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Abortion Is Healthcare: Lessons From a Public Hospital 堕胎是医疗保健:公立医院的经验教训
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/dss.2023.0027
Amy Zanoni
F E M IN IS M A F t E R D O B B S Since the Supreme Court’s Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization decision, many have invoked the coat hanger and the public hospital septic abortion ward as portents of life after the fall of Roe. Illinois Governor J. B. Pritzker was one of many pro-choice advocates who made direct reference to Ward 41 at Chicago’s public hospital, Cook County Hospital. But by only paying attention to the horror stories of botched abortions in the pre-Roe era, we miss the other lessons that public hospitals like Cook County can teach us: even during Roe, access to abortion was limited, hard-fought, and dependent on local conditions. Public hospitals are key to understanding the brutal consequences of policies that limit people’s access to healthcare, as well as the role that local governments often play in a country with no national healthcare system. In providing care to everyone who came through its doors, the public hospital approximated the right to healthcare. When county, state, and federal lawmakers undermined the right to reproductive care, Chicagoans demanded its reinstatement at Cook County Hospital. these struggles and the hospital’s history shed light on the importance of tethering demands for reproductive rights to a more expansive welfare state and healthcare system. they also help us understand the crucial importance of federal action.
自从最高法院对多布斯诉杰克逊妇女健康组织案作出判决以来,许多人把衣架和公立医院的败血性流产病房作为罗伊案败诉后生活的预兆。伊利诺伊州州长j·b·普利兹克是众多支持堕胎的倡导者之一,他直接提到了芝加哥公立医院库克县医院的第41号病房。但是,如果只关注罗伊案之前糟糕的堕胎故事,我们就错过了库克县等公立医院可以教给我们的其他教训:即使在罗伊案期间,堕胎的机会也是有限的、艰难的,而且取决于当地的情况。公立医院是了解限制人们获得医疗服务的政策的残酷后果的关键,也是了解地方政府在一个没有国家医疗体系的国家经常扮演的角色的关键。公立医院向每一位前来就诊的人提供医疗服务,这接近于享有医疗保健的权利。当县、州和联邦立法者破坏生殖保健的权利时,芝加哥人要求在库克县医院恢复生殖保健。这些斗争和这家医院的历史,让我们明白了将生育权利的要求与一个更广泛的福利国家和医疗体系联系起来的重要性。它们还帮助我们理解联邦行动的至关重要性。
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引用次数: 0
My Name for Hope 我的名字叫希望
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/dss.2022.0073
K. Pollitt
Abstract:Socialism—democratic socialism—has experienced a revival, thanks largely to Bernie Sanders, who is actually not a socialist but a New Deal Democrat. Calling himself a socialist probably didn't help Sanders win votes. In 2019, when asked if they would vote for various kinds of people for president, socialist came in dead last at 47 percent—the same percentage as in 2015—after Muslim, "over the age of 70," and atheist. But socialism gave people, especially young people, a name for their rage at the status quo and helped boost membership in the Democratic Socialists of America, an organization to which Sanders does not belong, to around 90,000
摘要:社会主义——民主社会主义——经历了一次复兴,这在很大程度上要归功于伯尼·桑德斯,他实际上不是一个社会主义者,而是一个新政民主党人。自称社会主义者可能并没有帮助桑德斯赢得选票。2019年,当被问及他们是否会投票给各种各样的人当总统时,社会主义者以47%的比例排在最后——与2015年的比例相同——排在穆斯林、“70岁以上”和无神论者之后。但社会主义给人们,尤其是年轻人,一个表达他们对现状的愤怒的名字,并帮助增加了美国民主社会主义者(Democratic Socialists of America)的会员人数,该组织约有9万人,桑德斯并不属于这个组织
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引用次数: 0
Can DSA Go the Distance? DSA能坚持到底吗?
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/dss.2022.0074
Sam Adler-Bell
Abstract:The high point of my involvement in the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) was the spring of 2018, when I served, somewhat implausibly, as a delegate to the New York City chapter's convention. In my memory, the day was warm and dotted with colored light filtering in through the high stained-glass windows at Judson Memorial Church near Washington Square Park. A sense of history pervaded the proceedings. Hundreds of activists had gathered to chart the future of the largest chapter of the largest socialist organization in America, recently inundated with members reeling from the syncopated blows of 2016: Bernie's tragic loss, Trump's farcical victory.
