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A Comparative Analysis of the Gas Pipeline Geopolitics of China and India in the Central Asia Republics 中国和印度在中亚各共和国天然气管道地缘政治的比较分析
Pub Date : 2024-08-08 DOI: 10.1177/09749284241264062
Kashif Hasan Khan, Ali Omidi, Abdulmelik Alkan
After the discovery of large oil and gas deposits in Central Asia, the region has become a vital battlefield for major world powers’ competing interests, resulting in a complex geopolitical and energy transportation interaction known as ‘pipeline politics’. After independence, multinational energy companies and global powers contacted the Central Asian Republics. Chinese investment has dominated the region’s energy sector throughout the past decade. India is strategically seeking Central Asia’s energy resources as it becomes more global. This article compares China’s and India’s Central Asian natural gas strategy and identifies research shortcomings. The complex geopolitical landscape is considered while examining their objectives and regional investments. This analysis reveals these methods’ motivations and their effects on the Central Asian Republics and the world. China has an advantage over India in Central Asian pipeline politics, making the region vital to China’s energy security.
中亚发现大量石油和天然气储藏后,该地区成为世界主要大国争夺利益的重要战场,形成了被称为 "管道政治 "的复杂地缘政治和能源运输互动。独立后,跨国能源公司和世界大国纷纷与中亚各共和国接触。在过去的十年中,中国的投资一直主导着该地区的能源行业。随着印度变得更加全球化,印度正在战略性地寻求中亚的能源资源。本文比较了中国和印度的中亚天然气战略,并指出了研究的不足之处。在研究它们的目标和地区投资时,考虑了复杂的地缘政治格局。分析揭示了这些方法的动机及其对中亚各共和国和世界的影响。在中亚管道政治中,中国比印度更具优势,因此该地区对中国的能源安全至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
Sudan: Rethinking the Conflict Between Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) 苏丹:反思苏丹武装部队(SAF)与快速支援部队(RSF)之间的冲突
Pub Date : 2024-08-08 DOI: 10.1177/09749284241264073
Frederick Appiah Afriyie
Sudan, the third largest nation in Africa, faces severe poverty despite its abundant natural resources. Recent economic restructuring efforts offer hope for growth, but a power struggle between the military and paramilitary forces has plunged the country into a crisis. Intense violence in Khartoum and other regions has led to widespread damage to infrastructure and facilities, triggering a humanitarian crisis with millions displaced and urgent aid needs. The conflict, sparked by disputes over paramilitary integration and control of economic assets, threatens regional stability and the transition to democracy. This article analyses the conflict’s origins and proposes potential resolutions using the Protracted Social Conflict Theory.
苏丹是非洲第三大国,尽管拥有丰富的自然资源,却面临着严重的贫困问题。最近的经济结构调整为经济增长带来了希望,但军方和准军事部队之间的权力斗争使国家陷入危机。喀土穆和其他地区激烈的暴力冲突导致基础设施和设备普遍受损,引发了人道主义危机,数百万人流离失所,急需援助。这场由准军事一体化和经济资产控制权争端引发的冲突威胁着地区稳定和民主过渡。本文分析了冲突的起源,并利用旷日持久的社会冲突理论提出了可能的解决方案。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Ajay Bisaria, Anger Management: The Troubled Diplomatic Relationship Between India and Pakistan 书评:阿贾伊-比萨里亚,《愤怒管理》:印度与巴基斯坦之间麻烦不断的外交关系
Pub Date : 2024-07-27 DOI: 10.1177/09749284241263926
Mubashir Ahmad Shah
Ajay Bisaria, Anger Management: The Troubled Diplomatic Relationship Between India and Pakistan (Delhi: Aleph Book Company, 2024), 560 pp. ₹999, ISBN: 9393852758 (Hardback).
阿贾伊-比萨里亚,《愤怒管理》:印度与巴基斯坦之间麻烦不断的外交关系》(德里:Aleph Book Company,2024 年),560 页。₹999,ISBN:9393852758(精装本)。
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引用次数: 0
The Predicament of Security: Tracing Two Years of Taliban Rule 安全困境:追溯塔利班统治的两年
Pub Date : 2024-04-07 DOI: 10.1177/09749284241241608
Mithila Bagai Verma
The paper is an overall assessment of the security situation in Afghanistan that includes both traditional and non-traditional aspects. The paper highlights the deteriorating internal security that is bolstering Pashtunisation in Afghanistan and causing the forced displacement of non-Pashtuns. The implication of this grim development in India’s neighbourhood has severely impacted the peace and security of the Central Asian Region, Russia, China, Iran, India and Pakistan. The victory of the Taliban has resuscitated myriad terrorist groups who want to establish Islamic Caliphate in neighbouring countries, therefore leading to the gradual Talibanisation of the Asian region. The paper also delves into how the departure of foreign forces has created a power vacuum in Afghanistan that has led to the revival of a New Great Game with the addition of regional actors.
