Pub Date : 2023-10-17DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2023.2269776
Gözde Yilmaz, Nilgün Eliküçük Yıldırım
ABSTRACTTurkey has been on the path of EU membership since the 2000s, and the democratization process was well underway during the initial years of its candidacy. However, this trend was reversed substantially, with Turkey growing increasingly authoritarian during the 2010s. This substantial democratic backsliding has led to increasing authoritarian cooperation with the authoritarian powers on the rise, one of which is China, whose increasing engagement and cooperation with Turkey marked an alternative gravity centre for Turkey to be pulled by. This article argues that Turkey, in line with the worsening domestic authoritarianism, has been engaging with the authoritarian powers for survival rather than engaging with the EU, which provided legitimacy to the rule of the AKP during the initial years of its rule.KEYWORDS: Authoritarian cooperationChinaEuropean UnionEuropeanizationTurkey Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Turkey was the voice of Uyghurs on international platforms until 2015 as the home of the largest Uyghur diaspora outside Central Asia. However, increasing economic and political cooperation between Turkey and China led to Turkey remaining silent regarding China’s persecution of the Uyghurs, despite the Uyghurs being a Turkic Muslim community (Öniş and Yalikun Citation2021, 522). Additionally, during Erdoğan’s visit to China in 2017, Turkey and China signed an extradition treaty to restrict cross-border criminal activities. Although it has not been ratified by the Turkish parliament, there are some cases indicating that Turkey has already applied rendition, detention, and surveillance to its Uyghur population (Radio Free Asia Citation2019). Hence, Turkey’s turning into an authoritarian regime not only facilitated its cooperation with China but also caused Turkey to abandon the Uyghurs.Additional informationNotes on contributorsGözde YilmazGözde Yilmaz is a Jean Monnet Fellow at the European University Institute and professor in Atılım University. Her research interests are norm and authoritarian diffusion, external Europeanization, EU-Turkey-China relations, minority rights and non-discrimination in the EU and Turkey and Westerm Balkans.Nilgün Eliküçük YıldırımNilgün Eliküçük Yıldırım is an associate professor in the department of international relations at Atılım University in Ankara. Her research interests include Chinese foreign policy, Turkey-China Relations, IPE, social psychology.
摘要自2000年代以来，土耳其一直走在加入欧盟的道路上，在其候选资格的最初几年，民主化进程正在顺利进行。然而，这一趋势被大幅逆转，土耳其在2010年代变得越来越独裁。这种实质性的民主倒退导致土耳其与正在崛起的威权国家之间的威权合作日益增多，其中之一就是中国，中国与土耳其日益增多的接触与合作标志着土耳其可以被拉动的另一个重心。本文认为，与日益恶化的国内威权主义一致，土耳其一直在与威权主义势力打交道，而不是与欧盟打交道，后者在正义与发展党执政的最初几年为其统治提供了合法性。关键词:威权合作中国欧盟欧化土耳其披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。直到2015年，土耳其一直是维吾尔人在国际平台上的代言人，是中亚以外最大的维吾尔人聚居地。然而，土耳其和中国之间日益增长的经济和政治合作导致土耳其对中国对维吾尔人的迫害保持沉默，尽管维吾尔人是突厥穆斯林社区(Öniş和Yalikun Citation2021, 522)。此外，在Erdoğan 2017年访问中国期间，土耳其和中国签署了一项引渡条约，以限制跨境犯罪活动。因此，土耳其变成专制政权不仅促进了与中国的合作，而且导致土耳其放弃维吾尔人。Yilmaz是欧洲大学研究所Jean Monnet研究员，也是Atılım大学的教授。她的研究兴趣为规范与威权扩散、外部欧洲化、欧盟-土耳其-中国关系、欧盟、土耳其和西巴尔干地区的少数民族权利与非歧视。nilgn elik k YıldırımNilgün，安卡拉Atılım大学国际关系系副教授。主要研究方向为中国外交政策、土耳其与中国关系、国际政治经济学、社会心理学。
