Pub Date : 2022-12-28DOI: 10.1080/19460171.2022.2160365
T. Erman, D. Yazar
ABSTRACT This article investigates active aging as a tool of governing the aging population at the municipal level. Using Foucault’s framework of governmentality, it explores the techniques of governing aging via the construction of the desirable older subjectivity, reflecting upon the role of the family in caregiving. Conducting in-depth interviews with municipal officials in charge of aging programs, we illustrated that, despite regional differences in socio-economic development levels connected to urban/modernized and rural/traditional cultural frames, all municipalities in our study embrace active aging in which older people are responsibilized for leading an active life to avoid being a burden on the family. We argue that neoliberal active aging discourses are mobilized to substitute the decreasing welfare function of conservative familialism in Turkey and the individualistic self-technologies are instrumentalized for familialist conducts. This reveals that the coexistence of multiple rationalities in the governing process can unsettle habitual consistencies between problematizations, conducts and self-technologies.
{"title":"Shifting responsibility in governing aging: municipal active aging discourses in Turkey","authors":"T. Erman, D. Yazar","doi":"10.1080/19460171.2022.2160365","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19460171.2022.2160365","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article investigates active aging as a tool of governing the aging population at the municipal level. Using Foucault’s framework of governmentality, it explores the techniques of governing aging via the construction of the desirable older subjectivity, reflecting upon the role of the family in caregiving. Conducting in-depth interviews with municipal officials in charge of aging programs, we illustrated that, despite regional differences in socio-economic development levels connected to urban/modernized and rural/traditional cultural frames, all municipalities in our study embrace active aging in which older people are responsibilized for leading an active life to avoid being a burden on the family. We argue that neoliberal active aging discourses are mobilized to substitute the decreasing welfare function of conservative familialism in Turkey and the individualistic self-technologies are instrumentalized for familialist conducts. This reveals that the coexistence of multiple rationalities in the governing process can unsettle habitual consistencies between problematizations, conducts and self-technologies.","PeriodicalId":51625,"journal":{"name":"Critical Policy Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48576655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-22DOI: 10.1080/19460171.2022.2158481
Binish Ahmed
{"title":"Decolonizing Policy Research as Restorative Research Justice: Applying an Indigenous Policy Research Framework (IPRF)","authors":"Binish Ahmed","doi":"10.1080/19460171.2022.2158481","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19460171.2022.2158481","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51625,"journal":{"name":"Critical Policy Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43813924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-12DOI: 10.1080/19460171.2022.2154235
Zohreh Khoban
ABSTRACT The presence of women in elected assemblies has been argued to transform the political agenda so that it better addresses the needs and interests of women. In this article, I reflect on women’s political representation by starting from democratic theories that point to the inadequacy of electoral democracy. I argue that, compared to including women in the political elite, dissolving the division of political labor between professional politicians and ‘ordinary’ citizens has a greater potential to challenge status quo gender relations. I suggest that political assemblies consisting of randomly selected citizens would better serve women’s self-determination and emancipation for three reasons: 1) allotted representatives would be more willing and able than elected representatives to critique social norms and practices, 2) the idea of allotted representatives better supports the idea that knowledge is situated, and 3) it better accommodates the notion that political merit is a gendered, racialized and class-based concept.