摘要:我参与美国民主社会主义者(DSA)的高潮是在2018年春天,当时我作为代表参加了纽约分会的大会,这有点令人难以置信。在我的记忆中,那天很温暖,彩色的光线透过华盛顿广场公园附近贾德森纪念教堂的彩色玻璃窗洒了进来。整个过程充满了历史感。数百名活动人士聚集在一起,为美国最大的社会主义组织的最大分会规划未来,最近,该组织的成员被2016年的打击所淹没:伯尼的悲剧性失败,特朗普的滑稽胜利。
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引用次数: 0
Masters of Nothing 一无所有的大师
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/dss.2022.0067
Sarah Jones
Abstract:MasterClass, the online-learning platform, would probably not exist without a culture shaped by meritocratic mythology. It's not college but something better—video lessons without the burdens of student loan debt or the awkwardness of dorm life. Nobody earns a degree from MasterClass, which sells individual subscriptions for $180 a year, but credentials aren't really the point. MasterClass supplements the grind of work and life with a certain egalitarian flourish. Here, anyone can learn to succeed. Anyone can sit down in front of their computer and watch a video. Anyone can improve themselves.
摘要:如果没有精英神话塑造的文化,在线学习平台MasterClass可能就不会存在。这不是大学,而是更好的地方——视频课程,没有学生贷款债务的负担,也没有宿舍生活的尴尬。MasterClass每年收取180美元的个人订阅费,没有人能从那里获得学位,但证书并不是真正的重点。MasterClass以某种平等主义的繁荣补充了工作和生活的艰辛。在这里,任何人都可以学习成功。任何人都可以坐在电脑前看视频。任何人都可以提高自己。
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引用次数: 0
A Living Tradition 活的传统
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/dss.2022.0076
Nick Serpe
Abstract:Dissent was first published at a low point for the American left. The editors decried the McCarthyist conflagration of the 1950s, which had cast a pall over radicals throughout the country, no matter how sterling their anti-Stalinist credentials. And repression wasn't the only problem. A combination of factors—a burgeoning consumer society, the strides made toward a welfare state during the Great Depression, the material dividends of global supremacy, and the nationalist spirit of the Cold War, to name a few—had relegated socialism to the margins of American life. The high tide of civil rights struggle and the second-wave feminist and gay awakenings were off in the future; union leaders had assumed a more conservative posture in the wake of Taft-Hartley. What did it mean to be a democratic socialist in such a moment?
摘要:《异议》首次发表于美国左翼的低谷时期。编辑们谴责了20世纪50年代的麦卡锡主义大火,这给全国各地的激进分子蒙上了一层阴影,无论他们的反斯大林主义资历多么出色。镇压并不是唯一的问题。一系列因素的结合——迅速发展的消费社会,大萧条时期向福利国家迈进的步伐,全球霸权的物质红利,以及冷战时期的民族主义精神,等等——将社会主义降到了美国生活的边缘。民权斗争的高潮和女权主义和同性恋觉醒的第二波浪潮在未来消失了;在《塔夫脱-哈特利法》之后,工会领导人采取了更为保守的姿态。在这样的时刻,成为一个民主社会主义者意味着什么?
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引用次数: 0
We're All Social Democrats Now 我们现在都是社会民主党人了
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/dss.2022.0075
M. Kazin
Abstract:In the spring of 1973, Michael Harrington called on members of the new Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee, which he chaired, to build "the left wing of realism." Over time, he replaced "realism" with "the possible," but the sensibility endured. Throughout the two-century history of socialism, at least the untyrannical kind, most of its adherents have tried to balance their dream of a humane and fully egalitarian order with the need to fight for changes in the only world they would ever know
摘要:1973年春,迈克尔·哈林顿呼吁由他担任主席的新成立的民主社会主义组织委员会成员建立“现实主义左翼”。随着时间的推移,他用“可能”取代了“现实主义”,但这种感性却一直存在。在两个世纪的社会主义历史中,至少是非专制的社会主义历史中,大多数社会主义的追随者都试图平衡他们对人道主义和完全平等主义秩序的梦想,以及在他们唯一知道的世界中为变革而奋斗的需要
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引用次数: 0
The Forcefield of Solidarity 团结力场
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/dss.2022.0083
Gabriel Winant
Abstract:For American workers, as Mike Davis once argued, defeat compounds defeat, creating an ever-growing legacy of workingclass organizations that either shatter or become compromised—racist, or corrupt, or ossified and bureaucratic, or in bed with their enemies, or tiny and weak. These organizations transmit their historical damage onto the subsequent generation; each cohort navigates a set of impossible choices and gives shape to the impossible choices facing the next one. Individual activists, militants, and organizers must confront these legacies, which play out not just within their organizations but within themselves. Yet on rare occasions, workers find an opening and the room to run, and summon the courage to pursue it. In the process, they may transform an existing organization, shoving it in a new direction, or they may shake it off like dead skin and create something new.
