Pub Date : 2024-08-08DOI: 10.1177/09749284241264062
Kashif Hasan Khan, Ali Omidi, Abdulmelik Alkan
After the discovery of large oil and gas deposits in Central Asia, the region has become a vital battlefield for major world powers’ competing interests, resulting in a complex geopolitical and energy transportation interaction known as ‘pipeline politics’. After independence, multinational energy companies and global powers contacted the Central Asian Republics. Chinese investment has dominated the region’s energy sector throughout the past decade. India is strategically seeking Central Asia’s energy resources as it becomes more global. This article compares China’s and India’s Central Asian natural gas strategy and identifies research shortcomings. The complex geopolitical landscape is considered while examining their objectives and regional investments. This analysis reveals these methods’ motivations and their effects on the Central Asian Republics and the world. China has an advantage over India in Central Asian pipeline politics, making the region vital to China’s energy security.
{"title":"A Comparative Analysis of the Gas Pipeline Geopolitics of China and India in the Central Asia Republics","authors":"Kashif Hasan Khan, Ali Omidi, Abdulmelik Alkan","doi":"10.1177/09749284241264062","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284241264062","url":null,"abstract":"After the discovery of large oil and gas deposits in Central Asia, the region has become a vital battlefield for major world powers’ competing interests, resulting in a complex geopolitical and energy transportation interaction known as ‘pipeline politics’. After independence, multinational energy companies and global powers contacted the Central Asian Republics. Chinese investment has dominated the region’s energy sector throughout the past decade. India is strategically seeking Central Asia’s energy resources as it becomes more global. This article compares China’s and India’s Central Asian natural gas strategy and identifies research shortcomings. The complex geopolitical landscape is considered while examining their objectives and regional investments. This analysis reveals these methods’ motivations and their effects on the Central Asian Republics and the world. China has an advantage over India in Central Asian pipeline politics, making the region vital to China’s energy security.","PeriodicalId":516972,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141928972","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-08DOI: 10.1177/09749284241264073
Frederick Appiah Afriyie
Sudan, the third largest nation in Africa, faces severe poverty despite its abundant natural resources. Recent economic restructuring efforts offer hope for growth, but a power struggle between the military and paramilitary forces has plunged the country into a crisis. Intense violence in Khartoum and other regions has led to widespread damage to infrastructure and facilities, triggering a humanitarian crisis with millions displaced and urgent aid needs. The conflict, sparked by disputes over paramilitary integration and control of economic assets, threatens regional stability and the transition to democracy. This article analyses the conflict’s origins and proposes potential resolutions using the Protracted Social Conflict Theory.
{"title":"Sudan: Rethinking the Conflict Between Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF)","authors":"Frederick Appiah Afriyie","doi":"10.1177/09749284241264073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284241264073","url":null,"abstract":"Sudan, the third largest nation in Africa, faces severe poverty despite its abundant natural resources. Recent economic restructuring efforts offer hope for growth, but a power struggle between the military and paramilitary forces has plunged the country into a crisis. Intense violence in Khartoum and other regions has led to widespread damage to infrastructure and facilities, triggering a humanitarian crisis with millions displaced and urgent aid needs. The conflict, sparked by disputes over paramilitary integration and control of economic assets, threatens regional stability and the transition to democracy. This article analyses the conflict’s origins and proposes potential resolutions using the Protracted Social Conflict Theory.","PeriodicalId":516972,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141926770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-27DOI: 10.1177/09749284241263926
Mubashir Ahmad Shah
Ajay Bisaria, Anger Management: The Troubled Diplomatic Relationship Between India and Pakistan (Delhi: Aleph Book Company, 2024), 560 pp. ₹999, ISBN: 9393852758 (Hardback).