{"title":"Turkey in between the EU and China: from Europeanization to cooperation with China","authors":"Gözde Yilmaz, Nilgün Eliküçük Yıldırım","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2269776","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2269776","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTTurkey has been on the path of EU membership since the 2000s, and the democratization process was well underway during the initial years of its candidacy. However, this trend was reversed substantially, with Turkey growing increasingly authoritarian during the 2010s. This substantial democratic backsliding has led to increasing authoritarian cooperation with the authoritarian powers on the rise, one of which is China, whose increasing engagement and cooperation with Turkey marked an alternative gravity centre for Turkey to be pulled by. This article argues that Turkey, in line with the worsening domestic authoritarianism, has been engaging with the authoritarian powers for survival rather than engaging with the EU, which provided legitimacy to the rule of the AKP during the initial years of its rule.KEYWORDS: Authoritarian cooperationChinaEuropean UnionEuropeanizationTurkey Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Turkey was the voice of Uyghurs on international platforms until 2015 as the home of the largest Uyghur diaspora outside Central Asia. However, increasing economic and political cooperation between Turkey and China led to Turkey remaining silent regarding China’s persecution of the Uyghurs, despite the Uyghurs being a Turkic Muslim community (Öniş and Yalikun Citation2021, 522). Additionally, during Erdoğan’s visit to China in 2017, Turkey and China signed an extradition treaty to restrict cross-border criminal activities. Although it has not been ratified by the Turkish parliament, there are some cases indicating that Turkey has already applied rendition, detention, and surveillance to its Uyghur population (Radio Free Asia Citation2019). Hence, Turkey’s turning into an authoritarian regime not only facilitated its cooperation with China but also caused Turkey to abandon the Uyghurs.Additional informationNotes on contributorsGözde YilmazGözde Yilmaz is a Jean Monnet Fellow at the European University Institute and professor in Atılım University. Her research interests are norm and authoritarian diffusion, external Europeanization, EU-Turkey-China relations, minority rights and non-discrimination in the EU and Turkey and Westerm Balkans.Nilgün Eliküçük YıldırımNilgün Eliküçük Yıldırım is an associate professor in the department of international relations at Atılım University in Ankara. Her research interests include Chinese foreign policy, Turkey-China Relations, IPE, social psychology.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135995298","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-02DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2023.2262227
Didem Unal
This article examines how the discursive politics of securitization of gender operates in AKP’s recent framing of the Istanbul Convention (IC) and its decision to annul it. It demonstrates that AKP’s securitization of gender is structured as a populist discourse in the context of the party’s illiberal transformation marked by the intensification of populist antagonisms. At the national level, it is operationalized to protect the ‘pure’ nation from the ‘destructive’ effects of ‘gender ideology,’ while at the transnational level, it relies on the civilizational dichotomies framing the Judeo-Christian West as ‘alien’ to the nation. As a result, the article stresses the centrality of anti-genderism in the construction of political frontiers, antagonisms, and threat perceptions in AKP’s illiberal populist regime.
