{"title":"[Sciences of power, power of sciences, several trends in the Canadian historiography of sciences].","authors":"M Paquet","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"30 1","pages":"92-103"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2000-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"26369167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Le réseau postal et son rôle dans l'articulation du système urbain au Nouveau-Brunswick entre 1870 et 1909","authors":"Philippe Garvie","doi":"10.20381/ruor-11520","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20381/ruor-11520","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"24 1","pages":"98"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"1995-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68302001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1992-10-10DOI: 10.1007/978-1-137-46786-7_12
J. Webb
{"title":"In Sickness and in Health","authors":"J. Webb","doi":"10.1007/978-1-137-46786-7_12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-46786-7_12","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"22 1","pages":"185"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"1992-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"51717266","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1984-10-10DOI: 10.5949/liverpool/9781927869024.003.0012
O. Janzen
W H E N THE WAR OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE began in 1775, one of the many dilemmas facing the Americans was how to make the British conscious of their threat. It seemed inconceivable to most British political and military leaders that the suppression of a colonial revolt would require a very determined or prolonged military effort. In 1774 Secretary at War Lord Barrington even predicted that, in the event of an American rebellion, the army would not be needed. "A Conquest by land is unnecessary", he explained, "when the country can be reduced first to distress, and then to obedience by our Marine". Lord North echoed Barrington's perception in 1775, although he conceded "that a Large land force is necessary to render our Naval operations effectual". Few understood that the Patriot leadership enjoyed widespread sympathy and support, or that the Americans would be less concerned with trying to secure a military victory over the British than a political one. This entailed exerting sufficient pressure on the British government to cause it to abandon its efforts to crush the rebellion and accept instead a negotiated settlement. Towards this end, the political leadership of the American cause made the destruction of the British fishery at Newfoundland one of their earliest objectives. In so doing, they reminded the British that the stronger power did not necessarily have the ability to dictate the course of a war. The Newfoundland fishery made an excellent target. It was widely regarded throughout the North Atlantic community as one of Great Britain's most important national assets. The wealth which it generated was later estimated to have had a value in 1769 of £600,000, while the fishery's function as a "nursery for seamen" made it, according to the conventional wisdom of the day, an essential component of British seapower. To ensure that the commercial and
{"title":"The Royal Navy and the Defence of Newfoundland during the American Revolution","authors":"O. Janzen","doi":"10.5949/liverpool/9781927869024.003.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781927869024.003.0012","url":null,"abstract":"W H E N THE WAR OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE began in 1775, one of the many dilemmas facing the Americans was how to make the British conscious of their threat. It seemed inconceivable to most British political and military leaders that the suppression of a colonial revolt would require a very determined or prolonged military effort. In 1774 Secretary at War Lord Barrington even predicted that, in the event of an American rebellion, the army would not be needed. \"A Conquest by land is unnecessary\", he explained, \"when the country can be reduced first to distress, and then to obedience by our Marine\". Lord North echoed Barrington's perception in 1775, although he conceded \"that a Large land force is necessary to render our Naval operations effectual\". Few understood that the Patriot leadership enjoyed widespread sympathy and support, or that the Americans would be less concerned with trying to secure a military victory over the British than a political one. This entailed exerting sufficient pressure on the British government to cause it to abandon its efforts to crush the rebellion and accept instead a negotiated settlement. Towards this end, the political leadership of the American cause made the destruction of the British fishery at Newfoundland one of their earliest objectives. In so doing, they reminded the British that the stronger power did not necessarily have the ability to dictate the course of a war. The Newfoundland fishery made an excellent target. It was widely regarded throughout the North Atlantic community as one of Great Britain's most important national assets. The wealth which it generated was later estimated to have had a value in 1769 of £600,000, while the fishery's function as a \"nursery for seamen\" made it, according to the conventional wisdom of the day, an essential component of British seapower. To ensure that the commercial and","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"14 1","pages":"28-28"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"1984-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71325046","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
