to which clients and the labour move- ment have been involved in protests against cutbacks in the Swedish sickness benefit from 2006 to 2019. The article contributes to the welfare state literature by studying a most likely case for PRA- style interest group mobilization both in terms of country (Sweden) and policy area (sick-ness insurance). It also tests the claim from PRA scholars that client interests are uncommon in these contexts. Our results show that protest engagement among client groups is greater than the engagement among the labour movement when looking at protests directed specifically against cuts in the sickness benefit programme. However, when broader protests against cutbacks in several transfer programmes are taken into account, the number of protests initiated by clients and by the labour movement is comparable. Overall, our results suggest that both the PRA and the NPT are needed to explain current developments in social democratic welfare states like Sweden.","PeriodicalId":51572,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":"44 1","pages":"321-345"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/1467-9477.12201","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48446541","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since the adoption of a generous and universal sick pay scheme in 1978, the key elements of Norwegian sick pay policies have remained the same. The present study focuses on the gradual developments in welfare corporatism and policymaking during this period, arguing that these changes paved the way for new and surprising strategies and behaviour among the labour market parties. Tracking several retrenchment attempts across decades, the analyses show how policymaking in corporatist committees was gradually replaced by less predictable processes. Successive governments of different colors have tried to bypass the social partners and legislate hierarchically, thus signaling a break with traditional corporatist norms and decision rules. Labour and business groups adapted by negotiating a pact that kept the existing distribution of economic risks in the sick pay scheme off the political agenda, and by backing each other and creating negative attention to government in the media to protect the pact. In sum, although sick pay policies have remained largely unchanged, this is a status quo upheld by processes of welfare policymaking that have changed substantially. The pact between the social partners and the state is currently a new vetopoint for welfare policymaking. But the piecemeal institutional transformation witnessed in this period, together with the need for conflictual media strategies and new alliances to protect the pact, suggest that it could be a fragile veto- point.
{"title":"Everything Changes, But It All Stays the Same. Labour Market Parties, Corporatism and Norwegian Sick Pay Policies 1978–2014","authors":"Gunnar Thesen","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12200","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12200","url":null,"abstract":"Since the adoption of a generous and universal sick pay scheme in 1978, the key elements of Norwegian sick pay policies have remained the same. The present study focuses on the gradual developments in welfare corporatism and policymaking during this period, arguing that these changes paved the way for new and surprising strategies and behaviour among the labour market parties. Tracking several retrenchment attempts across decades, the analyses show how policymaking in corporatist committees was gradually replaced by less predictable processes. Successive governments of different colors have tried to bypass the social partners and legislate hierarchically, thus signaling a break with traditional corporatist norms and decision rules. Labour and business groups adapted by negotiating a pact that kept the existing distribution of economic risks in the sick pay scheme off the political agenda, and by backing each other and creating negative attention to government in the media to protect the pact. In sum, although sick pay policies have remained largely unchanged, this is a status quo upheld by processes of welfare policymaking that have changed substantially. The pact between the social partners and the state is currently a new vetopoint for welfare policymaking. But the piecemeal institutional transformation witnessed in this period, together with the need for conflictual media strategies and new alliances to protect the pact, suggest that it could be a fragile veto- point.","PeriodicalId":51572,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":"44 1","pages":"299-320"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/1467-9477.12200","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48300955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Few empirical studies have investigated career- related incentives for party membership, including for young party members. Through the lens of rational choice, we ask what career-related incentives young and active party members consider when calculating costs and bene- fits of party membership. We argue for a broad understanding of career- related incentives, including careers outside party politics. The study is based on in- depth interviews with 25 young party members in Sweden. Our main empirical finding is that the interviewees experience a ‘super- dilemma’: Although the young party members might consider a political career, they think it is important to leave the party if it departs from their perceived ideology. Hence, these young members must keep non- political career options open. At the same time, many of the interviewees express concern that their party membership could negatively affect their non- political career. Material incentives offer potential members an expectation or hope of personal reward in return for party membership. These personal rewards can range from patronage appoint-ments or government contracts to more general inducements like career advancement. Solidary incentives offer potential participants the company of like- minded individuals and social or recreational opportunities. Purposive incentives afford individuals an opportunity to assist in achieving the party’s collective policy or ideological goal. (2002, 549)
{"title":"Making a (Political) Career: Young Party Members and Career‐Related Incentives for Party Membership","authors":"Elin Fjellman, Malena Rosén Sundström","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12203","url":null,"abstract":"Few empirical studies have investigated career- related incentives for party membership, including for young party members. Through the lens of rational choice, we ask what career-related incentives young and active party members consider when calculating costs and bene- fits of party membership. We argue for a broad understanding of career- related incentives, including careers outside party politics. The study is based on in- depth interviews with 25 young party members in Sweden. Our main empirical finding is that the interviewees experience a ‘super- dilemma’: Although the young party members might consider a political career, they think it is important to leave the party if it departs from their perceived ideology. Hence, these young members must keep non- political career options open. At the same time, many of the interviewees express concern that their party membership could negatively affect their non- political career. Material incentives offer potential members an expectation or hope of personal reward in return for party membership. These personal rewards can range from patronage appoint-ments or government contracts to more general inducements like career advancement. Solidary incentives offer potential participants the company of like- minded individuals and social or recreational opportunities. Purposive incentives afford individuals an opportunity to assist in achieving the party’s collective policy or ideological goal. (2002, 549)","PeriodicalId":51572,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/1467-9477.12203","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47616122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The ecological impacts of consumption are well acknowledged, and most people worldwide are likely to have encountered proofs for or information about it. Likewise, online and offline media seem to be full of information on the issue. Even so, large numbers of people are ‘non- political’ consumers, inconsiderate of the ethical and ecological implications of what they buy and consume. Using representative survey data from Sweden collected in 2019, this paper shows that a major reason for non- political consumerism can be seen in the lack of interpersonal ‘recruitment’ efforts; that is, deliberate attempts by some to influence another’s consump- tion. Moreover, the analyses show that for a person having faced such attempts by others to influence their consumption is distinct from them discussing political consumption issues. With this, the paper also provides one of the first large- N studies confirming recent theoretical prop-ositions of an extended definition of political consumerism: discussion, that is, discursive action, is a sub- form of political consumerism next to boycotting, buycotting, and lifestyle change. Interpersonal influence, in turn, is a key predictor of political consumerism. Altogether, the results suggest that spreading information may feed discursive actions. Yet, to get more people change their consumption choices and engage in political consumerism, what is needed is that people influence each other to do so.
