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Fire and media: Towards a new South African journalism 火与媒体:走向新的南非新闻业
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2020.1747879
Niren Tolsi
INTRODUCTION The Ruth First Fellowship brings together academic research and social activism in the tradition of the pioneering journalist-activist the Fellowship honours. The Fellowship seeks research and critical thinking that will inform activism, and activists who will bring their experience to enrich the world of research. It also favours younger, emerging voices that will benefit from the exposure. Work is presented as part of the annual Ruth First Memorial Lecture at the University of the Witwatersrand. Welcoming critical investigations of social dynamics in Africa, grounded in relevant, illustrative, qualitative, evidentiary approaches, African Studies provides support and partnership for the Fellowship, which is hosted by the journalism department of the University of the Witwatersrand. The journal encourages innovative contributions from established and new scholars that reflect current conceptual thinking and draws upon Africa in order to question received theoretical and methodological paradigms. When the Ruth First committee decided to focus on the media in 2018, journalist Niren Tolsi’s proposal promised a fresh approach to tackling the challenges the South African media is facing. In the wake of recent incidents involving fire in very different communities, in the Knysna area and in informal settlements, he undertook to look into how our news media covered these events and what the contrasting treatments and responses told us about the state of our journalism and news media. He placed this in the context of changes taking place in our media, notably the growth of social media, and asked what it told us about the impact this new technology was having on our public sphere. The ‘outrage machine’ of social media responded very differently to fire in informal settlements and more privileged areas such as the scenes of the Knysna fires, he showed, reinforcing antagonistic ethnic and class consciousness. Far from the original promise of new media technologies to expose us to a multiplicity of voices, it ensures we hear only what we want to hear, reinforcing social siloes rather than breaking them down. Tolsi writes: ‘The Ruth First Fellowship allowed me to think through some of the major challenges facing South African media. These include the effects of social media disinformation on SA's political stability, concentrated toxic media ownership in SA, the neuroscientific effects of social media's unethical design on the traditional bonds that mobilised communities against the worst excesses of state and corporate power. It triggered a personal quest to find SA-specific responses to this global media crisis so as to contribute towards defining a new journalism in this digital moment. Perhaps the most uplifting aspect of the fellowship has been the numerous responses I received from journalists – especially young journalists.’
鲁斯第一奖学金汇集了学术研究和社会活动的先驱记者-活动家奖学金荣誉的传统。该奖学金寻求将为行动主义提供信息的研究和批判性思维,以及将其经验丰富研究世界的活动人士。它还支持年轻的、新兴的声音,这些声音将从曝光中受益。作品作为一年一度的露丝第一纪念讲座的一部分在威特沃特斯兰德大学展出。非洲研究欢迎对非洲社会动态的批判性调查,以相关的、说明性的、定性的、证据性的方法为基础,为由威特沃特斯兰德大学新闻系主办的奖学金提供支持和合作。该杂志鼓励既有学者和新学者的创新贡献,这些贡献反映了当前的概念思维,并借鉴了非洲,以质疑公认的理论和方法范式。当“露丝第一”委员会在2018年决定将重点放在媒体上时,记者尼伦·托尔西(Niren Tolsi)的提议承诺采取一种新的方法来应对南非媒体面临的挑战。最近在不同的社区,在克尼斯纳地区和非正式住区发生了涉及火灾的事件,他承诺调查我们的新闻媒体如何报道这些事件,以及对比的处理和反应告诉我们我们的新闻和新闻媒体的状况。他把这个问题放在我们的媒体正在发生的变化的背景下,尤其是社交媒体的发展,并问我们,关于这项新技术对我们的公共领域的影响,它告诉了我们什么。他指出,社交媒体的“愤怒机器”对发生在非正式定居点和更特权地区的火灾的反应截然不同,比如克尼斯纳大火的场景,这强化了敌对的种族和阶级意识。新媒体技术原本承诺让我们接触到各种各样的声音,但它确保我们只听到我们想听到的,这加强了社会的藩篱,而不是打破它们。托尔西写道:“露丝第一奖学金让我思考南非媒体面临的一些主要挑战。其中包括社交媒体虚假信息对南非政治稳定的影响,南非集中的有毒媒体所有权,社交媒体不道德设计对传统纽带的神经科学影响,这些纽带动员社区反对国家和企业权力的最严重过度行为。它引发了我个人的探索,寻找sa对这场全球媒体危机的具体回应,以便在这个数字时代为定义一种新的新闻业做出贡献。也许这项奖学金最令人振奋的方面是我从记者,尤其是年轻记者那里收到的大量回复。”