List of Figures, Tables and Boxes Acknowledgements 1. Journalism in a State of Flux? Explanatory Perspectives Paschal Preston 2. Evolution of Organised News and Journalism in Europe Paschal Preston 3. Individual Influences : Journalists' Values and Norms Paschal Preston and Monika Metykova 4. New News Nets: Media Routines in the 'Network Society' Paschal Preston 5. From News Nets to House Rules: Organisational Contexts Paschal Preston and Monika Metykova 6. Political-Economic Factors Shaping News Culture Jacques Guyot 7. 'The Cultural Air': Ideology, Discourses and Power Paschal Preston 8. A Key Relation: Journalist and their Publics Monika Metykova 9. 'Where's Europe?' Emergent Post-National News Cultures Paschal Preston 10. Journalism & News Culture in Early C21st :Key Features & Challenges Paschal Preston Bibliography Index
{"title":"Making the News","authors":"P. Rutherford","doi":"10.4324/9780203888599","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203888599","url":null,"abstract":"List of Figures, Tables and Boxes Acknowledgements 1. Journalism in a State of Flux? Explanatory Perspectives Paschal Preston 2. Evolution of Organised News and Journalism in Europe Paschal Preston 3. Individual Influences : Journalists' Values and Norms Paschal Preston and Monika Metykova 4. New News Nets: Media Routines in the 'Network Society' Paschal Preston 5. From News Nets to House Rules: Organisational Contexts Paschal Preston and Monika Metykova 6. Political-Economic Factors Shaping News Culture Jacques Guyot 7. 'The Cultural Air': Ideology, Discourses and Power Paschal Preston 8. A Key Relation: Journalist and their Publics Monika Metykova 9. 'Where's Europe?' Emergent Post-National News Cultures Paschal Preston 10. Journalism & News Culture in Early C21st :Key Features & Challenges Paschal Preston Bibliography Index","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"42 1","pages":"136"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"1982-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70599417","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1982-09-09DOI: 10.5840/thought197348223
B. Tennyson
Northwestern University’s Women’s Self-Government Association (19231950) had roots deep in the University’s history. The concept of self-government for women students first came to Northwestern in 1873 with the arrival of Frances Willard as the University’s first Dean of Women. Women had been able to attend Northwestern University since 1869, when one woman was enrolled. In 1870, women students were encouraged to gain concurrent admission to the Evanston College for Ladies where they could board and take courses in art and music along with their University courses. The Evanston College for Ladies had a strict set of rules governing mealtimes, study hours, daily prayers and the reception of guests. It also had a program of self-government developed by the College’s President, Frances Willard, where women policed themselves, evaluating their compliance with the rules of the College. When the Evanston College for Ladies merged with Northwestern University in 1873, Willard became the University’s first Dean of Women and brought her self-government program with her. This proved to be controversial within the University, as it placed women under the sole governance of the Dean of Women and established separate rules for women students. Willard resigned from the University in 1874 because of the controversy.
{"title":"History as Biography","authors":"B. Tennyson","doi":"10.5840/thought197348223","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5840/thought197348223","url":null,"abstract":"Northwestern University’s Women’s Self-Government Association (19231950) had roots deep in the University’s history. The concept of self-government for women students first came to Northwestern in 1873 with the arrival of Frances Willard as the University’s first Dean of Women. Women had been able to attend Northwestern University since 1869, when one woman was enrolled. In 1870, women students were encouraged to gain concurrent admission to the Evanston College for Ladies where they could board and take courses in art and music along with their University courses. The Evanston College for Ladies had a strict set of rules governing mealtimes, study hours, daily prayers and the reception of guests. It also had a program of self-government developed by the College’s President, Frances Willard, where women policed themselves, evaluating their compliance with the rules of the College. When the Evanston College for Ladies merged with Northwestern University in 1873, Willard became the University’s first Dean of Women and brought her self-government program with her. This proved to be controversial within the University, as it placed women under the sole governance of the Dean of Women and established separate rules for women students. Willard resigned from the University in 1874 because of the controversy.","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"12 1","pages":"121"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"1982-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70970438","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1979-01-01DOI: 10.3138/9781442656840-007
T. W. Acheson
{"title":"The Great Merchant and Economic Development in St. John 1820-1850","authors":"T. W. Acheson","doi":"10.3138/9781442656840-007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/9781442656840-007","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"8 1","pages":"3"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"1979-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69597907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1978-08-08DOI: 10.3138/9781442656840-012
David Alexander
{"title":"Economic Growth in the Atlantic Region, 1880 to 1940","authors":"David Alexander","doi":"10.3138/9781442656840-012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/9781442656840-012","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"11 1","pages":"47-47"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"1978-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69597949","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1978-08-08DOI: 10.3138/9781442656840-005
E. Forbes
