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Assessing centralization: on Turkey’s rising personalist regime 评估中央集权:论土耳其崛起的个人主义政权
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-25 DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2137899
Sevinç Öztürk, T. Reilly
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引用次数: 2
Opening the box of parties and party systems under autocratization: evidence from Turkey 打开专制统治下政党和政党制度的盒子:来自土耳其的证据
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-25 DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2137896
Hakan Yavuzyilmaz, Dimitris Tsarouhas
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引用次数: 0
Roma in the history of Montenegro – displacement, marginalization and discrimination 黑山历史上的罗姆人——流离失所、边缘化和歧视
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-23 DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2137904
Danijela Vuković-Ćalasan, Rajka Đoković
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引用次数: 0
Peace and security in the Western Balkans: a local perspective 西巴尔干的和平与安全:地方视角
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-18 DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2137894
Vladimir Đorđević
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引用次数: 1
Critical readings of Turkey’s foreign policy 对土耳其外交政策的批判性解读
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-18 DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2137895
Çağla Lüleci-Sula
connectedness of military relations with the political, economic, societal, and other layers of regional and wider security regimes that intersect in this region’ (page 129) not being given the attention they deserve. This section raises questions about the future of regional relations, whose stability and improvement are a must for the stability of the region. In the last section of the volume, the authors take on the international level, discussing approaches to delivering and maintaining peace and security in the Western Balkans by two main actors involved since the 1990s, that is EU and US, as well as those powers that have for the past decade and a half or so become active players in the region, this being Russia, China, Gulf States, Turkey, and Iran. The authors discuss not only the manner of the Western engagement herein, but they additionally show how in recent years, non-Western actors have come to challenge the notion of the Western Balkans being the ‘Western powers’ playground’, indicating the democracy-wise often corrosive influence of the latter actors. This section is brought to a close with a chapter, and I fully agree with the authors on the conclusions herein, showing that the status quo in the Western Balkans is here to stay, whereby the said scenario is deemed as ‘the most probable’ (page 284), indicating that most likely no significant changes in the region will happen in the next several years. Although perhaps not a very happy ending to the volume, it is a very realistic one. I am positive that this volume will be welcomed by both students and lecturers, as well as policy practitioners and makers interested in acquiring security-related information on the Western Balkans. The book is, therefore, a valuable contribution to the study of the given region, highlighting not only the main security challenges that exist herein but also those matters that require further academic treatment.
军事关系与该地区交叉的政治、经济、社会和其他层面的地区和更广泛的安全制度的联系”(第129页)没有得到应有的关注。本节提出了有关区域关系未来的问题,区域关系的稳定和改善是该区域稳定的必要条件。在本卷的最后一节中,作者从国际层面讨论了自20世纪90年代以来,欧盟和美国这两个主要参与者,以及在过去十五年左右成为该地区积极参与者的大国,即俄罗斯、中国、海湾国家、土耳其、,以及伊朗。作者不仅讨论了西方参与的方式,还展示了近年来,非西方行为者如何挑战西巴尔干地区是“西方大国游乐场”的概念,这表明后一行为者在民主方面往往具有腐蚀性的影响。本节以一章结束,我完全同意作者在本文中的结论,表明西巴尔干地区的现状将持续下去,因此上述情况被认为是“最有可能的”(第284页),表明该地区在未来几年内很可能不会发生重大变化。虽然这本书的结局可能不是很幸福,但它是一个非常现实的结局。我确信,这本书将受到学生和讲师以及有兴趣获取西巴尔干安全相关信息的政策从业者和决策者的欢迎。因此,这本书对特定地区的研究做出了宝贵贡献,不仅突出了这里存在的主要安全挑战,还突出了需要进一步学术处理的问题。
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引用次数: 3
‘Now we are whole:’ humiliation, shame and pride in Aliyev’s discourse on the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War “现在我们是完整的:”阿利耶夫关于2020年纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫战争的言论中的羞辱、羞耻和自豪
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-12 DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2132901
Mustafa Gökcan Kösen, E. Erdoğan
ABSTRACT The article focuses on the role, interchangeability and liquidity of emotions in the speeches of Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev during the Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020. It enquires about the functionality of emotions before, during, and after the war and finds that Aliyev prepared, mobilized and motivated society for the war through multiple ‘Address to the Nation’ speeches that aimed to evoke specific emotions such as shame, pride, and humiliation via portraying the occupation of Shusha and the surrounding region as a source of shame and humiliation and the military victories in 2020 as a source of pride for the whole nation, which, combined, constitutes a crucial example of the interchangeability and liquidity of emotions. The emotional appeals in his speeches also justify and garner support for the initiation of the conflict, which, after the victory, transforms into Azerbaijani pride and humiliation of Armenians.
