Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1353/aca.2023.a907881
Colby Gaudet
Abstract: Des documents laissés par un missionnaire catholique français et un capitaine acadien de navire marchand qui avait des liens avec les Antilles ont révélé que des Noirs furent réduits à l’esclavage et engagés dans d’autres relations de travail non libres par un réseau d’Acadiens de premier plan. Analysées et mises en dialogue avec des études de portée plus large portant sur l’esclavage dans les Maritimes et le silence de la mémoire collective acadienne, ces sources placent deux chefs de file bien connus de la communauté acadienne aux côtés d’autres propriétaires d’esclaves loyalistes dans les premiers temps de la Nouvelle-Écosse. Les héritiers de ces deux hommes ont signé une pétition adressée à l’Assemblée législative de la province en 1807 pour assurer que des esclaves demeuraient leur propriété, à une époque où, par ailleurs, le sentiment anti-esclavagiste et la politique abolitionniste gagnaient en influence dans l’Empire britannique. Documents left by a French Roman Catholic missionary and an Acadian merchant captain with Caribbean connections have revealed that Black people were enslaved by, and in other unfree and labouring relations with, a prominent Acadian network. Analyzed and placed into conversation with broader studies of Maritime slavery and the silences of Acadian public memory, these sources position two well-known Acadian community leaders alongside other Loyalist slaveholders in early Nova Scotia. The heirs of these two men signed an 1807 petition to the provincial legislature to secure their property in slaves at a time when anti-slavery sentiment and abolitionist policy were otherwise gaining influence in the British Empire.
摘要:一名法国天主教传教士和一名与西印度群岛有联系的阿卡迪亚商船船长留下的文件显示，黑人被一个著名的阿卡迪亚人网络奴役，并从事其他非自由的劳动关系。正在分析和对话关于奴隶制与范围更广的研究海洋和寂静的集体记忆中的阿卡,这些来源的两个社区牵头众所周知效忠阿卡与其他奴隶主在新斯科舍省最早的时间。1807年，这两个人的继承人向该省立法议会签署了一份请愿书，以确保奴隶仍然是他们的财产，而此时反奴隶制情绪和废奴主义政策在大英帝国的影响越来越大。一位法国罗马天主教传教士和一位与加勒比有联系的阿卡迪亚商人船长留下的文件显示，黑人被一个著名的阿卡迪亚网络奴役，并在其他不自由和劳动的关系中奴役。Analyzed和他的朋友们谈话泛studies of Maritime slave)和“沉默Acadian公共记忆,these two格雷森的立场来源Acadian社区中其他的领袖Loyalist slaveholders in Nova Scotia早期。这两个人的继承人签署了一份1807年的请愿书，要求省立法机构在反奴隶制和废奴主义政策在大英帝国产生影响的时候保护他们在奴隶中的财产。
{"title":"Slavery and Black Labour in a St. Mary’s Bay Acadian Family, 1786–1840","authors":"Colby Gaudet","doi":"10.1353/aca.2023.a907881","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2023.a907881","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Des documents laissés par un missionnaire catholique français et un capitaine acadien de navire marchand qui avait des liens avec les Antilles ont révélé que des Noirs furent réduits à l’esclavage et engagés dans d’autres relations de travail non libres par un réseau d’Acadiens de premier plan. Analysées et mises en dialogue avec des études de portée plus large portant sur l’esclavage dans les Maritimes et le silence de la mémoire collective acadienne, ces sources placent deux chefs de file bien connus de la communauté acadienne aux côtés d’autres propriétaires d’esclaves loyalistes dans les premiers temps de la Nouvelle-Écosse. Les héritiers de ces deux hommes ont signé une pétition adressée à l’Assemblée législative de la province en 1807 pour assurer que des esclaves demeuraient leur propriété, à une époque où, par ailleurs, le sentiment anti-esclavagiste et la politique abolitionniste gagnaient en influence dans l’Empire britannique. Documents left by a French Roman Catholic missionary and an Acadian merchant captain with Caribbean connections have revealed that Black people were enslaved by, and in other unfree and labouring relations with, a prominent Acadian network. Analyzed and placed into conversation with broader studies of Maritime slavery and the silences of Acadian public memory, these sources position two well-known Acadian community leaders alongside other Loyalist slaveholders in early Nova Scotia. The heirs of these two men signed an 1807 petition to the provincial legislature to secure their property in slaves at a time when anti-slavery sentiment and abolitionist policy were otherwise gaining influence in the British Empire.","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135532843","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1353/aca.2023.a907886
Hannah M. Lane
When the Personal is Historical Hannah M. Lane (bio) WHETHER CORRESPONDENCE, LIFE WRITINGS, or other personal records, first-person sources have long been a staple for scholars from biographers to historians of cultural production and social practices in particular places. The two books reviewed here–Ruth Compton Brouwer’s All Things in Common: A Canadian Family and Its Island Utopia and Michael Boudreau and Bonnie Huskins’s Just the Usual Work: The Social Worlds of Ida Martin, Working-Class Diarist1–share a number of common themes with key works in Atlantic Canadian history that primarily use private records. But these two books are distinctive in that they focus on a family during more than one generation and, in Brouwer’s case, during more than one century.2 Many studies based on correspondence and life writings have focused on individuals, key moments, or particular themes. In Atlantic Canada, seafarers and their families3 along with those engaged in other specialized occupations such as medicine4 created life writings shaped by particular kinds of work. Loyalist5 and European settlers wrote about migration experiences shaped [End Page 147] by contemporary forces and events.6 The centenary of the First World War has drawn greater attention to first-person sources from soldiers, military nurses, and families on the home front, inspiring new studies as well as contextualized editions of war diaries such as those published by Island Studies Press or in the New Brunswick Military Heritage Series.7 Studies of outmigration from the region, a subtheme for some family members in All Things in Common, also rely on first-person sources, whether family correspondence or personal recollections.8 In many life writings from Atlantic