{"title":"Securitization of gender as a modus operandi of populism: anti-gender discourses on the Istanbul Convention in the context of AKP’s illiberal transformation","authors":"Didem Unal","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2262227","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2262227","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines how the discursive politics of securitization of gender operates in AKP’s recent framing of the Istanbul Convention (IC) and its decision to annul it. It demonstrates that AKP’s securitization of gender is structured as a populist discourse in the context of the party’s illiberal transformation marked by the intensification of populist antagonisms. At the national level, it is operationalized to protect the ‘pure’ nation from the ‘destructive’ effects of ‘gender ideology,’ while at the transnational level, it relies on the civilizational dichotomies framing the Judeo-Christian West as ‘alien’ to the nation. As a result, the article stresses the centrality of anti-genderism in the construction of political frontiers, antagonisms, and threat perceptions in AKP’s illiberal populist regime.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135900307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-22DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2023.2262241
Tuğçe Erçetin, Emre Erdoğan
ABSTRACTThis paper scrutinizes the reproduction of fear in the populist discourse of the Justice and Development Party and provides a content analysis of campaign speeches between 2015 and 2018. We posit that the linkage between populism and fear derives from two frames, victimization and blaming, appealing to perceived threat and insecurity that deepens the construction of ‘us-vs-them’ group differentiation. We argue that the AKP’s campaign in the 2015 elections frames security, value, and competing narratives by emphasizing terrorism, clashes with the ‘others’, and the opposition’s lack of capacity to rule. Their campaign in the 2017 referendum articulates a crisis and issue-based narrative over the coup attempt and constitutional amendments, and the 2018 campaign featured an issue, value, and security-based narrative. The findings show various continuities and changes in the AKP narratives based on exploiting citizens’ threat perceptions, with broad fear-based narratives remaining constant while the specifics of the threat adapt to the political atmosphere of the time.KEYWORDS: Populismfearemotionselectionselectoral campaignsAKP Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. After the coup attempt, the government initiated numerous institutional changes in different spheres. Moreover, the official names of the Bosphorus Bridge, bus terminal, parks, and bus stops were changed to commemorate 15 July. Reforms on the military, Turkish Armed Forces, military schools, curricula, and institutions have been instituted. New decree laws were induced to dismiss civil servants, launch cases, close institutions such as universities, trade unions, newspapers, associations, television channels, schools, and so on, and trustees were appointed to typically elected municipal offices.2. This, however, also resulted in a split from the MHP, as those who largely opposed aligning with the AKP formed the oppositional İYİ Party (Good Party).3. For details, see Popping (Citation2018).4. Please also see Rooduijn and Pauwels (Citation2011).5. You can find the complete list of speeches in the Appendix, along with its location and details.Additional informationNotes on contributorsTuğçe ErçetinTuğçe Erçetin is an Assistant Professor at Istanbul Bilgi University of International Relations Department. She holds master’s degrees in Political Science and International Relations from the University of Essex and Istanbul Bilgi University; also she has a doctoral degree in Political Science from Istanbul Bilgi University. She has been a researcher in different projects on othering, populism, polarization, refugees and social entrepreneurship, civil society and volunteerism.Emre ErdoğanEmre Erdoğan is Professor at Istanbul Bilgi University of International Relations Department. With a doctoral degree in Political Science from Boğaziçi University, he has served as researcher and senior consultant in various projects in academia and civi
摘要本文考察了正义与发展党民粹主义话语中恐惧的再现，并对2015年至2018年的竞选演讲进行了内容分析。我们认为，民粹主义和恐惧之间的联系源于两个框架，受害和指责，吸引了感知到的威胁和不安全感，加深了“我们对他们”群体分化的构建。我们认为，正义与发展党在2015年选举中的竞选活动通过强调恐怖主义、与“他者”的冲突以及反对派缺乏统治能力来构建安全、价值和竞争叙事。他们在2017年公投中的竞选活动对政变企图和宪法修正案进行了危机和基于问题的叙述，2018年的竞选活动则以问题、价值和安全为基础。研究结果显示，正义与发展党在利用公民对威胁的看法的基础上，叙述具有各种连续性和变化，广泛的基于恐惧的叙述保持不变，而威胁的细节则适应当时的政治氛围。关键词:民粹主义、恐惧情绪、选择、选举活动、公开声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。政变未遂后，政府在不同领域发起了许多制度变革。此外，为了纪念7月15日，博斯普鲁斯大桥、巴士总站、公园和巴士站的官方名称也被更改。对军队、土耳其武装部队、军事学校、课程和机构进行了改革。新的法令法被诱使解雇公务员，发起诉讼，关闭大学、工会、报纸、协会、电视频道、学校等机构，而受托人则被任命为通常由选举产生的市政官员。然而，这也导致民族行动党分裂，因为那些主要反对与正义与发展党结盟的人组成了反对党İYİ党(好党)。详情请参见弹出(Citation2018)。请参见Rooduijn and Pauwels (Citation2011)。你可以在附录中找到完整的演讲清单，以及演讲地点和细节。关于contributorsTuğçe ErçetinTuğçe的说明eraperetin是伊斯坦布尔比尔吉大学国际关系系的助理教授。她拥有埃塞克斯大学和伊斯坦布尔比尔吉大学政治学和国际关系硕士学位;她还拥有伊斯坦布尔比尔吉大学政治学博士学位。她的研究领域包括他者、民粹主义、两极分化、难民和社会创业、公民社会和志愿服务。埃姆雷ErdoğanEmre Erdoğan，伊斯坦布尔比尔吉大学国际关系系教授。他拥有Boğaziçi大学政治学博士学位，曾在学术界和民间社会的各种项目中担任研究员和高级顾问。他的研究重点是政治参与、外交政策和公众舆论、儿童和青年福祉、方法论和统计。他广泛研究并发表了有关土耳其青年、叙利亚难民青年在土耳其的融合、其他问题、两极分化和民粹主义的文章。