摘要:正如迈克·戴维斯(Mike Davis)曾经指出的那样,对美国工人来说,失败加剧了失败,创造了一个不断增长的工人阶级组织遗产,这些组织要么瓦解,要么妥协——要么种族主义、要么腐败、要么僵化、官僚主义、要么与敌人勾结、要么弱小。这些组织将它们的历史损害传递给下一代;每一组人都要面对一组不可能的选择,并为下一个不可能的选择提供轮廓。个人活动家、激进分子和组织者必须面对这些遗留问题,这些问题不仅在他们的组织内部,而且在他们自己内部。然而,在极少数情况下,工人们找到了一个开口和空间,并鼓起勇气去追求它。在这个过程中,他们可能会改造一个现有的组织,把它推向一个新的方向,或者他们可能会把它像死皮一样抖掉,创造新的东西。
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引用次数: 0
Between Flood and Fire 洪水与火灾之间
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/dss.2022.0078
S. Deb
Abstract:A young friend went to Brighton Beach in Brooklyn earlier this summer. It was his first time on an American beach, and I'd hyped the experience up to him. "How was it?" I asked a few days later. "Amazing," he said. He talked about the subway ride to the beach, the concession stands, the cold water. "A plane flew over our heads while we were there," he said. "It was trailing a banner that said, 'Have hope.'" That sounds nice, I thought. Who among us doesn't need hope these days? He continued: "It said, 'Have Hope. Keep Faith. Say No to Abortion.'"
摘要:今年初夏,一位年轻的朋友去了布鲁克林的布莱顿海滩。这是他第一次来到美国的海滩,我向他大肆宣传这次经历。“怎么样?”几天后我问。“太棒了,”他说。他谈到了去海滩的地铁,小卖部,冷水。“我们在那里的时候,一架飞机从我们头顶飞过,”他说。“它拖着一条横幅,上面写着‘抱有希望’。’”听起来不错,我想。如今,我们当中谁不需要希望呢?他继续说道:“它说,‘拥有希望。保持信心。对堕胎说不。’”
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引用次数: 0
A Simple Ethos 简单的精神
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/dss.2022.0072
Namwali Serpell
Abstract:Socialism is obviously more sophisticated than "split the money." But my mother was right. Apologetic as I am about it, my decision—and my subsequent ones, like donating prize money to bail funds for protesters, splitting the fee for a short story I wrote among the unpaid interns at the magazine that published it, giving back or splitting the money for any prize with a shortlist—can be seen as an expression, however oblique, of my upbringing as a Zambian socialist. Which is to say, it is far more about spirit than practicality
摘要:社会主义显然比“分钱”要复杂得多。但我母亲是对的。虽然我对此感到抱歉,但我的决定——以及我后来的决定,比如把奖金捐给抗议者的保释基金,把我写的一篇短篇小说的稿费分给发表那篇小说的杂志的无薪实习生,把任何有入围名单的奖项的稿费返还或分成——可以被视为我作为赞比亚社会主义者的成长经历的一种表达,尽管这种表达是间接的。也就是说,它更多的是精神而不是实用性
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引用次数: 0
Israel's Rightward Turn 以色列的右转
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/dss.2022.0082
Nir Evron
Abstract:The ousting of Benjamin Netanyahu last year and the rise of a short-lived governing coalition that included, for the first time in Israel's history, an Arab party, presented the vanishing liberal left in this country with a much needed—if fleeting—moment of elation.
摘要:去年本雅明•内塔尼亚胡(Benjamin Netanyahu)被赶下台,以色列历史上第一次出现了一个阿拉伯政党组成的短暂执政联盟,这给这个国家正在消失的自由左翼带来了一个急需但转瞬即逝的喜悦时刻。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Dissent
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