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引用次数: 1
Beyond the legacy of 1976: Morris Isaacson High School, popular memory and the struggle for education in central Soweto 超越1976年的遗产:莫里斯艾萨克森高中,大众记忆和索韦托中部的教育斗争
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2020.1721266
Clive Glaser
ABSTRACT Morris Isaacson High School in Jabavu, Soweto, has often been described as the epicentre of the June 1976 Uprising. It has become a focal point for memorials and annual commemorations. Few South Africans know anything else about the school. This paper argues that, while the school did in fact play an important role in the Uprising, it has a longer and possibly more important history as an educational institution catering to often extremely poor, working class families in the heart of Soweto. I discuss Morris Isaacson in historical memory, including an analysis of the filming of Sarafina! and conclude that in educational terms, Morris Isaacson has been much neglected. Astute leadership and committed alumni in recent years have managed to leverage the school’s political fame to attract state and private sponsorship. But this material assistance has not entirely resolved the school’s problems, which are mostly rooted in the deeper deprivation of its neighbourhood.
索韦托贾巴武的莫里斯·艾萨克森高中经常被描述为1976年6月起义的中心。它已成为纪念活动和年度纪念活动的焦点。很少有南非人知道这所学校的其他情况。本文认为,尽管该校事实上在起义中发挥了重要作用,但作为一所教育机构,它的历史更长,也可能更重要,它为索韦托市中心的极端贫困工人阶级家庭提供服务。我讨论历史记忆中的莫里斯·艾萨克森,包括对《萨拉菲娜!并得出结论,在教育方面,莫里斯·艾萨克森一直被忽视。近年来,精明的领导和忠诚的校友们成功地利用学校的政治声誉吸引了国家和私人赞助。但这种物质援助并没有完全解决学校的问题,这些问题主要源于社区的更深层次的贫困。
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引用次数: 2
From Pan-Africanism to African regionalism: A chronicle 从泛非主义到非洲地区主义:编年史
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2020.1740974
Ernest Toochi Aniche
ABSTRACT Classical African regionalism, as rooted in pan-Africanism, is a strategy for decolonisation, anti-colonial and neo-colonial struggles, and continental unity. Modern African regionalism is a means to achieving continental unity, collective self-reliance and economic transformation as well as to creating an agenda for solving African developmental challenges. The main objective of this paper, therefore, is to examine the historical evolution of pan-Africanism and regionalism in Africa from colonial to post-colonial era in order to trace the interface between them. The paper assesses the extent to which regional integration in Africa has been able to achieve its stated objectives and targets over the years. It also investigates the various obstacles, constraints and challenges that militate against the accomplishment of its objectives, opportunities and prospects. It then interrogates the narratives of the Western neoliberal theories of integration or approaches to African integration. Subsequently the paper suggests that there is a need to deconstruct them in the search for paradigm shift in African integration. It contends that there is also a need to evolve a new theoretical approach to African integration anchored on neo-neo-integrationism of post-neo-functionalism or post-modern integrationism of post-neo-nationalism.