{"title":"The reproduction of fear in populist discourse: an analysis of campaign speeches by the Justice and Development Party elites","authors":"Tuğçe Erçetin, Emre Erdoğan","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2262241","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2262241","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis paper scrutinizes the reproduction of fear in the populist discourse of the Justice and Development Party and provides a content analysis of campaign speeches between 2015 and 2018. We posit that the linkage between populism and fear derives from two frames, victimization and blaming, appealing to perceived threat and insecurity that deepens the construction of ‘us-vs-them’ group differentiation. We argue that the AKP’s campaign in the 2015 elections frames security, value, and competing narratives by emphasizing terrorism, clashes with the ‘others’, and the opposition’s lack of capacity to rule. Their campaign in the 2017 referendum articulates a crisis and issue-based narrative over the coup attempt and constitutional amendments, and the 2018 campaign featured an issue, value, and security-based narrative. The findings show various continuities and changes in the AKP narratives based on exploiting citizens’ threat perceptions, with broad fear-based narratives remaining constant while the specifics of the threat adapt to the political atmosphere of the time.KEYWORDS: Populismfearemotionselectionselectoral campaignsAKP Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. After the coup attempt, the government initiated numerous institutional changes in different spheres. Moreover, the official names of the Bosphorus Bridge, bus terminal, parks, and bus stops were changed to commemorate 15 July. Reforms on the military, Turkish Armed Forces, military schools, curricula, and institutions have been instituted. New decree laws were induced to dismiss civil servants, launch cases, close institutions such as universities, trade unions, newspapers, associations, television channels, schools, and so on, and trustees were appointed to typically elected municipal offices.2. This, however, also resulted in a split from the MHP, as those who largely opposed aligning with the AKP formed the oppositional İYİ Party (Good Party).3. For details, see Popping (Citation2018).4. Please also see Rooduijn and Pauwels (Citation2011).5. You can find the complete list of speeches in the Appendix, along with its location and details.Additional informationNotes on contributorsTuğçe ErçetinTuğçe Erçetin is an Assistant Professor at Istanbul Bilgi University of International Relations Department. She holds master’s degrees in Political Science and International Relations from the University of Essex and Istanbul Bilgi University; also she has a doctoral degree in Political Science from Istanbul Bilgi University. She has been a researcher in different projects on othering, populism, polarization, refugees and social entrepreneurship, civil society and volunteerism.Emre ErdoğanEmre Erdoğan is Professor at Istanbul Bilgi University of International Relations Department. With a doctoral degree in Political Science from Boğaziçi University, he has served as researcher and senior consultant in various projects in academia and civi","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136059476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-19DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2023.2259193
Uri Rosenberg
The National Outlook Movement (Millî Görüş), a prominent Turkish-Islamist movement which previously held strong anti-Western views, moderated its views towards the West in the 1990s. With an examination of Millî Görüş documents from 1973 to 1995, this study sheds light on the dynamics of this shift in view and argues that one aspect of this ‘tilt’ towards the West was the geopolitical realities – mainly the collapse of the USSR and the rise of US hegemony. While the current literature on the moderation of other similar Islamist movements around the world throughout the 1990s largely cites internal and national level explanations for moderation and leaves out the geopolitical argument made here, the case of the National Outlook suggests that geopolitical influences can also play an important role and further research is needed on other Islamist movements to understand the effects of the changing geopolitical context.