Canada, work, family, and local community9 combine with broader themes from the history of childhood and the life course10 or even [End Page 148] environmental history.11 And some life writings fuse work and introspection, such as diaries kept by clergy.12 Scholars have often found the cultural practices of writing and preserving diaries in individuals inf luenced by those strands of Anglo-American Protestantism that emphasized the importance of literacy, self-reflection, and the keeping of spiritual histories.13 As Presbyterians or Baptists, the subjects of the two books reviewed here also fit partly within this tradition. Another significant subcategory within the genre of religious life writings are the earliest published life writings of Black people.14 Yet Indigenous peoples, Acadians, and Black people are underrepresented in life writings from earlier centuries.15 Manuscript recollections, published memoirs, and gathered oral [End Page 149] histories are more available from a broader range of social groups for 20th century biographies16 and other studies.17 In earlier centuries, most of these kinds of life writings were produced by men, and men’s diaries combining intellectually or religiously informed reflection with rec
{"title":"When the Personal is Historical","authors":"Hannah M. Lane","doi":"10.1353/aca.2023.a907886","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2023.a907886","url":null,"abstract":"When the Personal is Historical Hannah M. Lane (bio) WHETHER CORRESPONDENCE, LIFE WRITINGS, or other personal records, first-person sources have long been a staple for scholars from biographers to historians of cultural production and social practices in particular places. The two books reviewed here–Ruth Compton Brouwer’s All Things in Common: A Canadian Family and Its Island Utopia and Michael Boudreau and Bonnie Huskins’s Just the Usual Work: The Social Worlds of Ida Martin, Working-Class Diarist1–share a number of common themes with key works in Atlantic Canadian history that primarily use private records. But these two books are distinctive in that they focus on a family during more than one generation and, in Brouwer’s case, during more than one century.2 Many studies based on correspondence and life writings have focused on individuals, key moments, or particular themes. In Atlantic Canada, seafarers and their families3 along with those engaged in other specialized occupations such as medicine4 created life writings shaped by particular kinds of work. Loyalist5 and European settlers wrote about migration experiences shaped [End Page 147] by contemporary forces and events.6 The centenary of the First World War has drawn greater attention to first-person sources from soldiers, military nurses, and families on the home front, inspiring new studies as well as contextualized editions of war diaries such as those published by Island Studies Press or in the New Brunswick Military Heritage Series.7 Studies of outmigration from the region, a subtheme for some family members in All Things in Common, also rely on first-person sources, whether family correspondence or personal recollections.8 In many life writings from Atlantic Canada, work, family, and local community9 combine with broader themes from the history of childhood and the life course10 or even [End Page 148] environmental history.11 And some life writings fuse work and introspection, such as diaries kept by clergy.12 Scholars have often found the cultural practices of writing and preserving diaries in individuals inf luenced by those strands of Anglo-American Protestantism that emphasized the importance of literacy, self-reflection, and the keeping of spiritual histories.13 As Presbyterians or Baptists, the subjects of the two books reviewed here also fit partly within this tradition. Another significant subcategory within the genre of religious life writings are the earliest published life writings of Black people.14 Yet Indigenous peoples, Acadians, and Black people are underrepresented in life writings from earlier centuries.15 Manuscript recollections, published memoirs, and gathered oral [End Page 149] histories are more available from a broader range of social groups for 20th century biographies16 and other studies.17 In earlier centuries, most of these kinds of life writings were produced by men, and men’s diaries combining intellectually or religiously informed reflection with rec","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"127 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135532829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1353/aca.2023.a907884
Ronald Rudin
Abstract: En juin 1959, la flottille de pêche partie du quai d’Escuminac, dans le nord-est du Nouveau-Brunswick, fut frappée par un ouragan qui causa la mort de 35 hommes. Le désastre d’Escuminac, l’une des pires catastrophes de l’histoire de la province à s’être produites dans le cadre du travail, engendra de grandes difficultés pour les personnes à charge que ces pêcheurs laissèrent derrière eux et dont les ressources étaient limitées. En réponse, des dirigeants de la province, tant laïques que religieux, constituèrent Le fonds de secours du désastre maritime du Nouveau-Brunswick. Les administrateurs du fonds, pour la plupart des anglophones bien nantis, eurent du mal à comprendre les stratégies de survie employées par les familles, qui étaient pauvres et dont bon nombre étaient acadiennes. Abstract: In June 1959, the fishing fleet leaving from the wharf at Escuminac in northeastern New Brunswick was struck by a hurricane resulting in the deaths of 35 men. The Escuminac Disaster was one of the worst work-related disasters in the province’s history, creating a significant challenge for dependents left behind with limited resources. In response, provincial leaders–both secular and religious–created the New Brunswick Fishermen’s Disaster Fund. The administrators of the fund, mostly well-to-do and English-speaking, exhibited great difficulty in understanding the survival strategies employed by families, all of whom were poor and many of whom were Acadian.