古典非洲地区主义根植于泛非主义,是一种非殖民化、反殖民主义和新殖民主义斗争以及大陆统一的战略。现代非洲区域主义是实现大陆统一、集体自力更生和经济改革以及制定解决非洲发展挑战议程的一种手段。因此,本文的主要目的是考察非洲从殖民时代到后殖民时代泛非主义和地区主义的历史演变,以追踪它们之间的界面。该文件评估了非洲区域一体化多年来能够实现其既定目标和指标的程度。它还调查了妨碍实现其目标、机会和前景的各种障碍、限制和挑战。然后,它对西方新自由主义一体化理论或非洲一体化方法的叙述进行了质疑。随后,本文建议在寻求非洲一体化的范式转变时,有必要对它们进行解构。它认为,还需要发展一种新的理论方法来研究非洲一体化,该方法以后新功能主义的新-新一体化主义或后新民族主义的后现代一体化主义为基础。
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引用次数: 9
Legal representation in lacuna: The Namibian Legal Resources Centre, Southern Africa Project, and the trial of the Cassinga detainees 空白中的法律代表:纳米比亚法律资源中心、南部非洲项目和对卡辛加被拘留者的审判
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2020.1754762
M. A. Houser
ABSTRACT In late 1978, South African Defence Force troops raided southern Angola's Cassinga settlement. They rounded up dozens of alleged SWAPO-PLAN combatants and held some for more than a decade. The resulting legal battles put to the test lawyering skills in both southern Africa and the United States, and they undermined the apartheid state's ability to crush dissent. This article considers the lens of the Cassinga detainee crisis to assess how South African, Namibian and American lawyers utilised American case law in South African courts. It begins with a brief discussion of the history of the involved parties and continues to discuss the saga and its outcomes. Both the South African state and its opposition viewed Cassinga's battles as central to exercising power in Namibia, and this demonstrates the centrality of the law and legal mechanisms to dismantling apartheid. It highlights the degree to which the law proved a useful tool for liberation movements to ensure the continuation of political dissent within South Africa, withstanding public repression of the 1980s. Ultimately, it regards the Cassinga case as representative of many that kept open dialogue between the South African state, liberation movements and the international community.
1978年末,南非国防军突袭了安哥拉南部的卡辛加定居点。他们围捕了数十名据称是SWAPO-PLAN的战斗人员,其中一些人被关押了十多年。由此产生的法律纠纷考验了南非和美国的律师技能,也削弱了这个种族隔离国家镇压异见的能力。本文以卡辛加被拘留者危机为视角,评估南非、纳米比亚和美国律师如何在南非法院运用美国判例法。它首先简要讨论了有关各方的历史,然后继续讨论这个传奇及其结果。南非政府及其反对派都将卡辛加之战视为在纳米比亚行使权力的核心,这证明了法律和法律机制在废除种族隔离方面的核心地位。它突出表明,法律在多大程度上证明是解放运动的有用工具,以确保南非境内的政治异议继续存在,尽管1980年代受到公开镇压。最后,它认为卡辛加案代表了南非国家、解放运动和国际社会之间保持公开对话的许多人。
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引用次数: 1
Rached Ghannouchi’s test: Political Islam and democracy in Tunisia Rached Ghannouchi的测试:突尼斯的政治伊斯兰与民主
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2020.1732190
S. Bartal
ABSTRACT The purpose of this study is to closely examine Tunisia’s Rached Ghannouchi (Arabic: Rāshid al-Ghannūshī), the head of the Islamic movement in Tunisia, Ennahdha. Tunisia has a unique experience in Political Islam. I have examined the above personality and his political affiliation as a case study for this paper. Some new incidents have emerged lately in Tunisia that appear to be pointing to new, up-coming changes in the political life in that country. This paper will introduce these changes in Tunisia and their expected effects. For the purpose of this article, modern Islam no longer refers to Islamists as demanding a monopoly of power and imposing sharia law. Rather, it presents it as a means of achieving political goals. How Rāshid al-Ghannūshī has acted and what his thoughts have been since the Tunisian revolution (2011) up until 2017 are discussed in this paper.