本文是对阿富汗安全局势的总体评估,包括传统和非传统方面。本文着重强调了阿富汗国内安全局势的恶化,这种恶化正在加剧阿富汗的普什图化,并导致非普什图人被迫流离失所。这一严峻的事态发展对印度周边地区的影响严重冲击了中亚地区、俄罗斯、中国、伊朗、印度和巴基斯坦的和平与安全。塔利班的胜利使无数想在邻国建立伊斯兰哈里发的恐怖组织死灰复燃,从而导致亚洲地区逐渐塔利班化。本文还深入探讨了外国军队的撤离如何在阿富汗造成权力真空,从而导致新的大博弈在地区参与者的加入下重新开始。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Erich Schwartzel, Red Carpet: Hollywood, China and the Global Battle for Cultural Supremacy 书评:Erich Schwartzel,《红地毯》:好莱坞、中国与全球文化霸权之争
Pub Date : 2024-03-29 DOI: 10.1177/09749284241241611
Gunjan Singh
Erich Schwartzel, Red Carpet: Hollywood, China and the Global Battle for Cultural Supremacy (New York: Penguin Press, 2022), pp. 400, ₹1350 (Hardcover), ISBN-13: 978-1984878991.
Erich Schwartzel, Red Carpet:好莱坞、中国与全球文化霸权之争》(纽约:企鹅出版社,2022 年),第 400 页,₹1350(精装),ISBN-13:978-1984878991。
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引用次数: 1
Ethiopia’s and Kenya’s Use of Military Force as an Instrument of Foreign Policy in Post-1991 Somalia 埃塞俄比亚和肯尼亚将军事力量用作 1991 年后索马里外交政策的工具
Pub Date : 2024-02-11 DOI: 10.1177/09749284231225836
Tadie Degie Yigzaw, K. Mengisteab
In the history of politics, states have viewed military intervention as one of their tools of foreign policy. However, many scholars have not agreed on the effectiveness of military means in achieving the foreign policy objectives of states. Like other states, Ethiopia and Kenya have used the military as a means of foreign policy and tested their tools in Somalia practically. However, the effectiveness of their foreign policy tool has not been studied. That is why this article’s main objective is to analyse the effectiveness of Ethiopian and Kenyan foreign policies that used military interventions to achieve their foreign policy goals in terms of outcomes. In doing so, the article used a comparative case study methodology. Besides, the ‘good enough’ approach is the proper theoretical lens that is used in this article to comprehend Ethiopia’s and Kenya’s operational outcomes. The analysis comes to the conclusion that both Kenya’s and Ethiopia’s military deployments in Somalia generally failed to accomplish their foreign policy goals. Accordingly, the findings reveal that using hard power as a tool of foreign policy without combining soft power is largely unsuccessful, as indicated by Ethiopia’s and Kenya’s military engagement in Somalia.
在政治史上,国家将军事干预视为外交政策的手段之一。然而,许多学者并不认同军事手段在实现国家外交政策目标方面的有效性。与其他国家一样,埃塞俄比亚和肯尼亚也将军事手段作为外交政策的一种手段,并在索马里进行了实际检验。然而,对其外交政策工具的有效性尚未进行研究。因此,本文的主要目的是分析埃塞俄比亚和肯尼亚利用军事干预实现其外交政策目标的外交政策在结果方面的有效性。为此,文章采用了比较案例研究的方法。此外,"足够好 "的方法是本文用来理解埃塞俄比亚和肯尼亚行动成果的适当理论视角。分析得出的结论是,肯尼亚和埃塞俄比亚在索马里的军事部署总体上未能实现其外交政策目标。因此,研究结果表明,正如埃塞俄比亚和肯尼亚在索马里的军事介入所表明的那样,使用硬实力作为外交政策工具而不结合软实力在很大程度上是不成功的。
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引用次数: 0
A Lost Frontier or a New Gateway to Global Climate Action? The Afghan Leadership and the Revival of Afghanistan’s Mineral Sector 失落的前沿还是全球气候行动的新通道?阿富汗领导层与阿富汗矿产部门的复兴
Pub Date : 2024-02-11 DOI: 10.1177/09749284231225823
Sriroop Chaudhuri, Mimi Roy
Is Afghanistan a lost frontier? A superficial look might conform to this notion, given the continued state of unrest and instability, rampant hunger, malnutrition, illiteracy and unemployment. In this reflective discourse, however, we highlight a brighter (largely overlooked) aspect: her mineral reserves, estimated at nearly USD 1 trillion, including some of the world’s richest lithium and rare earth elements (REEs), with high market value and critical for global climate combat policymaking ( decarbonisation of infrastructure and attaining the net-zero target). By the same token, here, we offer