{"title":"After the Escuminac Disaster: Poverty and Paternalism in Miramichi Bay, New Brunswick","authors":"Ronald Rudin","doi":"10.1353/aca.2023.a907884","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2023.a907884","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: En juin 1959, la flottille de pêche partie du quai d’Escuminac, dans le nord-est du Nouveau-Brunswick, fut frappée par un ouragan qui causa la mort de 35 hommes. Le désastre d’Escuminac, l’une des pires catastrophes de l’histoire de la province à s’être produites dans le cadre du travail, engendra de grandes difficultés pour les personnes à charge que ces pêcheurs laissèrent derrière eux et dont les ressources étaient limitées. En réponse, des dirigeants de la province, tant laïques que religieux, constituèrent Le fonds de secours du désastre maritime du Nouveau-Brunswick. Les administrateurs du fonds, pour la plupart des anglophones bien nantis, eurent du mal à comprendre les stratégies de survie employées par les familles, qui étaient pauvres et dont bon nombre étaient acadiennes. Abstract: In June 1959, the fishing fleet leaving from the wharf at Escuminac in northeastern New Brunswick was struck by a hurricane resulting in the deaths of 35 men. The Escuminac Disaster was one of the worst work-related disasters in the province’s history, creating a significant challenge for dependents left behind with limited resources. In response, provincial leaders–both secular and religious–created the New Brunswick Fishermen’s Disaster Fund. The administrators of the fund, mostly well-to-do and English-speaking, exhibited great difficulty in understanding the survival strategies employed by families, all of whom were poor and many of whom were Acadian.","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"484 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135532832","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1353/aca.2023.a907882
William R. Miles, Michael E. Vance
Abstract: Des soldats britanniques démobilisés s’établirent dans tout l’empire britannique après les guerres napoléoniennes, y compris en Nouvelle-Écosse. À la suite de la guerre de 1812, un groupe d’anciens militaires furent établis le long de la route d’Annapolis pour assurer une voie terrestre entre Halifax et Annapolis Royal. Malgré l’échec global du projet de colonisation, les anciens soldats restés sur leurs concessions purent le faire grâce à leurs liens avec le régiment, à leurs relations familiales et confessionnelles et au soutien de l’État par l’entremise des pensions de retraite de l’armée britannique. En permettant la réalisation des revendications impériales, ces colons soldats contribuèrent à la perturbations des collectivités mi’kmaq de l’intérieur de la colonie. Abstract: Demobilized British soldiers settled throughout the British Empire after the Napoleonic Wars, including Nova Scotia. In the aftermath of the War of 1812, a group of veterans were located along the Annapolis Road to provide a land route between Halifax and Annapolis Royal. Despite the overall failure of the settlement scheme, the veterans who remained on their land grants were able to do so because of regimental links, family and denominational ties, and state support through British Army pensions. In realizing imperial claims, these soldier settlers contributed to the disruption of Mi’kmaw communities in the interior of the colony.
摘要:拿破仑战争后，复员的英国士兵在整个大英帝国定居，包括新斯科舍省。1812年战争之后，一群退伍军人沿着安纳波利斯公路建立了一条从哈利法克斯到安纳波利斯皇家的陆路。尽管殖民计划总体上失败了，但留在租界的前士兵能够做到这一点，是因为他们与团的关系，他们的家庭和宗教关系，以及国家通过英国军队养老金的支持。通过允许帝国的要求得到满足，这些士兵定居者帮助扰乱了殖民地内部的米克马克社区。文摘:British soldiers Demobilized马上给不列颠帝国的一切情况》(the Napoleonic Wars(包括新斯科舍省。在1812年战争之后，一群退伍军人沿着安纳波利斯路，在哈利法克斯和安纳波利斯皇家之间提供了一条陆地路线。尽管定居计划总体上失败了，但保留土地拨款的退伍军人能够这样做，因为他们的团契、家庭和教会关系，以及通过英国陆军养老金的国家支持。imperial claim, these In 33认识战士定居者付多少“骚乱”拉布communities In the interior of the colony)。
{"title":"“Located on Land in Nova Scotia”: British Soldier Settlement after the Napoleonic Wars","authors":"William R. Miles, Michael E. Vance","doi":"10.1353/aca.2023.a907882","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2023.a907882","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Des soldats britanniques démobilisés s’établirent dans tout l’empire britannique après les guerres napoléoniennes, y compris en Nouvelle-Écosse. À la suite de la guerre de 1812, un groupe d’anciens militaires furent établis le long de la route d’Annapolis pour assurer une voie terrestre entre Halifax et Annapolis Royal. Malgré l’échec global du projet de colonisation, les anciens soldats restés sur leurs concessions purent le faire grâce à leurs liens avec le régiment, à leurs relations familiales et confessionnelles et au soutien de l’État par l’entremise des pensions de retraite de l’armée britannique. En permettant la réalisation des revendications impériales, ces colons soldats contribuèrent à la perturbations des collectivités mi’kmaq de l’intérieur de la colonie. Abstract: Demobilized British soldiers settled throughout the