阿贾伊-比萨里亚，《愤怒管理》：印度与巴基斯坦之间麻烦不断的外交关系》（德里：Aleph Book Company，2024 年），560 页。₹999，ISBN：9393852758（精装本）。
{"title":"Book review: Ajay Bisaria, Anger Management: The Troubled Diplomatic Relationship Between India and Pakistan","authors":"Mubashir Ahmad Shah","doi":"10.1177/09749284241263926","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284241263926","url":null,"abstract":"Ajay Bisaria, Anger Management: The Troubled Diplomatic Relationship Between India and Pakistan (Delhi: Aleph Book Company, 2024), 560 pp. ₹999, ISBN: 9393852758 (Hardback).","PeriodicalId":516972,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141797501","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-07DOI: 10.1177/09749284241241608
Mithila Bagai Verma
The paper is an overall assessment of the security situation in Afghanistan that includes both traditional and non-traditional aspects. The paper highlights the deteriorating internal security that is bolstering Pashtunisation in Afghanistan and causing the forced displacement of non-Pashtuns. The implication of this grim development in India’s neighbourhood has severely impacted the peace and security of the Central Asian Region, Russia, China, Iran, India and Pakistan. The victory of the Taliban has resuscitated myriad terrorist groups who want to establish Islamic Caliphate in neighbouring countries, therefore leading to the gradual Talibanisation of the Asian region. The paper also delves into how the departure of foreign forces has created a power vacuum in Afghanistan that has led to the revival of a New Great Game with the addition of regional actors.
{"title":"The Predicament of Security: Tracing Two Years of Taliban Rule","authors":"Mithila Bagai Verma","doi":"10.1177/09749284241241608","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284241241608","url":null,"abstract":"The paper is an overall assessment of the security situation in Afghanistan that includes both traditional and non-traditional aspects. The paper highlights the deteriorating internal security that is bolstering Pashtunisation in Afghanistan and causing the forced displacement of non-Pashtuns. The implication of this grim development in India’s neighbourhood has severely impacted the peace and security of the Central Asian Region, Russia, China, Iran, India and Pakistan. The victory of the Taliban has resuscitated myriad terrorist groups who want to establish Islamic Caliphate in neighbouring countries, therefore leading to the gradual Talibanisation of the Asian region. The paper also delves into how the departure of foreign forces has created a power vacuum in Afghanistan that has led to the revival of a New Great Game with the addition of regional actors.","PeriodicalId":516972,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140733399","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-29DOI: 10.1177/09749284241241611
Gunjan Singh
Erich Schwartzel, Red Carpet: Hollywood, China and the Global Battle for Cultural Supremacy (New York: Penguin Press, 2022), pp. 400, ₹1350 (Hardcover), ISBN-13: 978-1984878991.
Erich Schwartzel, Red Carpet：好莱坞、中国与全球文化霸权之争》（纽约：企鹅出版社，2022 年），第 400 页，₹1350（精装），ISBN-13：978-1984878991。
{"title":"Book review: Erich Schwartzel, Red Carpet: Hollywood, China and the Global Battle for Cultural Supremacy","authors":"Gunjan Singh","doi":"10.1177/09749284241241611","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284241241611","url":null,"abstract":"Erich Schwartzel, Red Carpet: Hollywood, China and the Global Battle for Cultural Supremacy (New York: Penguin Press, 2022), pp. 400, ₹1350 (Hardcover), ISBN-13: 978-1984878991.","PeriodicalId":516972,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140366968","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-11DOI: 10.1177/09749284231225836
Tadie Degie Yigzaw, K. Mengisteab
In the history of politics, states have viewed military intervention as one of their tools of foreign policy. However, many scholars have not agreed on the effectiveness of military means in achieving the foreign policy objectives of states. Like other states, Ethiopia and Kenya have used the military as a means of foreign policy and tested their tools in Somalia practically. However, the effectiveness of their foreign policy tool has not been studied. That is why this article’s main objective is to analyse the effectiveness of Ethiopian and Kenyan foreign policies that used military interventions to achieve their foreign policy goals in terms of outcomes. In doing so, the article used a comparative case study methodology. Besides, the ‘good enough’ approach is the proper theoretical lens that is used in this article to comprehend Ethiopia’s and Kenya’s operational outcomes. The analysis comes to the conclusion that both Kenya’s and Ethiopia’s military deployments in Somalia generally failed to accomplish their foreign policy goals. Accordingly, the findings reveal that using hard power as a tool of foreign policy without combining soft power is largely unsuccessful, as indicated by Ethiopia’s and Kenya’s military engagement in Somalia.