This paper began as a critical review from a Maritime perspective of Professor Carl Bergers The Writing of Canadian History: Aspects of EnglishCanadian Historical Writing, 1900 1970 (Toronto. 1976). I had initially envisioned it as a contribution to a kind of Carl Berger "roast". The approach had its appeal for had not this work received the highest award to which a Canadian historian might aspire? And had not the author supped with the gods, or at least the governor-general? Obviously some good-natured raillery and honest criticism would be in order to help restore the author's statusas a fallible human being. To this end one could point out that in The Writing of Canadian History, Professor Berger did not mention a single major historical work on the Maritimes for the period after Confederation. Surely this was a shocking display of regional bias! But upon reflection, this author too was unable to name any books dealing primarily with aspects of postConfederation Maritime history written in English by a professional historian in the first century after Confederation. Thus the paper turned into an examination of the deficiencies of Maritime post-Confederation historiography. In fact, this is a story of two failures: the failure of mainstream Canadian historians to pursue themes which readily included the Maritimes, or to include the Maritimes in the themes which they did pursue, and the failure of academics residing in the region to respond effectively to the Maritimers' own obvious, and sometimes desperate, search for an historical perspective which would help them to understand their plight in a modern world. Neglect and stereotyping left the Maritime student with a version of Canadian history to which he was unable to relate and seriously distorted the national picture.
{"title":"In Search of a Post-Confederation Maritime Historiography","authors":"E. Forbes","doi":"10.3138/9781442656840-005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/9781442656840-005","url":null,"abstract":"This paper began as a critical review from a Maritime perspective of Professor Carl Bergers The Writing of Canadian History: Aspects of EnglishCanadian Historical Writing, 1900 1970 (Toronto. 1976). I had initially envisioned it as a contribution to a kind of Carl Berger \"roast\". The approach had its appeal for had not this work received the highest award to which a Canadian historian might aspire? And had not the author supped with the gods, or at least the governor-general? Obviously some good-natured raillery and honest criticism would be in order to help restore the author's statusas a fallible human being. To this end one could point out that in The Writing of Canadian History, Professor Berger did not mention a single major historical work on the Maritimes for the period after Confederation. Surely this was a shocking display of regional bias! But upon reflection, this author too was unable to name any books dealing primarily with aspects of postConfederation Maritime history written in English by a professional historian in the first century after Confederation. Thus the paper turned into an examination of the deficiencies of Maritime post-Confederation historiography. In fact, this is a story of two failures: the failure of mainstream Canadian historians to pursue themes which readily included the Maritimes, or to include the Maritimes in the themes which they did pursue, and the failure of academics residing in the region to respond effectively to the Maritimers' own obvious, and sometimes desperate, search for an historical perspective which would help them to understand their plight in a modern world. Neglect and stereotyping left the Maritime student with a version of Canadian history to which he was unable to relate and seriously distorted the national picture.","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"8 1","pages":"3-3"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"1978-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69598078","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1976-10-10DOI: 10.1163/2468-1733_shafr_sim080210049
A. C. Gluek
When The Hague Tribunal brought down its Award on 7 September 1910, almost all contemporary observers agreed that the age-old controversy had been laid to rest. Only the eulogies differed, varying with the nationality of the authors. Allen B. Aylesworth, Agent for the combined team of Canada, Great Britain and Newfoundland immediately cabled his Prime Minister, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, that they had won all the points of any consequence and that only one small feature of the Award was unsatisfactory. Two days later, the American Agent, Chandler P. Anderson, sent much the same cheerful sort of message to President William Howard Taft: the Americans had gained a substantial victory and only one point at issue, itself of slight importance, had gone against them. The confusion of those early days has been perpetuated. The "truth" of the matter still depends largely upon a man's nationality. Most Canadian historians who have lately glanced at the Award regard it as one which "favoured Canada", "broadly upheld the Canadian case" or "generally upheld the case of Canada and Newfoundland." When American historians scrutinize the Award — and not too many do — they come to very different conclusions. S. F. Bemis, after patriotically approaching the subject, reached a remarkable half-truth: the "award . . . put into effect the provisions of the unratified Bayard-Chamberlain treaty of 1888 for the definition of territorial bays . . . ." Julius W. Pratt, following the same nationalist course, concluded that the Tribunal "decided all the principal questions in favor of the United States." Thomas A. Bailey, whose historical understanding was more precise, likened the decision to a "compromise" in which Gloucestermen were protected against unreasonable local regulations while Newfoundlanders were "generally sustained in their claims to local jurisdiction."