{"title":"Political Consumerism and Interpersonal Discussion Patterns","authors":"Carolin V. Zorell, T. Denk","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12204","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12204","url":null,"abstract":"The ecological impacts of consumption are well acknowledged, and most people worldwide are likely to have encountered proofs for or information about it. Likewise, online and offline media seem to be full of information on the issue. Even so, large numbers of people are ‘non- political’ consumers, inconsiderate of the ethical and ecological implications of what they buy and consume. Using representative survey data from Sweden collected in 2019, this paper shows that a major reason for non- political consumerism can be seen in the lack of interpersonal ‘recruitment’ efforts; that is, deliberate attempts by some to influence another’s consump- tion. Moreover, the analyses show that for a person having faced such attempts by others to influence their consumption is distinct from them discussing political consumption issues. With this, the paper also provides one of the first large- N studies confirming recent theoretical prop-ositions of an extended definition of political consumerism: discussion, that is, discursive action, is a sub- form of political consumerism next to boycotting, buycotting, and lifestyle change. Interpersonal influence, in turn, is a key predictor of political consumerism. Altogether, the results suggest that spreading information may feed discursive actions. Yet, to get more people change their consumption choices and engage in political consumerism, what is needed is that people influence each other to do so.","PeriodicalId":51572,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/1467-9477.12204","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48327135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article is the first expressly to focus on membership ballots as an instrument in the selection of parliamentary candidates in Finland, a polity in which the nomination process is inclusive and decentralised. A Finnish case study is of comparative interest for three main reasons: (i) Finland is one of the few European countries in which candidate selection is regulated by the state; (ii) challenging much of the literature, the combination of democratised selection procedures and an intraparty preference voting system has not incentivised individualistic parliamentary behaviour and reduced legislative party unity; (iii) contrary to the trend towards the democratisation of nominations elsewhere, membership ballots, from being routinised and internalised in the four larger historic parties, have become the exception rather than the rule in Finland today. Accordingly, this paper assesses the changing trajectory of membership ballots and asks what does their deinstitutionalisation indicate about the [changing] dynamics of intraparty participatory democracy?
{"title":"Digging in the ‘Secret Garden of Politics’: The Institutionalisation and De‐institutionalisation of Membership Ballots in the Selection of Finnish Parliamentary Candidates","authors":"D. Arter","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12202","url":null,"abstract":"This article is the first expressly to focus on membership ballots as an instrument in the selection of parliamentary candidates in Finland, a polity in which the nomination process is inclusive and decentralised. A Finnish case study is of comparative interest for three main reasons: (i) Finland is one of the few European countries in which candidate selection is regulated by the state; (ii) challenging much of the literature, the combination of democratised selection procedures and an intraparty preference voting system has not incentivised individualistic parliamentary behaviour and reduced legislative party unity; (iii) contrary to the trend towards the democratisation of nominations elsewhere, membership ballots, from being routinised and internalised in the four larger historic parties, have become the exception rather than the rule in Finland today. Accordingly, this paper assesses the changing trajectory of membership ballots and asks what does their deinstitutionalisation indicate about the [changing] dynamics of intraparty participatory democracy?","PeriodicalId":51572,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":"44 1","pages":"346-368"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/1467-9477.12202","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45083939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Back to School: The Effects of School Reopening on Parents and Children","authors":"J. Dahlgaard, Z. Fazekas","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12198","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12198","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51572,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/1467-9477.12198","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46943266","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Institutions or the Societal Setting? Explaining Invalid Voting in Local Elections in Sweden","authors":"Krister Lundell, John Högström","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12199","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12199","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51572,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-03-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/1467-9477.12199","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43913075","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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