{"title":"Ethiopia’s and Kenya’s Use of Military Force as an Instrument of Foreign Policy in Post-1991 Somalia","authors":"Tadie Degie Yigzaw, K. Mengisteab","doi":"10.1177/09749284231225836","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284231225836","url":null,"abstract":"In the history of politics, states have viewed military intervention as one of their tools of foreign policy. However, many scholars have not agreed on the effectiveness of military means in achieving the foreign policy objectives of states. Like other states, Ethiopia and Kenya have used the military as a means of foreign policy and tested their tools in Somalia practically. However, the effectiveness of their foreign policy tool has not been studied. That is why this article’s main objective is to analyse the effectiveness of Ethiopian and Kenyan foreign policies that used military interventions to achieve their foreign policy goals in terms of outcomes. In doing so, the article used a comparative case study methodology. Besides, the ‘good enough’ approach is the proper theoretical lens that is used in this article to comprehend Ethiopia’s and Kenya’s operational outcomes. The analysis comes to the conclusion that both Kenya’s and Ethiopia’s military deployments in Somalia generally failed to accomplish their foreign policy goals. Accordingly, the findings reveal that using hard power as a tool of foreign policy without combining soft power is largely unsuccessful, as indicated by Ethiopia’s and Kenya’s military engagement in Somalia.","PeriodicalId":516972,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139894885","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-11DOI: 10.1177/09749284231225823
Sriroop Chaudhuri, Mimi Roy
Is Afghanistan a lost frontier? A superficial look might conform to this notion, given the continued state of unrest and instability, rampant hunger, malnutrition, illiteracy and unemployment. In this reflective discourse, however, we highlight a brighter (largely overlooked) aspect: her mineral reserves, estimated at nearly USD 1 trillion, including some of the world’s richest lithium and rare earth elements (REEs), with high market value and critical for global climate combat policymaking ( decarbonisation of infrastructure and attaining the net-zero target). By the same token, here, we offer a bird’s-eye view of the Afghan mineral wealth, with special emphasis on lithium and REE, which, if rightly harnessed, could be an engine of economic growth and national development. In its present state of operations, however, that future seems a distant myth as the Afghan mining/mineral sector is undermined by a web of interlocking systemic barriers, including (a) a totalitarian regime, (b) institutional bottlenecks, (c) a lack of social integration (human rights violation and neoliberal outlook) and (d) a lack of foreign investments. To that end, we reflect on the world experience of nations where mineral resources have become engines of economic growth and national development, which may inspire the present Afghan leadership. Rejuvenating the mining/mineral sector may help the leadership simultaneously advance towards multiple targets: (a) stabilising the economy, (b) meeting multiple UN Sustainable Goals, (c) helping mobilising nation- and peace-building efforts and (d) contributing to global climate action. Collectively, these may help redeem the lost reputation in the eyes of the international community and get rid of the economic sanctions. Here, we offer a vision to the present Afghan leadership to rejuvenate the mineral sector: (a) an enabling business environment ( increased ease of business and security), (b) a unified water-power supply framework ( hydropower development), (c) a participatory ecosystem ( an integrated social-ecological-technological framework) and (d) restricting illicit mineral trade ( enforcing rule of law and equity). To that end, we call for a data revolution to kickstart the systems’ thinking exercise (facilitating research, exploration and mineral processing).