摘要本文重点探讨了阿塞拜疆总统伊利哈姆·阿利耶夫在2020年纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫战争期间的讲话中情绪的作用、互换性和流动性。它询问了战前、战时和战后情绪的功能,发现阿利耶夫通过多次“向全国发表讲话”为战争做好了准备、动员和激励社会,这些讲话旨在唤起特定的情绪,如羞耻、自豪、,通过将对舒沙及其周边地区的占领描绘成耻辱和羞辱的来源,并将2020年的军事胜利描绘成整个国家的骄傲来源,这些加在一起,构成了情感互换性和流动性的一个重要例子。他讲话中的情感诉求也证明了冲突的发起是正当的,并获得了支持。胜利后,冲突演变成阿塞拜疆人的骄傲和对亚美尼亚人的羞辱。
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引用次数: 0
Humanitarian diplomacy as Turkey’s national role conception and performance: evidence from Somalia and Afghanistan 人道主义外交作为土耳其的国家角色构想和表现:来自索马里和阿富汗的证据
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-07 DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2131978
M. Altunışık
ABSTRACT In recent years Turkey has made Humanitarian Diplomacy (HD) an essential element of its foreign policy. This article analyzes Turkey’s Humanitarian Diplomacy as a role conception and role performance by focusing on two cases, Somalia and Afghanistan, as the two most significant cases of Turkey’s Humanitarian Diplomacy. It is argued that Humanitarian Diplomacy as foreign policy has provided Turkey with enough flexibility and ambiguity to bring together humanitarianism with interest. At the same time, Turkey’s foreign policy interests started to become more legitimate and accepted by linking it to widely respected norms. Finally, HD also helped the AKP to consolidate its international state identity as well as its domestic identity.
近年来,土耳其将人道主义外交作为其外交政策的重要组成部分。本文以索马里和阿富汗这两个土耳其人道主义外交中最重要的两个案例为例,分析了土耳其人道主义外交作为一种角色观念和角色表现。有人认为,人道主义外交作为外交政策为土耳其提供了足够的灵活性和模糊性,将人道主义与利益结合在一起。与此同时,土耳其的外交政策利益开始变得更加合法,并通过将其与广泛尊重的规范联系起来而被接受。最后,HD还帮助AKP巩固了其国际国家认同和国内认同。
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引用次数: 2
Brexit, Covid and Bulgarian migrants in the UK: stay or return? 英国脱欧、新冠肺炎和保加利亚移民:留还是回?
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-06 DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2131986
E. Markova, Russell King
ABSTRACT Much has been written about Brexit and migration, but little from the perspective of Bulgarians in the UK. Through an online questionnaire followed by in-depth interviews, we study Bulgarians’ ‘stay’ or ‘leave’ intentions in light of Brexit and then Covid-19. Combining cross-tabulation and regression analysis of survey data and narrative analysis of interview scripts, we show how migrants’ plans are dependent on their position in the labour market and document the experiences of those who have returned. We find that stayers are more likely to be highly skilled and longer-resident in the UK. Most returns are only partially related to Brexit and are often finalized following the impact of Covid-19; family considerations are the main trigger to return. Many returnees are dissatisfied with life in Bulgaria. The article demonstrates that EU migrants’ mobility decisions post-Brexit need to be examined in relation to other contingent factors operating at various scales.