British Empire after the Napoleonic Wars, including Nova Scotia. In the aftermath of the War of 1812, a group of veterans were located along the Annapolis Road to provide a land route between Halifax and Annapolis Royal. Despite the overall failure of the settlement scheme, the veterans who remained on their land grants were able to do so because of regimental links, family and denominational ties, and state support through British Army pensions. In realizing imperial claims, these soldier settlers contributed to the disruption of Mi’kmaw communities in the interior of the colony.","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"70 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135532841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1353/aca.2023.a907887
Daryl Leeworthy
The Great Unravelling: New Histories of Deindustrialization Daryl Leeworthy (bio) DEINDUSTRIALIZATION IS A PROCESS, NOT AN EVENT. Historians have long understood this, although the field of deindustrialization studies is itself of more recent vintage.1 The socio-economic and political implications of colliery closures, the shutting of steelworks, and the loss of cod and lobster fisheries, papermills, and other large-scale primary industries has served as a catalyst for community activism and scholarly activity in Atlantic Canada, as elsewhere, for half a century. Writing in Acadiensis in 2000, as part of the famous debate on region and regionalism, Colin Howell recalled that one of the founding aspirations of the Acadiensis Generation was to make Canadians outside of Atlantic Canada “aware of how capitalism worked to the [region’s] disadvantage”; he also noted that in his Atlantic Canada Studies classes at Saint Mary’s from the 1970s onwards, discussions centred on historical industrialization and contemporary deindustrialization.2 It is, by now, well understood that the latter is experienced from below and, in the words of Christopher H. Johnson, often “engenders quiescence, the internalization of despair.”3 Industrial communities, once so central to the national story as drivers of development, as absorbers of migrants, as modernity embodied in the white heat of production, are pushed to the margins: disregarded, peripheralized, stereotyped, and subjected to every whim of the metropolitan fallacy–part of the false narrative that the big, modern city leads and the [End Page 158] ex-coalfields or ex-steeltowns or ex-papertowns or ex-fishing villages all follow along behind like an Oliver Twist asking for more. No one who has spent any time in a former industrial community can escape the palpable sense of loss that pervades, particularly amongst those older generations who were witness-participants to what was once there. To grow up in such a place, as did I and the writers of the two books under discussion here–Steven High’s One Job Town: Work, Belonging and Betrayal in Northern Ontario and Lachlan MacKinnon’s Closing Sysco: Industrial Decline in Atlantic Canada’s Steel City–is to be rooted in a very particular mode of collective storytelling and of history writing.4 Memory acts as palimpsest. An empty patch of waste land is still called “the pit,” a squared-off parcel, not far away is called “the pony field” because this is where the colliery horses went during their holidays or (if they were fortunate) their retirement, a house holds onto to its tarnished reputation because a former inhabitant once broke a strike. Descendants, whether they live in the stained dwelling or not, retain the black mark of the “scab”; they are never fully trusted and never entirely integrated into the common weal of what is, otherwise, their home, their community. As Lachlan MacKinnon aptly describes in the introduction to Closing Sysco, “The historical moment in whi
大解体:去工业化的新历史达里尔·利沃西(生物)去工业化是一个过程，而不是一个事件。历史学家早就明白这一点，尽管去工业化的研究领域本身是最近才出现的半个世纪以来，煤矿关闭、钢铁厂关闭、鳕鱼和龙虾渔业、造纸厂和其他大型初级产业的损失所带来的社会经济和政治影响，与其他地方一样，成为加拿大大西洋地区社区行动主义和学术活动的催化剂。2000年，作为著名的地区和地区主义辩论的一部分，科林·豪厄尔(Colin Howell)用阿卡迪厄斯(Acadiensis)写道，阿卡迪厄斯一代的创始愿望之一是让加拿大大西洋沿岸以外的加拿大人“意识到资本主义是如何对(该地区)不利的”;他还指出，从1970年代起，他在圣玛丽大学的加拿大大西洋研究课上，讨论的重点是历史上的工业化和当代的去工业化到目前为止，人们已经很清楚，后者是从下层经历的，用克里斯托弗·h·约翰逊(Christopher H. Johnson)的话来说，它经常“导致沉默，使绝望内化”。工业社区曾经作为发展的推动者、移民的吸收者、体现在生产白热化中的现代性，在国家故事中如此重要，现在却被推到了边缘;被忽视、被边缘化、被定型，并屈从于都市谬论的每一个奇思怪想——这是现代大城市所引领的错误叙述的一部分，而前煤田、前钢铁城、前纸镇或前渔村都像雾都孤儿一样跟在后面，要求得到更多。在前工业社区待过一段时间的人，都免不了那种无处不在的明显失落感，尤其是那些曾经是那里的见证者和参与者的老一辈人。在这样的地方长大，就像我和这里讨论的两本书的作者一样——史蒂文·海的《一个工作小镇:安大略省北部的工作、归属和背叛》和拉克兰·麦金农的《关闭的Sysco:大西洋加拿大钢铁城的工业衰退》——植根于一种非常特殊的集体叙事和历史写作模式记忆起着重写的作用。一片空旷的荒地仍然被称为“坑”，不远处的一块正方形的土地被称为“小马场”，因为这是煤矿里的马在假期或(如果它们幸运的话)退休时去的地方，一所房子因为以前的居民曾经罢工而保持着它的污点声誉。子孙后代，无论是否生活在污迹斑斑的居所，都保留着“痂”的黑色印记;他们从来没有被完全信任，也从来没有完全融入到他们的家园、他们的社区的共同福利中。正如拉克兰·麦金农在《关闭Sysco》的引言中恰当地描述的那样，“我成长的历史时刻完全是由之前发生的事情决定的。它一直处于工业前沿。去工业化的现在和后工业化的未来是工业过去的巨大解体的直接结果——在过去，社区聚集在矿坑、钢铁厂、造纸厂周围，同时产生了一种独特的、系谱的地方和人的感觉，或者一个地方的身份。对于置身于这种语境之外的读者来说，他们会很明显地看到，这些语言往往是多么情绪化，仿佛这是用挽歌而不是散文写成的历史。因此，在《一个工作小镇》的序言中，史蒂文·海写道，安大略省北部斯特金瀑布市的造纸厂“突然被洗劫”，里面的东西要么被运走，要么被“碾成粉末”。很明显，对于两位作者来说，这是他们的个人历史，在他们的观察和他们的参与之间的第四堵墙经常破碎或完全被抛弃。“我不能假装自己是一个对这个正在展开的故事不感兴趣的观察者，”海暗示地写道。“我在斯特金身上看到了整个地区所面临的经济和政治危机的一个缩影。这种联系感在自下而上书写的历史中并不罕见，尽管，埃里克认为……