{"title":"Politics of Emancipation: A Feminist Defense of Randomly Selected Political Representatives","authors":"Zohreh Khoban","doi":"10.1080/19460171.2022.2154235","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19460171.2022.2154235","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The presence of women in elected assemblies has been argued to transform the political agenda so that it better addresses the needs and interests of women. In this article, I reflect on women’s political representation by starting from democratic theories that point to the inadequacy of electoral democracy. I argue that, compared to including women in the political elite, dissolving the division of political labor between professional politicians and ‘ordinary’ citizens has a greater potential to challenge status quo gender relations. I suggest that political assemblies consisting of randomly selected citizens would better serve women’s self-determination and emancipation for three reasons: 1) allotted representatives would be more willing and able than elected representatives to critique social norms and practices, 2) the idea of allotted representatives better supports the idea that knowledge is situated, and 3) it better accommodates the notion that political merit is a gendered, racialized and class-based concept.","PeriodicalId":51625,"journal":{"name":"Critical Policy Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48252492","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-10DOI: 10.1080/19460171.2022.2157297
Nino Junius
ABSTRACT In response to the limitations of elite-driven democratic innovations, social movements have proposed democratic innovations that are democracy-driven. They claim that democracy-driven governance generates legitimacy by better responding to citizens’ demands. However, whether participating citizens support this claim remains unclear. Under what conditions do participants accept the legitimacy of a mini-public that has been set up by a social movement party? We examine this question by conducting an in-depth case study of the Brussels Citizens’ Assembly organized by the Agora movement party throughout its entire process. Adopting mixed-methods, we find that participants’ perceived legitimacy is shaped by a process-long, dynamic interaction between organizers and participants. Legitimacy is enhanced when organizers grant participants authorship over the BCA’s procedural design and breaks down when they fail to do so.
{"title":"Legitimacy in the participants’ eyes: a call for participants’ authorship over mini-public design in Brussels","authors":"Nino Junius","doi":"10.1080/19460171.2022.2157297","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19460171.2022.2157297","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In response to the limitations of elite-driven democratic innovations, social movements have proposed democratic innovations that are democracy-driven. They claim that democracy-driven governance generates legitimacy by better responding to citizens’ demands. However, whether participating citizens support this claim remains unclear. Under what conditions do participants accept the legitimacy of a mini-public that has been set up by a social movement party? We examine this question by conducting an in-depth case study of the Brussels Citizens’ Assembly organized by the Agora movement party throughout its entire process. Adopting mixed-methods, we find that participants’ perceived legitimacy is shaped by a process-long, dynamic interaction between organizers and participants. Legitimacy is enhanced when organizers grant participants authorship over the BCA’s procedural design and breaks down when they fail to do so.","PeriodicalId":51625,"journal":{"name":"Critical Policy Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45709467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-04DOI: 10.1080/19460171.2022.2149582
Ayşe Dursun, Stella Wolter, Mira Liepold, Dovainė Buschmann, Birgit Sauer
ABSTRACT The Austrian policy landscape with regard to the educational integration measures directly or indirectly targeting migrant children is characterized by inconsistency and the concurrence of integrative and segregative measures. We ask how these discrepancies can be interpreted without being reduced to mere inconsistencies and why, in the context of the ongoing normalization of the political right, integrative measures have not (yet) disappeared completely. Based on interviews with experts, we identify three distinct – integrative, multicultural, and segregative – hegemony projects pursued by different social forces through various discursive and institutional strategies. The integrative hegemony project seeks social redistribution through comprehensive, rights-based measures; the multicultural project seeks to promote recognition for cultural diversity; and the segregative hegemony project seeks to re-signify integration through mechanisms of assessment, discipline and control. Although our sample is limited in terms of representation, our research speaks to the ongoing societal contestation over the means and meaning of integration.