摘要:本研究的目的是仔细研究突尼斯伊斯兰运动复兴运动(Ennahdha)的领导人Rached Ghannouchi(阿拉伯语:Rāshid al-Ghannūshī)。突尼斯在政治伊斯兰方面有着独特的经验。我将上述人格及其政治派别作为本文的案例研究。突尼斯最近出现了一些新的事件,似乎表明该国政治生活即将发生新的变化。本文将介绍突尼斯的这些变化及其预期影响。为了本文的目的,现代伊斯兰不再把伊斯兰主义者称为要求垄断权力和强加伊斯兰教法的人。相反,它将其作为实现政治目标的一种手段。本文讨论了Rāshid al-Ghannūshī如何采取行动,以及自突尼斯革命(2011年)到2017年以来,他的想法是什么。
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引用次数: 4
The 2018 Vilakazi Prize Report 2018年维拉卡齐奖报告
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2020.1749433
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引用次数: 0
The black soul is (still) a white man’s artefact? Postcoloniality, post-Fanonism and the tenacity of race(ism) in A. Igoni Barrett’s Blackass 黑人的灵魂(仍然)是白人的人工制品?伊戈尼·巴雷特的《黑驴》中的后殖民主义、后狂热主义和种族主义的顽固性
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2019.1695385
S. Adebayo
ABSTRACT This paper examines the complexity of postcolonial manifestations of race, alongside class, colonialism and nationality in Igoni Barrett’s Blackass. I adopt a (post-)Fanonian approach in investigating how the novel depicts the psychopolitics of race in the aftermath of the empire. I analyse the ways in which the novel draws attention to white supremacy as a global phenomenon not only restricted to the conceptual West or settler colonies but also in settings where the colonisers are no longer present. This feeds into the critique of neoliberal democracy that, apparently, is still heavily yoked in the whims and caprices of racialism.
本文考察了伊戈尼·巴雷特的小说《黑驴》中种族、阶级、殖民主义和国籍等后殖民表现形式的复杂性。我采用了一种(后)法诺夫式的方法来研究这部小说如何描绘帝国解体后的种族心理政治。我分析了小说是如何将人们的注意力吸引到白人至上这一全球现象上的,它不仅局限于概念上的西方或移民殖民地,而且也存在于殖民者不再存在的环境中。这助长了对新自由主义民主的批评,显然,新自由主义民主仍然与种族主义的异想天开和反复无常紧密联系在一起。
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引用次数: 3
The proliferation of overlapping sub-regional organisations in Eastern Africa: An opportunity for or a challenge to the security of the region? 东非重叠次区域组织的扩散:对该地区安全的机遇还是挑战?
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2020.1755828
E. Bayeh
ABSTRACT This article examines whether the proliferation of overlapping sub-regional security organisations in Eastern Africa is an opportunity or a challenge to the security of the region. To this end, I used secondary sources of data. The data analysed show that the duplication of security institutions has detrimental effects namely, financial problems, inefficiency and ineffectiveness, conflictual competition, forum shopping and regime shifting. As far as the positive aspect of it is concerned, there have been negligible cooperative attempts, while all other possible positive effects discussed in the conceptual framework part are missing. Thus, it is evident from the findings that the proliferation of sub-regional organisations in Eastern Africa is more of a challenge than an opportunity to maintain peace and security in the region.
摘要本文探讨了重叠的次区域安全组织在东非的扩散对该地区的安全是机遇还是挑战。为此,我使用了辅助数据源。所分析的数据表明,安全机构的重复产生了不利影响,即财务问题、效率低下和无效、冲突性竞争、选择论坛和政权更迭。就其积极方面而言,合作尝试微不足道,而概念框架部分讨论的所有其他可能的积极影响都缺失了。因此,从调查结果中可以明显看出,东非次区域组织的扩散与其说是维护该地区和平与安全的机会,不如说是一个挑战。
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引用次数: 1
State legitimacy and government performance in the Horn of Africa 非洲之角的国家合法性和政府绩效
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2020.1724767
Redie Bereketeab
ABSTRACT This article examines state legitimacy and government performance in the Horn of Africa (HOA). Drawing on the literature of the state and specifically on the HOA, as well as on primary research, this article seeks to examine the nature of state legitimacy. The wider literature indicates that state legitimacy derives from two sources: domestic and external. In an ideal situation, a symmetry exists between the two. In reality, however, there is usually an inverted relation. The notion of inverted legitimacy describes a reality where only one source of legitimacy, either domestic or external, prevails at a time. The inverted nature of state legitimacy causes chronic state crisis. The article provides a theoretical and conceptual analysis of legitimacy followed by empirical illustration. To that end, it discusses a number of theoretical and conceptual strands of state legitimacy. It argues that the origin of the state and consecutive external interventions destabilise and distort state legitimacy in the HOA. The article concludes that inverted legitimacy leads the state to malfunction and crisis. It further argues that state legitimacy determines government performance, as the latter also determines the former.