{"title":"A Lost Frontier or a New Gateway to Global Climate Action? The Afghan Leadership and the Revival of Afghanistan’s Mineral Sector","authors":"Sriroop Chaudhuri, Mimi Roy","doi":"10.1177/09749284231225823","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284231225823","url":null,"abstract":"Is Afghanistan a lost frontier? A superficial look might conform to this notion, given the continued state of unrest and instability, rampant hunger, malnutrition, illiteracy and unemployment. In this reflective discourse, however, we highlight a brighter (largely overlooked) aspect: her mineral reserves, estimated at nearly USD 1 trillion, including some of the world’s richest lithium and rare earth elements (REEs), with high market value and critical for global climate combat policymaking ( decarbonisation of infrastructure and attaining the net-zero target). By the same token, here, we offer a bird’s-eye view of the Afghan mineral wealth, with special emphasis on lithium and REE, which, if rightly harnessed, could be an engine of economic growth and national development. In its present state of operations, however, that future seems a distant myth as the Afghan mining/mineral sector is undermined by a web of interlocking systemic barriers, including (a) a totalitarian regime, (b) institutional bottlenecks, (c) a lack of social integration (human rights violation and neoliberal outlook) and (d) a lack of foreign investments. To that end, we reflect on the world experience of nations where mineral resources have become engines of economic growth and national development, which may inspire the present Afghan leadership. Rejuvenating the mining/mineral sector may help the leadership simultaneously advance towards multiple targets: (a) stabilising the economy, (b) meeting multiple UN Sustainable Goals, (c) helping mobilising nation- and peace-building efforts and (d) contributing to global climate action. Collectively, these may help redeem the lost reputation in the eyes of the international community and get rid of the economic sanctions. Here, we offer a vision to the present Afghan leadership to rejuvenate the mineral sector: (a) an enabling business environment ( increased ease of business and security), (b) a unified water-power supply framework ( hydropower development), (c) a participatory ecosystem ( an integrated social-ecological-technological framework) and (d) restricting illicit mineral trade ( enforcing rule of law and equity). To that end, we call for a data revolution to kickstart the systems’ thinking exercise (facilitating research, exploration and mineral processing).","PeriodicalId":516972,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139895137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-04DOI: 10.1177/09749284231225678
Shantanu Chakrabarti
Paradigms and conceptualisations are essential tools used in international relations literature. Such conceptualisations, however, continue to be heavily dependent on Western epistemology and strategically oriented. Such theoretical models and projections fail to adequately conceptualise the Indo-Pacific region. The neglect of local connectivity and subregions within the Indo-Pacific world has resulted in a relative understudy of the Bay of Bengal zone, a crucial subregion within the Indo-Pacific. The essay argues for a more holistic approach by amalgamating present strategic concerns with indigenous versions of regional projections developed historically. Only by grasping the significance and relevance of past build-ups, it would be possible to understand the Bay of Bengal zone and its effectiveness in creating a vibrant and dynamic Indo-Pacific region.
{"title":"The Bay of Bengal Subzone Within the Indo-Pacific: Historical Relevance and Present Orientation","authors":"Shantanu Chakrabarti","doi":"10.1177/09749284231225678","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284231225678","url":null,"abstract":"Paradigms and conceptualisations are essential tools used in international relations literature. Such conceptualisations, however, continue to be heavily dependent on Western epistemology and strategically oriented. Such theoretical models and projections fail to adequately conceptualise the Indo-Pacific region. The neglect of local connectivity and subregions within the Indo-Pacific world has resulted in a relative understudy of the Bay of Bengal zone, a crucial subregion within the Indo-Pacific. The essay argues for a more holistic approach by amalgamating present strategic concerns with indigenous versions of regional projections developed historically. Only by grasping the significance and relevance of past build-ups, it would be possible to understand the Bay of Bengal zone and its effectiveness in creating a vibrant and dynamic Indo-Pacific region.","PeriodicalId":516972,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139893712","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-04DOI: 10.1177/09749284231225677
Raghav Sharma
Politically astute and organisationally deft the Taliban forged ‘antagonistic cooperation’ with key regional players who courted the movement vigorously as it sought to reinvent itself as ‘Taliban 2.0’. However, two years into the rule of ‘Taliban 2.0’, the chasm between rhetoric and reality has widened. This article disaggregates the idea of ‘Taliban 2.0’, arguing that subtle differences notwithstanding the Taliban is an ideological movement which demonstrates a remarkable contiguity in showing fidelity to their hardline ideology manifested in their attitudes towards women, deployment of violence and links with transnational actors. Domestic political actors too stuttered in responding to the Taliban’s momentum amid a dramatically reconfigured geo-political landscape, a glaring power asymmetry, factionalism within opposition ranks and the rise of new actors like the Daesh which attempted to fill the void.