a bird’s-eye view of the Afghan mineral wealth, with special emphasis on lithium and REE, which, if rightly harnessed, could be an engine of economic growth and national development. In its present state of operations, however, that future seems a distant myth as the Afghan mining/mineral sector is undermined by a web of interlocking systemic barriers, including (a) a totalitarian regime, (b) institutional bottlenecks, (c) a lack of social integration (human rights violation and neoliberal outlook) and (d) a lack of foreign investments. To that end, we reflect on the world experience of nations where mineral resources have become engines of economic growth and national development, which may inspire the present Afghan leadership. Rejuvenating the mining/mineral sector may help the leadership simultaneously advance towards multiple targets: (a) stabilising the economy, (b) meeting multiple UN Sustainable Goals, (c) helping mobilising nation- and peace-building efforts and (d) contributing to global climate action. Collectively, these may help redeem the lost reputation in the eyes of the international community and get rid of the economic sanctions. Here, we offer a vision to the present Afghan leadership to rejuvenate the mineral sector: (a) an enabling business environment ( increased ease of business and security), (b) a unified water-power supply framework ( hydropower development), (c) a participatory ecosystem ( an integrated social-ecological-technological framework) and (d) restricting illicit mineral trade ( enforcing rule of law and equity). To that end, we call for a data revolution to kickstart the systems’ thinking exercise (facilitating research, exploration and mineral processing).
阿富汗是一个失落的边疆吗?从表面上看,阿富汗持续动荡不安,饥饿、营养不良、文盲和失业现象猖獗,或许符合这一观点。然而,在这篇反思性的文章中,我们强调了一个更光明的方面(在很大程度上被忽视了):阿富汗的矿产储量估计将近 1 万亿美元,包括一些世界上最丰富的锂和稀土元素(REEs),具有很高的市场价值,对全球气候应对政策的制定(基础设施的去碳化和实现净零目标)至关重要。同样,在此,我们将鸟瞰阿富汗的矿产资源,尤其是锂和稀土元素,如果利用得当,它们将成为经济增长和国家发展的引擎。然而,从阿富汗矿业/矿物部门目前的运营状况来看,这一未来似乎是一个遥远的神话,因为阿富汗矿业/矿物部门受到了一系列环环相扣的系统性障碍的破坏,这些障碍包括:(a) 极权主义政权,(b) 制度瓶颈,(c) 缺乏社会融合(侵犯人权和新自由主义观点),(d) 缺乏外国投资。为此,我们对世界上矿产资源成为经济增长和国家发展引擎的国家的经验进行了反思,这些经验可能会对阿富汗现任领导层有所启发。重振矿业/矿产部门可以帮助领导层同时向多个目标迈进:(a) 稳定经济,(b) 实现多个联合国可持续发展目标,(c) 帮助动员国家与和平建设努力,(d) 促进全球气候行动。这些目标合在一起,可能有助于挽回在国际社会心目中失去的声誉,并摆脱经济制裁。在此,我们向阿富汗现任领导层提出了重振矿产部门的愿景:(a) 有利的商业环境(提高商业便利性和安全性),(b) 统一的水电供应框架(水电开发),(c) 参与式生态系统(社会-生态-技术综合框架),(d) 限制非法矿产贸易(实施法治和公平)。为此,我们呼吁开展数据革命,以启动系统思考工作(促进研究、勘探和矿物加工)。
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引用次数: 0
The Bay of Bengal Subzone Within the Indo-Pacific: Historical Relevance and Present Orientation 印度洋-太平洋中的孟加拉湾分区:历史意义与现实定位
Pub Date : 2024-02-04 DOI: 10.1177/09749284231225678
Shantanu Chakrabarti
Paradigms and conceptualisations are essential tools used in international relations literature. Such conceptualisations, however, continue to be heavily dependent on Western epistemology and strategically oriented. Such theoretical models and projections fail to adequately conceptualise the Indo-Pacific region. The neglect of local connectivity and subregions within the Indo-Pacific world has resulted in a relative understudy of the Bay of Bengal zone, a crucial subregion within the Indo-Pacific. The essay argues for a more holistic approach by amalgamating present strategic concerns with indigenous versions of regional projections developed historically. Only by grasping the significance and relevance of past build-ups, it would be possible to understand the Bay of Bengal zone and its effectiveness in creating a vibrant and dynamic Indo-Pacific region.