摘要本文考察了非洲之角的国家合法性和政府绩效。本文借鉴国家文献,特别是HOA,以及初步研究,试图检验国家合法性的性质。更广泛的文献表明,国家合法性来源于两个方面:国内和国外。在理想情况下,两者之间存在对称性。然而,在现实中,通常存在一种颠倒的关系。倒置合法性的概念描述了一个现实,即一次只有一个合法性来源,无论是国内还是国外。国家合法性的倒置导致了长期的国家危机。本文对合法性进行了理论和概念分析,然后进行了实证说明。为此,它讨论了国家合法性的一些理论和概念线索。它认为,国家的起源和连续的外部干预破坏和扭曲了HOA中的国家合法性。文章认为,合法性倒置导致国家失灵和危机。它进一步认为,国家合法性决定了政府绩效,因为后者也决定了前者。
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引用次数: 5
Methods in performing Fela in contemporary Afrobeats, 2009–2019 2009-2019年当代非洲节奏表演Fela的方法
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2020.1750349
Garhe Osiebe
ABSTRACT In the 1982 documentary Music is the Weapon, Fela Anikulapo Kuti, arguably the inventor of Afrobeat, pronounced that: ‘My name is Anikulapo: I have death in my pouch. I can’t die. They can’t kill me!’ Fela passed on in 1997, yet his revolutionary practice, in message and in musical form, means that he lives on in the imagination. Over the last decade, Afrobeat has transformed in both terminology and practice. For some, Afrobeat has morphed into an ‘apolitical genre by an industry more concerned [ … ] with producing easy listening [and danceable] music’ (Negus 1996, 41). While Fela’s sons Femi and Seun Kuti continue to play Afrobeat as originally proposed, thus maintaining a relative patent on their father’s invention, the bulk of the current usage relies on simulation and as Afrobeats. This paper focuses on the practices of a selection of Afrobeats musicians who have appropriated the text, synthesised the sound, conjured the appearance and invoked the name and symbolisms of Fela. The paper draws from Tejumola Olaniyan’s delineation of the stages in Fela’s creative career in illustrating how contemporary popular musicians entextualise Fela in their respective creative careers. These Afrobeats artists have performed the ‘Fela stages’ in their corresponding bodies of work through several means including, but not limited to, the textually analogous, dedicatory, apparitional, amalgamated, and by the means of coming to realisation.
在1982年的纪录片《音乐是武器》(Music is the Weapon)中,affrobeat的发明者费拉·阿尼库拉波·库蒂(Fela Anikulapo Kuti)宣称:“我的名字是阿尼库拉波:我的口袋里有死亡。”我不能死。他们杀不了我!费拉于1997年去世,但他在信息和音乐形式上的革命性实践,意味着他活在人们的想象中。在过去的十年中,Afrobeat在术语和实践上都发生了变化。对一些人来说,非洲节奏已经演变成一种“由一个更关心制作容易听的[和可跳舞的]音乐的行业的非政治类型”(Negus 1996, 41)。虽然Fela的儿子Femi和Seun Kuti继续按照最初的建议玩《Afrobeat》,从而保留了他们父亲发明的相对专利,但目前的大部分使用都依赖于模拟和《Afrobeat》。这篇论文的重点是一些非洲节拍音乐家的实践,他们挪用了文本,合成了声音,改变了外观,调用了Fela的名字和象征。本文借鉴Tejumola Olaniyan对Fela创作生涯各个阶段的描述,说明当代流行音乐家如何在各自的创作生涯中演绎Fela。这些非洲节拍派艺术家在他们相应的作品中通过几种方式表演了“Fela阶段”,包括但不限于文本类比,奉献,幻影,合并,以及通过实现的方式。
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引用次数: 5
期刊
African Studies
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