摘要关于英国脱欧和移民的报道很多,但从英国保加利亚人的角度来看的报道很少。我们通过在线问卷调查和深入采访,研究了保加利亚人在英国脱欧以及新冠肺炎背景下的“留在”或“离开”意图。结合调查数据的交叉列表和回归分析以及访谈脚本的叙述性分析,我们展示了移民的计划如何取决于他们在劳动力市场中的地位,并记录了返回者的经历。我们发现,留在英国的人更有可能是高技能和长期居住在英国的人。大多数返回仅部分与英国脱欧有关,通常是在新冠肺炎的影响下最终确定的;家庭因素是回归的主要诱因。许多回返者对保加利亚的生活感到不满。这篇文章表明,英国脱欧后欧盟移民的流动决定需要与其他在不同规模下运作的偶然因素相结合。
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引用次数: 2
Long and arduous way to decentralization: past, present and future of the reforms of local self-government in Ukraine 漫长而艰难的权力下放之路:乌克兰地方自治改革的过去、现在和未来
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-05 DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2131985
Natalia Rudakiewicz
ABSTRACT Aiming to analyse the peculiarities of the decentralization process in Ukraine, this article focuses on the quality of changes taking place within the local self-government system in the context of democratization. I attempt to answer whether the democratic values contained in the Ukrainian Constitution and separate laws, as well as the European Charter of Local Self-Government, are observed in practice by utilizing the system analysis method combined with elements of the synergetic paradigm. I find that the decentralization process is characterized as nonlinear, chaotic and contradictory. However, the ever increasingly frequent manifestations of local democracy occurring within the analysed system have a positive impact on the effects of its democratization. The analysis of the practical dimension of the functioning of the Ukrainian local self-government made it possible to distinguish the main conditions influencing the nature and results of the decentralization process.
摘要:本文旨在分析乌克兰分权进程的特点,重点关注民主化背景下地方自治制度内发生的变化的质量。我试图通过结合协同范式要素的系统分析方法来回答乌克兰宪法和单独法律以及欧洲地方自治宪章中所包含的民主价值观在实践中是否得到遵守。我发现去中心化过程具有非线性、混沌和矛盾的特点。然而,在所分析的系统内出现的日益频繁的地方民主现象对其民主化的效果产生了积极的影响。对乌克兰地方自治政府运作的实际层面的分析使我们能够区分影响权力下放进程的性质和结果的主要条件。
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引用次数: 0
Religion and regional voting behaviour differences in Turkey, 2007–2018: a study of the AKP electoral base 2007-2018年土耳其宗教和地区投票行为差异:正义与发展党选举基础研究
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2129151
Fırat Gündem
ABSTRACT With the Justice and Development Party dominating the elections in Turkey since 2002, the existing political cleavages between religious and secular segments of the population increasingly crystallized during the last two decades. This article investigates the mass support for the AKP at a juncture of religious activities and voting behaviour. To contextualize religious activities, this study utilizes a unique data set consisting of the indicators of religious activities collected from the Directorate of Religious Affairs at the province level between the general elections in Turkey. The findings show a significant relationship between all religious activities and voting for the Justice and Development Party nationwide. However, the relationship between voting behaviour and religious activities mitigates when considering regional differences. Results imply three different spatial cleavages in western, internal, and eastern regions, where the relationship between voting behaviour and the types of religious activities, as well as demographic variables, varies significantly.
自2002年以来,正义与发展党在土耳其的选举中占据主导地位,在过去的20年里,宗教和世俗人口之间存在的政治分歧日益明确。本文调查了在宗教活动和投票行为的结合点上对正义与发展党的群众支持。为了了解宗教活动的背景,本研究使用了一套独特的数据集,其中包括从土耳其大选期间省一级宗教事务局收集的宗教活动指标。调查结果显示,所有宗教活动与全国范围内正义与发展党(Justice and Development Party)的选票之间存在显著关系。然而,考虑到区域差异,投票行为和宗教活动之间的关系有所缓和。结果表明,在西部、内部和东部地区存在三种不同的空间分裂,在这些地区,投票行为与宗教活动类型以及人口变量之间的关系差异很大。
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Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
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