{"title":"Contested integration: hegemony projects in the field of education in Austria","authors":"Ayşe Dursun, Stella Wolter, Mira Liepold, Dovainė Buschmann, Birgit Sauer","doi":"10.1080/19460171.2022.2149582","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19460171.2022.2149582","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Austrian policy landscape with regard to the educational integration measures directly or indirectly targeting migrant children is characterized by inconsistency and the concurrence of integrative and segregative measures. We ask how these discrepancies can be interpreted without being reduced to mere inconsistencies and why, in the context of the ongoing normalization of the political right, integrative measures have not (yet) disappeared completely. Based on interviews with experts, we identify three distinct – integrative, multicultural, and segregative – hegemony projects pursued by different social forces through various discursive and institutional strategies. The integrative hegemony project seeks social redistribution through comprehensive, rights-based measures; the multicultural project seeks to promote recognition for cultural diversity; and the segregative hegemony project seeks to re-signify integration through mechanisms of assessment, discipline and control. Although our sample is limited in terms of representation, our research speaks to the ongoing societal contestation over the means and meaning of integration.","PeriodicalId":51625,"journal":{"name":"Critical Policy Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"464 - 483"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47124938","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-02DOI: 10.1080/19460171.2022.2153071
J. Gerrard, Glenn C. Savage
ABSTRACT This paper considers the policy problematic of state–citizen relationships, reflecting on renewed calls for citizen collaboration and codesign in the provision of public services in ‘new public governance’. Analysing this through recent policy reform in Australian public school governance, we examine how existing policy architectures – in this case school boards/councils – are being rearticulated in relation to such calls. Drawing on in-depth interviews with a range of policy stakeholders, we examine the diverse policy translations of citizen involvement in school governance. Our analysis highlights the contradictions and limitations of a school board/council structure for policy aspirations of citizen collaboration. While stakeholders welcomed school board member (i.e., parent) involvement in governance, this was strongly mediated by distinctions between strategic and operational decision-making, questions about the possibilities for meaningful participation, and tensions surrounding the need for skilled expert board members and community representation – particularly in disadvantaged contexts.
{"title":"Policy translations of citizen participation and new public governance: the case of school governing bodies","authors":"J. Gerrard, Glenn C. Savage","doi":"10.1080/19460171.2022.2153071","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19460171.2022.2153071","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper considers the policy problematic of state–citizen relationships, reflecting on renewed calls for citizen collaboration and codesign in the provision of public services in ‘new public governance’. Analysing this through recent policy reform in Australian public school governance, we examine how existing policy architectures – in this case school boards/councils – are being rearticulated in relation to such calls. Drawing on in-depth interviews with a range of policy stakeholders, we examine the diverse policy translations of citizen involvement in school governance. Our analysis highlights the contradictions and limitations of a school board/council structure for policy aspirations of citizen collaboration. While stakeholders welcomed school board member (i.e., parent) involvement in governance, this was strongly mediated by distinctions between strategic and operational decision-making, questions about the possibilities for meaningful participation, and tensions surrounding the need for skilled expert board members and community representation – particularly in disadvantaged contexts.","PeriodicalId":51625,"journal":{"name":"Critical Policy Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"484 - 501"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41993225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-20DOI: 10.1080/19460171.2022.2147852
A. Avigur-Eshel
ABSTRACT Since the introduction of covid-19 vaccines, Green Pass programs have emerged as a central pillar of anti-covid-19 policies in numerous countries. But, what type of legitimation for vaccination policies do states promote through Green Pass programs. I rely on Jens Beckert’s concept of promissory legitimacy which refers to the legitimation of current political decisions through promises regarding future outcomes. Yet, I propose an original development according to which a distinctive dimension of promissory legitimacy consists of tangible promises, i.e. promises about the daily lives of social subjects to which promissory legitimacy is directed – their activities, wants, social status, social interactions, possessions etc. I argue that Green Passes constitute an effort by states to legitimate their covid-19 vaccination policies through promises that vaccination will allow persons as individuals to improve their gratification, i.e. become personally better off or improve their daily life in material terms, typically by consuming services and goods.