{"title":"“If you can’t beat them – join them”: explaining Milli Görüş movement’s views towards the West","authors":"Uri Rosenberg","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2259193","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2259193","url":null,"abstract":"The National Outlook Movement (Millî Görüş), a prominent Turkish-Islamist movement which previously held strong anti-Western views, moderated its views towards the West in the 1990s. With an examination of Millî Görüş documents from 1973 to 1995, this study sheds light on the dynamics of this shift in view and argues that one aspect of this ‘tilt’ towards the West was the geopolitical realities – mainly the collapse of the USSR and the rise of US hegemony. While the current literature on the moderation of other similar Islamist movements around the world throughout the 1990s largely cites internal and national level explanations for moderation and leaves out the geopolitical argument made here, the case of the National Outlook suggests that geopolitical influences can also play an important role and further research is needed on other Islamist movements to understand the effects of the changing geopolitical context.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135014002","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-15DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2023.2255025
Ayla Deniz, Sibel Can Çetinkaya
ABSTRACTThis study investigates the motives of those who want to acquire Turkish citizenship through investment. We conducted in-depth interviews with 45 people consisting of new citizens and intermediaries who assist foreigners in housing sales and citizenship applications in eight different provinces. Our study reveals that people from countries geographically close to Türkiye and global investors show significant interest in the citizenship program, which enables them to become Turkish citizens through investment. Importantly, we found that the tendency for investment is influenced by Türkiye’s bilateral relations with investors’ countries of origin, the relatively lower monetary barrier for investment encourages the migration of low-capital groups in search of a better life, and citizenship by investment facilitates capital transfer between countries.KEYWORDS: CitizenshipinvestmentTürkiye AcknowledgementsThis article is partially based on the Master’s thesis, titled ‘A Transnational Perspective on Citizenship by Investment in Türkiye,’ of Sibel Can Çetinkaya, who is a master’s student at Ankara University Social Sciences Institute, Department of Geography, under the supervision of Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ayla Deniz.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. This outlook also paved the way for hundreds of thousands of Syrians to be granted Turkish citizenship, without any preconditions, despite strong opposition.2. TurkStat started to collect data on real estate acquisition by foreigners in 2008, and the Land Registry and Cadastre Information System (TAKBİS) was developed in 2011. In 2014, the Foreigners Office was established under the TKGM. Official websites such as www.yourkeytoTurkey.gov.tr and www.invest.gov.tr were prepared in the late 2010s (Genç and Eryılmaz Citation2021).3. Süleyman Soylu, the former Minister of Internal Affairs, said that they decided to not accept new resident permit application to neighbourhoods where the ratio of the number of foreigners to the total number of people exceeds 25% in order to prevent the concentration of foreigners in certain geographical units(June 11, 2022). In the same statement, he announced that they decided to keep the rate of foreigners all neighbourhoods below 20%.Additional informationNotes on contributorsAyla DenizAyla Deniz is an associate professor in the Department of Geography at Ankara University (Türkiye). She has worked as visiting researcher in several universities including University of Oxford and University of California, Davis. Her research primarily focuses on contemporary migration, urban studies and feminist geography. She has published several articles and book chapters in the fields of migration, city and gender.Sibel Can ÇetinkayaSibel Can Çetinkaya completed her BA in Geography and Sociology at Afyon Kocatepe University (Türkiye). Currently, she is a master student of Geography, Graduate School of Social Sciences at Ankara Univer
【摘要】本研究考察了想要通过投资获得土耳其国籍的人的动机。我们对来自8个不同省份的45人进行了深度采访，包括新公民和中介，他们帮助外国人销售住房和申请公民身份。我们的研究表明，来自地理位置接近土耳其的国家和全球投资者对公民身份计划表现出极大的兴趣，该计划使他们能够通过投资成为土耳其公民。重要的是，我们发现投资倾向受到投资回报国与投资者原籍国双边关系的影响，相对较低的投资货币壁垒鼓励低资本群体为寻求更好的生活而迁移，投资公民身份促进了国家之间的资本转移。本文部分基于Sibel Can Çetinkaya的硕士论文，题为“通过投资于 rkiye的公民身份的跨国视角”，他是安卡拉大学社会科学研究所地理系的硕士生，在协会的监督下。Ayla Deniz教授。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。这一前景也为数十万叙利亚人不顾强烈反对无条件获得土耳其公民身份铺平了道路。土耳其统计局于2008年开始收集外国人购买房地产的数据，2011年开发了土地登记和地籍信息系统(TAKBİS)。2014年，在TKGM下成立了外国人办公室。官方网站如www.yourkeytoTurkey.gov.tr和www.invest.gov.tr于2010年代末建立(Genç和Eryılmaz Citation2021)。前内务部长官sysleyman Soylu表示，为了防止外国人集中在特定地理单位(2022年6月11日)，决定不再接受外国人与总人数之比超过25%的地区的新居留许可申请。在同一份声明中，他宣布他们决定将所有社区的外国人比例保持在20%以下。作者简介:sayla Deniz，安卡拉大学地理系副教授。她曾在牛津大学和加州大学戴维斯分校等多所大学担任访问研究员。她的研究主要集中在当代移民、城市研究和女权主义地理学。她在移民、城市和性别领域发表了多篇文章和书籍章节。Sibel Can ÇetinkayaSibel Can Çetinkaya在Afyon kokatepe University (t rkiye)完成地理和社会学学士学位。目前，她是安卡拉大学(t rkiye)社会科学研究生院地理学硕士研究生。她在乌克兰从事公民制度和中介机制的研究。