{"title":"The Great Unravelling: New Histories of Deindustrialization","authors":"Daryl Leeworthy","doi":"10.1353/aca.2023.a907887","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2023.a907887","url":null,"abstract":"The Great Unravelling: New Histories of Deindustrialization Daryl Leeworthy (bio) DEINDUSTRIALIZATION IS A PROCESS, NOT AN EVENT. Historians have long understood this, although the field of deindustrialization studies is itself of more recent vintage.1 The socio-economic and political implications of colliery closures, the shutting of steelworks, and the loss of cod and lobster fisheries, papermills, and other large-scale primary industries has served as a catalyst for community activism and scholarly activity in Atlantic Canada, as elsewhere, for half a century. Writing in Acadiensis in 2000, as part of the famous debate on region and regionalism, Colin Howell recalled that one of the founding aspirations of the Acadiensis Generation was to make Canadians outside of Atlantic Canada “aware of how capitalism worked to the [region’s] disadvantage”; he also noted that in his Atlantic Canada Studies classes at Saint Mary’s from the 1970s onwards, discussions centred on historical industrialization and contemporary deindustrialization.2 It is, by now, well understood that the latter is experienced from below and, in the words of Christopher H. Johnson, often “engenders quiescence, the internalization of despair.”3 Industrial communities, once so central to the national story as drivers of development, as absorbers of migrants, as modernity embodied in the white heat of production, are pushed to the margins: disregarded, peripheralized, stereotyped, and subjected to every whim of the metropolitan fallacy–part of the false narrative that the big, modern city leads and the [End Page 158] ex-coalfields or ex-steeltowns or ex-papertowns or ex-fishing villages all follow along behind like an Oliver Twist asking for more. No one who has spent any time in a former industrial community can escape the palpable sense of loss that pervades, particularly amongst those older generations who were witness-participants to what was once there. To grow up in such a place, as did I and the writers of the two books under discussion here–Steven High’s One Job Town: Work, Belonging and Betrayal in Northern Ontario and Lachlan MacKinnon’s Closing Sysco: Industrial Decline in Atlantic Canada’s Steel City–is to be rooted in a very particular mode of collective storytelling and of history writing.4 Memory acts as palimpsest. An empty patch of waste land is still called “the pit,” a squared-off parcel, not far away is called “the pony field” because this is where the colliery horses went during their holidays or (if they were fortunate) their retirement, a house holds onto to its tarnished reputation because a former inhabitant once broke a strike. Descendants, whether they live in the stained dwelling or not, retain the black mark of the “scab”; they are never fully trusted and never entirely integrated into the common weal of what is, otherwise, their home, their community. As Lachlan MacKinnon aptly describes in the introduction to Closing Sysco, “The historical moment in whi","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135532844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1353/aca.2023.a907885
Susan Parker
Abstract: Depuis les années 1960, les études muséales et commémoratives ont délaissé les récits axés uniquement sur la colonisation pour favoriser l’inclusion des points de vue des Autochtones et des Noirs. Bien que certains critiques aient condamné l’utilisation abusive que des institutions font de la décolonisation et de la diversité comme des mots à la mode au lieu d’entretenir un dialogue avec les créateurs et leurs communautés, on a observé en Nouvelle-Écosse des progrès considérables au sein des institutions et dans les espaces publics de la province, comme en font foi l’embauche de spécialistes de la commémoration issus des communautés noires et autochtones, la création d’expositions et de musées ou de centres axés sur les perspectives de celles-ci, et la réappropriation d’espaces publics tels que des parcs, des rues et des édifices. Abstract: Since the 1960s, there has been a shift in commemoration and museum studies away from settler-only narratives and towards institutional inclusion of Indigenous and Black perspectives. While some critics have condemned institutional misuse of decolonization and diversity, in Nova Scotia there has been meaningful engagement with Black and Indigenous creators and their communities in the province’s institutions and public spaces. This is evidenced by the hiring of Indigenous and Black commemoration professionals, the creation of exhibits and museums/centres that focus on these perspectives, and the ongoing reclamation of public spaces such as parks, streets, and buildings.