{"title":"Discerning Taliban 2.0 and Afghanistan’s Political Landscape","authors":"Raghav Sharma","doi":"10.1177/09749284231225677","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284231225677","url":null,"abstract":"Politically astute and organisationally deft the Taliban forged ‘antagonistic cooperation’ with key regional players who courted the movement vigorously as it sought to reinvent itself as ‘Taliban 2.0’. However, two years into the rule of ‘Taliban 2.0’, the chasm between rhetoric and reality has widened. This article disaggregates the idea of ‘Taliban 2.0’, arguing that subtle differences notwithstanding the Taliban is an ideological movement which demonstrates a remarkable contiguity in showing fidelity to their hardline ideology manifested in their attitudes towards women, deployment of violence and links with transnational actors. Domestic political actors too stuttered in responding to the Taliban’s momentum amid a dramatically reconfigured geo-political landscape, a glaring power asymmetry, factionalism within opposition ranks and the rise of new actors like the Daesh which attempted to fill the void.","PeriodicalId":516972,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139896319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-04DOI: 10.1177/09749284231225687
Madhura Balasubramaniam
This process note explicates the methodological intervention of maintaining fieldnotes on government documents and its significance for historically situated international relations (IR) research. For the most part, IR scholarship treats archival documents as the neutral preserve of the state, representing its coherent national interests. Building on discussions around critical methods within IR, I argue that there is a need to reflexively engage with the writing and curating practices of the state. This process note deploys the ethnographic hallmark of thick description within IR research through critical annotations on archival documents and other government publications on India’s eastern Himalayan borderlands between 1880 and 1965. These annotations encourage a granular reading of government documents and situate them within a larger context of their production, reception, archival memorialisation and subsequent access. I propose that critical annotations help us move beyond post-hoc analyses of foreign policy in terms of success and failure. Instead, in viewing IR theorising as ‘unfinished dictionaries of the international’, I argue that critical annotations challenge a unitary view of the state and facilitate a more nuanced analysis of foreign policymaking emphasising historical contingencies within which policies are articulated and enacted.
{"title":"Critical Annotations on Historical Documents: Methodological Possibilities for International Relations Research","authors":"Madhura Balasubramaniam","doi":"10.1177/09749284231225687","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284231225687","url":null,"abstract":"This process note explicates the methodological intervention of maintaining fieldnotes on government documents and its significance for historically situated international relations (IR) research. For the most part, IR scholarship treats archival documents as the neutral preserve of the state, representing its coherent national interests. Building on discussions around critical methods within IR, I argue that there is a need to reflexively engage with the writing and curating practices of the state. This process note deploys the ethnographic hallmark of thick description within IR research through critical annotations on archival documents and other government publications on India’s eastern Himalayan borderlands between 1880 and 1965. These annotations encourage a granular reading of government documents and situate them within a larger context of their production, reception, archival memorialisation and subsequent access. I propose that critical annotations help us move beyond post-hoc analyses of foreign policy in terms of success and failure. Instead, in viewing IR theorising as ‘unfinished dictionaries of the international’, I argue that critical annotations challenge a unitary view of the state and facilitate a more nuanced analysis of foreign policymaking emphasising historical contingencies within which policies are articulated and enacted.","PeriodicalId":516972,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139896570","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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