当海牙法庭于1910年9月7日作出裁决时，几乎所有同时代的观察家都认为，这场旷日持久的争论已经告一段落。只是悼词不同，因作者的国籍而异。加拿大、英国和纽芬兰联合队的代理人艾伦·艾尔斯沃斯立即致电首相威尔弗里德·劳里埃爵士，说他们已经赢得了所有重要的分数，只有一个小方面不令人满意。两天后，美国特工钱德勒·p·安德森(Chandler P. Anderson)向威廉·霍华德·塔夫脱(William Howard Taft)总统发出了大致相同的欢欣鼓舞的信息:美国人取得了重大胜利，只有一点问题对他们不利，而这一点本身并不重要。早年的混乱一直延续至今。事情的“真相”在很大程度上仍然取决于一个人的国籍。大多数加拿大历史学家最近瞥了一眼该奖项，认为它“有利于加拿大”，“大体上支持加拿大的情况”或“大体上支持加拿大和纽芬兰的情况”。当美国历史学家仔细研究这个奖项时——并不是很多人这样做——他们得出了截然不同的结论。s·f·贝米斯在爱国主义地接近这个主题之后，得出了一个了不起的半真半假的结论:“奖……实施1888年未经批准的《贝亚德-张伯伦条约》中关于领土海湾定义的条款. . . .”朱利叶斯·w·普拉特遵循同样的民族主义路线，得出的结论是，法庭“在所有主要问题上都作出有利于美国的裁决”。托马斯·a·贝利(Thomas a . Bailey)对历史的理解更为精确，他将这一决定比作一种“妥协”，即格洛斯特人受到保护，免受不合理的地方法规的侵害，而纽芬兰人“总体上坚持对地方管辖权的要求”。
{"title":"Programmed Diplomacy: The Settlement of the North Atlantic Fisheries Question, 1907-12","authors":"A. C. Gluek","doi":"10.1163/2468-1733_shafr_sim080210049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2468-1733_shafr_sim080210049","url":null,"abstract":"When The Hague Tribunal brought down its Award on 7 September 1910, almost all contemporary observers agreed that the age-old controversy had been laid to rest. Only the eulogies differed, varying with the nationality of the authors. Allen B. Aylesworth, Agent for the combined team of Canada, Great Britain and Newfoundland immediately cabled his Prime Minister, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, that they had won all the points of any consequence and that only one small feature of the Award was unsatisfactory. Two days later, the American Agent, Chandler P. Anderson, sent much the same cheerful sort of message to President William Howard Taft: the Americans had gained a substantial victory and only one point at issue, itself of slight importance, had gone against them. The confusion of those early days has been perpetuated. The \"truth\" of the matter still depends largely upon a man's nationality. Most Canadian historians who have lately glanced at the Award regard it as one which \"favoured Canada\", \"broadly upheld the Canadian case\" or \"generally upheld the case of Canada and Newfoundland.\" When American historians scrutinize the Award — and not too many do — they come to very different conclusions. S. F. Bemis, after patriotically approaching the subject, reached a remarkable half-truth: the \"award . . . put into effect the provisions of the unratified Bayard-Chamberlain treaty of 1888 for the definition of territorial bays . . . .\" Julius W. Pratt, following the same nationalist course, concluded that the Tribunal \"decided all the principal questions in favor of the United States.\" Thomas A. Bailey, whose historical understanding was more precise, likened the decision to a \"compromise\" in which Gloucestermen were protected against unreasonable local regulations while Newfoundlanders were \"generally sustained in their claims to local jurisdiction.\"","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"6 1","pages":"43"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"1976-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64409010","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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