{"title":"“Our Story is Your Story”: Examining Recent Scholarship on Indigenous and Black Commemorations with a Nova Scotian Focus","authors":"Susan Parker","doi":"10.1353/aca.2023.a907885","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2023.a907885","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Depuis les années 1960, les études muséales et commémoratives ont délaissé les récits axés uniquement sur la colonisation pour favoriser l’inclusion des points de vue des Autochtones et des Noirs. Bien que certains critiques aient condamné l’utilisation abusive que des institutions font de la décolonisation et de la diversité comme des mots à la mode au lieu d’entretenir un dialogue avec les créateurs et leurs communautés, on a observé en Nouvelle-Écosse des progrès considérables au sein des institutions et dans les espaces publics de la province, comme en font foi l’embauche de spécialistes de la commémoration issus des communautés noires et autochtones, la création d’expositions et de musées ou de centres axés sur les perspectives de celles-ci, et la réappropriation d’espaces publics tels que des parcs, des rues et des édifices. Abstract: Since the 1960s, there has been a shift in commemoration and museum studies away from settler-only narratives and towards institutional inclusion of Indigenous and Black perspectives. While some critics have condemned institutional misuse of decolonization and diversity, in Nova Scotia there has been meaningful engagement with Black and Indigenous creators and their communities in the province’s institutions and public spaces. This is evidenced by the hiring of Indigenous and Black commemoration professionals, the creation of exhibits and museums/centres that focus on these perspectives, and the ongoing reclamation of public spaces such as parks, streets, and buildings.","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"201 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135532846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1353/aca.2023.a907880
Erin Morton, Peter L. Twohig
Co-editors’ Note Erin Morton and Peter L. Twohig THE SPRING 2023 ISSUE IS THE FIRST FULLY DIGITAL EDITION OF ACADIENSIS. We face a changing world when it comes to publishing and moving towards more accessible, digital, and open access formats. From a political perspective, the goal of Acadiensis has always been to publish the finest scholarship on the Atlantic region, while making space for new analytical paths. For more than 50 years, Acadiensis has continued to reach new audiences. We open this issue with a research article that examines Acadian histories of enslaving people of African descent. Colby Gaudet examines two prominent Acadian community leaders alongside well-known Loyalist enslavers in the early 18th century, offering an important perspective into the interconnected networks of Acadian and British Empire slavery. William R. Miles and Michael E. Vance’s research article focuses on settler colonialism and British soldier settlement following the War of 1812 along the Annapolis Road, a land route connecting Halifax to Annapolis Royal. The authors demonstrate how these “soldier settlers” contributed to the further disruption of Mi’kmaw communities in the interior of Nova Scotia. Katherine Crooks’s research article analyzes Mina Hubbard’s Labrador expedition to illustrate how her important standing as a traveller and witness to the north was shaped both through her empirical observations and her writing. Crooks demonstrates that this was a “two-part” process that was shaped through her gender and writing aspirations, but also through her negotiation of racial, physical, and moral issues. Ronald Rudin’s research article brings us into the mid-20th century to look at the survival mechanisms of poor Anglo and Acadian families navigating the New Brunswick Fishermen’s Disaster Fund. Using the 1959 Escuminac Disaster as a case study, Rudin shows the paternalistic interest that sharpened linguistic and religious divisions within the impacted communities. Finally, Susan Parker’s research article uses contemporary shifts in Canadian museology to examine the increased inclusion of Black and Indigenous histories in Nova Scotia museums while expanding into public history debates over colonial commemorations. [End Page 4] Hannah Lane’s review essay examines two recent books on life writing in the region–Ruth Compton Brouwer’s All Things in Common: A Canadian Family and Its Island Utopia and Michael Boudreau and Bonnie Huskins’s Just the Usual Work: The Social Worlds of Ida Martin, Working-Class Diarist. Daryl Leeworthy’s review essay looks at the history of deindustrialization in the region against broader scholarship by examining Steven High’s One Job Town: Work, Belonging and Betrayal in Northern Ontario and Lachlan MacKinnon’s Closing Sysco: Industrial Decline in Atlantic Canada’s Steel City. As co-editors, we were deeply saddened by the passing of Peter Kent and Elizabeth McGahan, both of whom were important scholars. As longstanding members of t