范式和概念是国际关系文献中使用的基本工具。然而,这些概念仍然严重依赖西方认识论,并以战略为导向。这些理论模型和预测未能充分概念化印度洋-太平洋地区。由于忽视了印度洋-太平洋世界中的地方连通性和次区域,导致对孟加拉湾地区这一印度洋-太平洋中的重要次区域的研究相对不足。本文认为,应将当前的战略关切与历史上形成的本土地区预测结合起来,从而采取更加全面的方法。只有掌握了过去建设的意义和相关性,才有可能理解孟加拉湾地区及其在创建一个充满生机和活力的印度洋-太平洋地区方面的有效性。
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引用次数: 0
Discerning Taliban 2.0 and Afghanistan’s Political Landscape 辨析塔利班 2.0 和阿富汗的政治格局
Pub Date : 2024-02-04 DOI: 10.1177/09749284231225677
Raghav Sharma
Politically astute and organisationally deft the Taliban forged ‘antagonistic cooperation’ with key regional players who courted the movement vigorously as it sought to reinvent itself as ‘Taliban 2.0’. However, two years into the rule of ‘Taliban 2.0’, the chasm between rhetoric and reality has widened. This article disaggregates the idea of ‘Taliban 2.0’, arguing that subtle differences notwithstanding the Taliban is an ideological movement which demonstrates a remarkable contiguity in showing fidelity to their hardline ideology manifested in their attitudes towards women, deployment of violence and links with transnational actors. Domestic political actors too stuttered in responding to the Taliban’s momentum amid a dramatically reconfigured geo-political landscape, a glaring power asymmetry, factionalism within opposition ranks and the rise of new actors like the Daesh which attempted to fill the void.
塔利班在政治上精明,在组织上灵巧,与该地区的主要参与者建立了 "对立合作 "关系,这些参与者在塔利班试图将自己重塑为 "塔利班 2.0 "时对其极力讨好。然而,"塔利班 2.0 "执政两年后,言辞与现实之间的鸿沟已经扩大。本文对 "塔利班 2.0 "这一概念进行了分解,认为尽管存在细微差别,但塔利班是一个意识形态运动,在对待妇女的态度、使用暴力以及与跨国行动者的联系等方面都表现出了对其强硬意识形态的忠实,并具有显著的连续性。在地缘政治格局急剧重组、力量明显不对称、反对派内部派系林立以及达伊什等试图填补空白的新势力崛起的情况下,国内政治行为体在应对塔利班的势头方面也步履蹒跚。
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引用次数: 0
Critical Annotations on Historical Documents: Methodological Possibilities for International Relations Research 历史文献批注:国际关系研究方法论的可能性
Pub Date : 2024-02-04 DOI: 10.1177/09749284231225687
Madhura Balasubramaniam
This process note explicates the methodological intervention of maintaining fieldnotes on government documents and its significance for historically situated international relations (IR) research. For the most part, IR scholarship treats archival documents as the neutral preserve of the state, representing its coherent national interests. Building on discussions around critical methods within IR, I argue that there is a need to reflexively engage with the writing and curating practices of the state. This process note deploys the ethnographic hallmark of thick description within IR research through critical annotations on archival documents and other government publications on India’s eastern Himalayan borderlands between 1880 and 1965. These annotations encourage a granular reading of government documents and situate them within a larger context of their production, reception, archival memorialisation and subsequent access. I propose that critical annotations help us move beyond post-hoc analyses of foreign policy in terms of success and failure. Instead, in viewing IR theorising as ‘unfinished dictionaries of the international’, I argue that critical annotations challenge a unitary view of the state and facilitate a more nuanced analysis of foreign policymaking emphasising historical contingencies within which policies are articulated and enacted.
本过程说明阐述了对政府文件进行实地记录的方法论干预及其对具有历史背景的国际关系(IR)研究的意义。在大多数情况下,国际关系学术研究将档案文件视为国家的中立保存,代表着国家的一致利益。在围绕国际关系中的批判性方法进行讨论的基础上,我认为有必要反思性地参与国家的写作和策划实践。本过程说明通过对 1880 年至 1965 年间印度喜马拉雅东部边境地区的档案文件和其他政府出版物进行批判性注释,在投资者关系研究中运用了浓厚描述这一人种学特征。这些注释鼓励对政府文件进行细化解读,并将其置于文件制作、接收、档案纪念和后续使用的大背景中。我认为,批判性注释有助于我们超越以成败论英雄的事后分析。相反,在将国际关系理论视为 "未完成的国际字典 "时,我认为批判性注释挑战了单一的国家观,促进了对外交政策制定的更细致分析,强调了政策被阐明和颁布的历史偶然性。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs
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