{"title":"Individualized promises in times of pandemic: Green pass and the legitimation of covid-19 vaccination policies","authors":"A. Avigur-Eshel","doi":"10.1080/19460171.2022.2147852","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19460171.2022.2147852","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since the introduction of covid-19 vaccines, Green Pass programs have emerged as a central pillar of anti-covid-19 policies in numerous countries. But, what type of legitimation for vaccination policies do states promote through Green Pass programs. I rely on Jens Beckert’s concept of promissory legitimacy which refers to the legitimation of current political decisions through promises regarding future outcomes. Yet, I propose an original development according to which a distinctive dimension of promissory legitimacy consists of tangible promises, i.e. promises about the daily lives of social subjects to which promissory legitimacy is directed – their activities, wants, social status, social interactions, possessions etc. I argue that Green Passes constitute an effort by states to legitimate their covid-19 vaccination policies through promises that vaccination will allow persons as individuals to improve their gratification, i.e. become personally better off or improve their daily life in material terms, typically by consuming services and goods.","PeriodicalId":51625,"journal":{"name":"Critical Policy Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"447 - 463"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41509524","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-15DOI: 10.1080/19460171.2022.2147851
Paul Trauttmansdorff
ABSTRACT This article investigates the European Union’s (EU) effort to establish an interoperable biometric border regime. Drawing on interview material and ethnographic observation, I explore how the technical concept of interoperability is performed and translated into a powerful policy for infrastructuring borders in Europe. This article suggests that policymaking has been dominated by enacting solutionist ways of seeing and speaking about borders and migration. The complex concept of interoperability is thereby proposed as a convenient set of solutions to renewed problem-constructions, including the EU’s lack of authority in border policymaking, the complexity of the database landscape, and the uncertainty around capturing and fixing mobile identities. Interoperability has thus emerged as a necessary fiction in the border regime, directing visions, political discourse, and epistemic orientations toward a collectively imagined future of biometric border (in)security.
{"title":"The fabrication of a necessary policy fiction: the interoperability ‘solution’ for biometric borders","authors":"Paul Trauttmansdorff","doi":"10.1080/19460171.2022.2147851","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19460171.2022.2147851","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article investigates the European Union’s (EU) effort to establish an interoperable biometric border regime. Drawing on interview material and ethnographic observation, I explore how the technical concept of interoperability is performed and translated into a powerful policy for infrastructuring borders in Europe. This article suggests that policymaking has been dominated by enacting solutionist ways of seeing and speaking about borders and migration. The complex concept of interoperability is thereby proposed as a convenient set of solutions to renewed problem-constructions, including the EU’s lack of authority in border policymaking, the complexity of the database landscape, and the uncertainty around capturing and fixing mobile identities. Interoperability has thus emerged as a necessary fiction in the border regime, directing visions, political discourse, and epistemic orientations toward a collectively imagined future of biometric border (in)security.","PeriodicalId":51625,"journal":{"name":"Critical Policy Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"428 - 446"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46317558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-27DOI: 10.1080/19460171.2022.2139737
O. Larsson
The concepts of vital systems, vulnerabilities, critical infrastructure as well as increased resilience and preparedness are today’s key concepts and widely discussed by traditional and critical security scholars. Critical security scholars and policy analysts have pinpointed and warned us of the neoliberal dimensions of resilience, its programmatic functions, the advancement of self-discipline, and the potential for social and political control (Baker and Ludwig 2016; Reid and Chandler 2016; Rådestad and Larsson 2018). Recently, we can also see how resilience has expanded to include, almost seamless, new forms of military preparedness and civil defense with the same commonsensical logic that it has in crisis management and the discourse of societal security (Larsson 2021). Critical security scholars can be accused of being preoccupied with the present and the (constant) re-discovery of neoliberal rationality in the field of security. This book, with a longer-time perspective, reverses the relationship between crisis management and national security. It shows how traditional security and war preparedness during the WWII came to deploy today's key concepts in the planning of the total defense and as a way to ensure the continuation of the war machine of America even after being attacked. Only later, the concepts came to be adopted by crisis and emergency planning. The book can thus offer a genealogy of emergency management and further show the deeper and more profound connection between emergency and security management (p5).