合著者的注释艾琳·莫顿和彼得·l·two - hig的春季2023年问题是第一个完全数字化版的ACADIENSIS。我们面临着一个不断变化的世界，当涉及到出版和向更容易获得的、数字化的和开放获取的格式发展时。从政治角度来看，Acadiensis的目标一直是发表大西洋地区最优秀的学术成果，同时为新的分析路径腾出空间。50多年来，《Acadiensis》不断吸引新的受众。我们以一篇研究文章作为这期的开篇，这篇文章探讨了阿卡迪亚人奴役非洲人后裔的历史。Colby Gaudet考察了18世纪早期两位杰出的阿卡迪亚社区领袖和著名的保皇派奴隶，为阿卡迪亚和大英帝国的奴隶制相互联系的网络提供了一个重要的视角。威廉·r·迈尔斯(William R. Miles)和迈克尔·e·万斯(Michael E. Vance)的研究文章主要关注1812年战争后，沿着安纳波利斯路(一条连接哈利法克斯和安纳波利斯皇家的陆路)的定居者殖民主义和英国士兵定居点。作者展示了这些“士兵定居者”如何进一步破坏了新斯科舍省内陆的米克莫社区。凯瑟琳·克鲁克斯的研究文章分析了米娜·哈伯德的拉布拉多探险，以说明她作为北方旅行者和见证者的重要地位是如何通过她的经验观察和她的写作来塑造的。克鲁克斯表明，这是一个“两步走”的过程，不仅是由她的性别和写作愿望塑造的，而且是通过她对种族、身体和道德问题的协商塑造的。罗纳德·鲁丁(Ronald Rudin)的研究文章将我们带到了20世纪中期，看看贫穷的盎格鲁和阿卡迪亚家庭在新不伦瑞克渔民灾难基金中的生存机制。以1959年的埃斯库米纳克灾难为例，鲁丁展示了家长式的兴趣在受影响的社区中加剧了语言和宗教分歧。最后，苏珊·帕克的研究文章利用加拿大博物馆学的当代变化来研究新斯科舍省博物馆中越来越多的黑人和土著历史，同时扩展到关于殖民纪念的公共历史辩论。汉娜·莱恩的评论文章考察了最近出版的两本关于该地区生活写作的书——露丝·康普顿·布劳威尔的《所有的东西都是共同的:一个加拿大家庭及其乌托邦岛》和迈克尔·布德罗和邦妮·哈斯金斯的《平凡的工作:工人阶级日记作家艾达·马丁的社会世界》。Daryl Leeworthy的评论文章通过考察Steven High的《一个工作小镇:安大略北部的工作、归属和背叛》和Lachlan MacKinnon的《关闭的Sysco:加拿大大西洋钢铁城的工业衰退》，对比了该地区去工业化的历史。作为联合编辑，我们对彼得·肯特和伊丽莎白·麦格汉的逝世深感悲痛，他们都是重要的学者。作为编辑委员会的长期成员，他们多年来为《阿卡迪亚人》的发展做出了重要贡献，包括彼得长期担任委员会秘书，贝丝对文章进行了许多严格的审查。我们向贝丝和彼得的家人以及亲密的朋友和同事表示诚挚的哀悼。我们的编辑团队致力于为读者提供多种语言的内容，包括我们生活和研究的地区的土著语言。展望未来，我们希望使用新的数位格式来增加法文内容，并邀请该地区Mi 'kmaw、Peskotomuhkati、W last kwey/Wolastoqey、Innu和Inuit作者投稿(以他们选择的正字法)，加入原住民语言内容。如果这些土著作家用英语或法语写作，Acadiensis要么将他们的作品翻译成土著语言，要么将200字的扩展摘要翻译成土著语言。在这一期中，虽然我们不提供这些语言的内容，但我们很高兴地告诉大家，我们目前正在翻译两篇W·last kwey/Wolastoqey的摘要，这两篇摘要应该会和更长的英文摘要一起出现在即将到来的秋季刊中。这是我们在Wabanaki地区和平友好生活的持续义务的重要组成部分，我们的杂志办事处就设在那里，我们必须不断重申自己告诉……
{"title":"Co-editors’ Note","authors":"Erin Morton, Peter L. Twohig","doi":"10.1353/aca.2023.a907880","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2023.a907880","url":null,"abstract":"Co-editors’ Note Erin Morton and Peter L. Twohig THE SPRING 2023 ISSUE IS THE FIRST FULLY DIGITAL EDITION OF ACADIENSIS. We face a changing world when it comes to publishing and moving towards more accessible, digital, and open access formats. From a political perspective, the goal of Acadiensis has always been to publish the finest scholarship on the Atlantic region, while making space for new analytical paths. For more than 50 years, Acadiensis has continued to reach new audiences. We open this issue with a research article that examines Acadian histories of enslaving people of African descent. Colby Gaudet examines two prominent Acadian community leaders alongside well-known Loyalist enslavers in the early 18th century, offering an important perspective into the interconnected networks of Acadian and British Empire slavery. William R. Miles and Michael E. Vance’s research article focuses on settler colonialism and British soldier settlement following the War of 1812 along the Annapolis Road, a land route connecting Halifax to Annapolis Royal. The authors demonstrate how these “soldier settlers” contributed to the further disruption of Mi’kmaw communities in the interior of Nova Scotia. Katherine Crooks’s research article analyzes Mina Hubbard’s Labrador expedition to illustrate how her important standing as a traveller and witness to the north was shaped both through her empirical observations and her writing. Crooks demonstrates that this was a “two-part” process that was shaped through her gender and writing aspirations, but also through her negotiation of racial, physical, and moral issues. Ronald Rudin’s research article brings us into the mid-20th century to look at the survival mechanisms of poor Anglo and Acadian families navigating the New Brunswick Fishermen’s Disaster Fund. Using the 1959 Escuminac Disaster as a case study, Rudin shows the paternalistic interest that sharpened linguistic and religious divisions within the impacted communities. Finally, Susan Parker’s research article uses contemporary shifts in Canadian museology to examine the increased inclusion of Black and Indigenous histories in Nova Scotia museums while expanding into public history debates over colonial commemorations. [End Page 4] Hannah Lane’s review essay examines two recent books on life writing in the region–Ruth Compton Brouwer’s All Things in Common: A Canadian Family and Its Island Utopia and Michael Boudreau and Bonnie Huskins’s Just the Usual Work: The Social Worlds of Ida Martin, Working-Class Diarist. Daryl Leeworthy’s review essay looks at the history of deindustrialization in the region against broader scholarship by examining Steven High’s One Job Town: Work, Belonging and Betrayal in Northern Ontario and Lachlan MacKinnon’s Closing Sysco: Industrial Decline in Atlantic Canada’s Steel City. As co-editors, we were deeply saddened by the passing of Peter Kent and Elizabeth McGahan, both of whom were important scholars. As longstanding members of t","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"91 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135532826","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1353/aca.2023.a907883
Katherine Crooks
Abstract: Cet article porte sur l’expédition réalisée en 1905 par la Canadienne Mina Hubbard à travers le Labrador et la péninsule d’Ungava. Ce faisant, il examine la notion d’explorateur/voyageur nordique non autochtone en tant que témoin. Il considère deux pratiques qui furent essentielles à Hubbard dans la construction et la mise en scène de son identité en tant qu’exploratrice : l’observation empirique et la publication de ses travaux. Les efforts de Hubbard pour se présenter comme une personne digne de témoigner des régions nordiques, en compétition avec ses guides des régions sauvages, mettent aussi en relief les types d’identités de race, de classes sociales et de genre qui étaient exclus de l’entreprise d’exploration des régions nordiques au tournant du siècle. Abstract: This article focuses on Canadian Mina Hubbard’s expedition through the Labrador-Ungava Peninsula in 1905. In so doing, it examines the notion of the northern non-Indigenous explorer/traveller as witness. It considers two practices that were essential to Hubbard in the construction and performance of her identity as an explorer: empirical observation and authorship. Hubbard’s efforts to present herself as a reliable northern witness, in contest with her wilderness guides, also highlight the kinds of racialized, classed, and gendered identities that were excluded from the work of northern exploration around the turn of the century.