{"title":"Citizenship by investment in Türkiye: Who buys citizenship and why?","authors":"Ayla Deniz, Sibel Can Çetinkaya","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2255025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2255025","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis study investigates the motives of those who want to acquire Turkish citizenship through investment. We conducted in-depth interviews with 45 people consisting of new citizens and intermediaries who assist foreigners in housing sales and citizenship applications in eight different provinces. Our study reveals that people from countries geographically close to Türkiye and global investors show significant interest in the citizenship program, which enables them to become Turkish citizens through investment. Importantly, we found that the tendency for investment is influenced by Türkiye’s bilateral relations with investors’ countries of origin, the relatively lower monetary barrier for investment encourages the migration of low-capital groups in search of a better life, and citizenship by investment facilitates capital transfer between countries.KEYWORDS: CitizenshipinvestmentTürkiye AcknowledgementsThis article is partially based on the Master’s thesis, titled ‘A Transnational Perspective on Citizenship by Investment in Türkiye,’ of Sibel Can Çetinkaya, who is a master’s student at Ankara University Social Sciences Institute, Department of Geography, under the supervision of Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ayla Deniz.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. This outlook also paved the way for hundreds of thousands of Syrians to be granted Turkish citizenship, without any preconditions, despite strong opposition.2. TurkStat started to collect data on real estate acquisition by foreigners in 2008, and the Land Registry and Cadastre Information System (TAKBİS) was developed in 2011. In 2014, the Foreigners Office was established under the TKGM. Official websites such as www.yourkeytoTurkey.gov.tr and www.invest.gov.tr were prepared in the late 2010s (Genç and Eryılmaz Citation2021).3. Süleyman Soylu, the former Minister of Internal Affairs, said that they decided to not accept new resident permit application to neighbourhoods where the ratio of the number of foreigners to the total number of people exceeds 25% in order to prevent the concentration of foreigners in certain geographical units(June 11, 2022). In the same statement, he announced that they decided to keep the rate of foreigners all neighbourhoods below 20%.Additional informationNotes on contributorsAyla DenizAyla Deniz is an associate professor in the Department of Geography at Ankara University (Türkiye). She has worked as visiting researcher in several universities including University of Oxford and University of California, Davis. Her research primarily focuses on contemporary migration, urban studies and feminist geography. She has published several articles and book chapters in the fields of migration, city and gender.Sibel Can ÇetinkayaSibel Can Çetinkaya completed her BA in Geography and Sociology at Afyon Kocatepe University (Türkiye). Currently, she is a master student of Geography, Graduate School of Social Sciences at Ankara Univer","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135395889","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-14DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2023.2255023
Nuve Yazgan
This article examines the domestic reform environment in Greece during the Eurozone crisis and explores how it affected the policy implementation process. It provides an integrated theoretical approach by combining the elements of the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) and the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF). The ACF and NPF prove useful in explaining the tumultuous implementation of the three memoranda in Greece. The pro-memorandum/pro-change coalition emerged weak in Greece and was destined to fall apart in a short time due to its failure to employ effective narrative strategies. On the other hand, the status-quo coalition and its belief system emerged stronger by utilizing effective narrative strategies. These factors resulted in a lack of broader social and political consensus regarding the necessity of reforms during the initial phase of the crisis, ultimately leading to a continuous cycle of disarray and external conditionality.