关键系统、脆弱性、关键基础设施以及增强弹性和准备的概念是当今的关键概念，并被传统和关键安全学者广泛讨论。关键的安全学者和政策分析人士指出并警告我们，弹性的新自由主义维度，它的计划性功能，自律的进步，以及社会和政治控制的潜力(Baker和Ludwig 2016;Reid and Chandler 2016;ramatdestad and Larsson 2018)。最近，我们还可以看到复原力如何扩展到几乎无缝地包括新形式的军事准备和民防，其具有与危机管理和社会安全话语相同的常识性逻辑(Larsson 2021)。批判的安全学者可能会被指责专注于当前和(不断地)重新发现安全领域的新自由主义理性。这本书以更长远的眼光，颠倒了危机管理和国家安全的关系。它展示了二战期间的传统安全和战争准备如何在全面防御计划中部署今天的关键概念，并作为一种确保美国战争机器即使在受到攻击后仍能继续运转的方式。直到后来，这些概念才被危机和应急规划所采用。因此，这本书可以提供一个应急管理的谱系，并进一步显示应急与安全管理之间更深入、更深刻的联系(p5)。
{"title":"The Government of Emergency – Vital Systems, Expertise and the Politics of Security","authors":"O. Larsson","doi":"10.1080/19460171.2022.2139737","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19460171.2022.2139737","url":null,"abstract":"The concepts of vital systems, vulnerabilities, critical infrastructure as well as increased resilience and preparedness are today’s key concepts and widely discussed by traditional and critical security scholars. Critical security scholars and policy analysts have pinpointed and warned us of the neoliberal dimensions of resilience, its programmatic functions, the advancement of self-discipline, and the potential for social and political control (Baker and Ludwig 2016; Reid and Chandler 2016; Rådestad and Larsson 2018). Recently, we can also see how resilience has expanded to include, almost seamless, new forms of military preparedness and civil defense with the same commonsensical logic that it has in crisis management and the discourse of societal security (Larsson 2021). Critical security scholars can be accused of being preoccupied with the present and the (constant) re-discovery of neoliberal rationality in the field of security. This book, with a longer-time perspective, reverses the relationship between crisis management and national security. It shows how traditional security and war preparedness during the WWII came to deploy today's key concepts in the planning of the total defense and as a way to ensure the continuation of the war machine of America even after being attacked. Only later, the concepts came to be adopted by crisis and emergency planning. The book can thus offer a genealogy of emergency management and further show the deeper and more profound connection between emergency and security management (p5).","PeriodicalId":51625,"journal":{"name":"Critical Policy Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"502 - 504"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45301169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-20DOI: 10.1080/19460171.2022.2124429
Mikko Poutanen
ABSTRACT Policymakers have called on higher education institutions to respond more directly to the new demands of competitiveness of knowledge economies. This includes instilling competitive logics in higher education policy and management of universities. The knowledge economy paradigm is reflected in higher education reforms, such as university mergers in Finland. Competitive logics are filtered down from the level of national higher education policy to the institutional level through policy-based reforms, leading to university mergers seeking economies of scale. This logic is then finally filtered down to academics, who try to make sense of their own attitude toward it. Applying critical discourse analysis to interview data from the merger of two Finnish universities – the Tampere University of Technology (TUT) and the University of Tampere (UTA) into Tampere University (2019) – academics offer legitimizing and delegitimizing responses to competitiveness claims.
{"title":"Competitive knowledge-economies driving new logics in higher education – reflections from a Finnish university merger","authors":"Mikko Poutanen","doi":"10.1080/19460171.2022.2124429","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19460171.2022.2124429","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Policymakers have called on higher education institutions to respond more directly to the new demands of competitiveness of knowledge economies. This includes instilling competitive logics in higher education policy and management of universities. The knowledge economy paradigm is reflected in higher education reforms, such as university mergers in Finland. Competitive logics are filtered down from the level of national higher education policy to the institutional level through policy-based reforms, leading to university mergers seeking economies of scale. This logic is then finally filtered down to academics, who try to make sense of their own attitude toward it. Applying critical discourse analysis to interview data from the merger of two Finnish universities – the Tampere University of Technology (TUT) and the University of Tampere (UTA) into Tampere University (2019) – academics offer legitimizing and delegitimizing responses to competitiveness claims.","PeriodicalId":51625,"journal":{"name":"Critical Policy Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"390 - 408"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46867789","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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