{"title":"Crisis and reform in Greece: a theoretical discussion on the domestic policy environment","authors":"Nuve Yazgan","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2255023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2255023","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the domestic reform environment in Greece during the Eurozone crisis and explores how it affected the policy implementation process. It provides an integrated theoretical approach by combining the elements of the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) and the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF). The ACF and NPF prove useful in explaining the tumultuous implementation of the three memoranda in Greece. The pro-memorandum/pro-change coalition emerged weak in Greece and was destined to fall apart in a short time due to its failure to employ effective narrative strategies. On the other hand, the status-quo coalition and its belief system emerged stronger by utilizing effective narrative strategies. These factors resulted in a lack of broader social and political consensus regarding the necessity of reforms during the initial phase of the crisis, ultimately leading to a continuous cycle of disarray and external conditionality.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134911743","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-12DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2023.2255022
Tuğba Bayar
The world witnessed the forceful repulsion of undocumented migrants when the Turkish government unilaterally repealed the EU-Turkey Deal in the Spring of 2020 and opened its border to allow migrants to reach the Greek border. In general, the rights of undocumented migrants are widely abused, particularly during migrants’ journeys towards asylum applications and pending status. This article examines in-depth how states violate the rights of undocumented migrants, despite existing international and European human rights protection regimes. I argue that states engage in political malignancy by creating an accountability (compliance) gap for abusing the grey areas of international law, where they consciously perform policies that harm undocumented migrants. Moreover, I also argue that states cooperate in those grey areas to overcome their human rights obligations and to fend off the migrant flows.
{"title":"The sheep that god lost: ‘legally’ circumventing the human rights of undocumented migrants","authors":"Tuğba Bayar","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2255022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2255022","url":null,"abstract":"The world witnessed the forceful repulsion of undocumented migrants when the Turkish government unilaterally repealed the EU-Turkey Deal in the Spring of 2020 and opened its border to allow migrants to reach the Greek border. In general, the rights of undocumented migrants are widely abused, particularly during migrants’ journeys towards asylum applications and pending status. This article examines in-depth how states violate the rights of undocumented migrants, despite existing international and European human rights protection regimes. I argue that states engage in political malignancy by creating an accountability (compliance) gap for abusing the grey areas of international law, where they consciously perform policies that harm undocumented migrants. Moreover, I also argue that states cooperate in those grey areas to overcome their human rights obligations and to fend off the migrant flows.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135831391","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-05DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2023.2255029
B. Radeljić, M. C. Özşahin
{"title":"The inefficiency of EU leverage in Serbia during the Russo-Ukrainian war","authors":"B. Radeljić, M. C. Özşahin","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2255029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2255029","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46151037","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2023.2243698
Najmin Kamilsoy
{"title":"Unintended transformation? Organizational responses to regulative crackdown on civil society in Azerbaijan","authors":"Najmin Kamilsoy","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2243698","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2243698","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44428116","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-16DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2023.2247843
Bezen Balamir Coşkun, Zeynep Şahin Mencütek
{"title":"Diaspora governance during the pandemic: the case of Turkey","authors":"Bezen Balamir Coşkun, Zeynep Şahin Mencütek","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2247843","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2247843","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49574868","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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