摘要:这篇文章是关于1905年加拿大Mina Hubbard探险队穿越拉布拉多和ungava半岛。在此过程中，他考察了非土著北欧探险家/旅行者作为目击者的概念。他考虑了两种实践，这两种实践对哈伯德构建和展示她作为探索者的身份至关重要:经验观察和出版她的作品。Hubbard)来努力把自己塑造成一个人作证,北欧地区生长的,与其荒野导游大赛,还强调各类种族、阶级和性别认同而被排除在北欧地区的勘探公司在世纪之交。这篇文章的重点是1905年加拿大Mina hubbard通过拉布拉多-昂加瓦半岛的探险。在这样做的时候，它考察了北方非土著探险家/旅行者作为目击者的概念。大多数two practices that It were essential to Hubbard in the construction and performance of her as an身份:经验性观察和探索authorship。Hubbard’s努力此证身边有没有一个可靠的northern witness contest in with her荒野导游员、also highlight (the kinds of racialized classed、性别的认同that were排斥from the work of northern探索周围的the turn of the century)。
{"title":"“I am the first of my kind to see it”: Observation and Authorship in Mina Hubbard’s Performance as Labrador Explorer, 1905–1908","authors":"Katherine Crooks","doi":"10.1353/aca.2023.a907883","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2023.a907883","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Cet article porte sur l’expédition réalisée en 1905 par la Canadienne Mina Hubbard à travers le Labrador et la péninsule d’Ungava. Ce faisant, il examine la notion d’explorateur/voyageur nordique non autochtone en tant que témoin. Il considère deux pratiques qui furent essentielles à Hubbard dans la construction et la mise en scène de son identité en tant qu’exploratrice : l’observation empirique et la publication de ses travaux. Les efforts de Hubbard pour se présenter comme une personne digne de témoigner des régions nordiques, en compétition avec ses guides des régions sauvages, mettent aussi en relief les types d’identités de race, de classes sociales et de genre qui étaient exclus de l’entreprise d’exploration des régions nordiques au tournant du siècle. Abstract: This article focuses on Canadian Mina Hubbard’s expedition through the Labrador-Ungava Peninsula in 1905. In so doing, it examines the notion of the northern non-Indigenous explorer/traveller as witness. It considers two practices that were essential to Hubbard in the construction and performance of her identity as an explorer: empirical observation and authorship. Hubbard’s efforts to present herself as a reliable northern witness, in contest with her wilderness guides, also highlight the kinds of racialized, classed, and gendered identities that were excluded from the work of northern exploration around the turn of the century.","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"484 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135532840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
IN HIS 2014 PUBLICATION Second Nature: An Environmental History of New England, Richard Judd referred to the region stretching from Long Island Sound to the Gaspé Peninsula as a “landform known as the Maritime Peninsula.”1 Archaeologists use the term “maritime peninsula” to illustrate connections between pre-European-contact Native people in what is today New England and Atlantic Canada, and this is the context in which Judd used the term in his book. Earlier, in the introduction, Judd described New England as a “giant peninsula,” although without reference to Atlantic Canada (2). In the introduction to their collection of essays, Land and Sea: Environmental History in Atlantic Canada, Claire Campbell and Robert Summerby-Murray write: “For some time, environmental historians have argued against writing history within the confines of national boundaries . . . . Some scholars have suggested that we look not to nation-states but to bioregions.” Pointing to their own region, the authors note that “Atlantic Canada itself is a wonderful example of the artificial nature of political boundaries. Originally an invention of bureaucratic convenience, the region has rarely been anything approaching an organic alliance.”2 Such statements build upon a large collection of scholarly work from across disciplines that have identified New England and Atlantic Canada as a borderland – a region of shared cultural and social history and economic connections that are somewhat artificially divided by the political border separating the United States and Canada. Although this analytical framework has faded somewhat in recent years, with the most recent edited collection of essays utilizing it appearing in 2005 – Stephen Hornsby and John G. Reid’s New England and the Maritime Provinces: Connections and Comparisons3 – it still retains important methodological guidance for environmental historians. Among all sub-disciplines of history, environmental history might be the least dependent upon contemporary political borders. Yet even here most of our work still struggles to jump that border. Campbell and SummerbyMurray note the importance of balancing this approach with an appreciation for the uniqueness of locality: “Environmental historians must be true to these particular places, the distinctive features of the local” (4). By comparing local stories across a bio-region, or a borderland, the editors argue that “these common sensibilities create a regional sense of place” (4). But their regionalism is confined to Atlantic Canada. Within the essays themselves there is no breaking of international borders – only
{"title":"The Environmental Historiography of the Maritime Peninsula","authors":"B. Payne","doi":"10.1353/ACA.2016.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ACA.2016.0000","url":null,"abstract":"IN HIS 2014 PUBLICATION Second Nature: An Environmental History of New England, Richard Judd referred to the region stretching from Long Island Sound to the Gaspé Peninsula as a “landform known as the Maritime Peninsula.”1 Archaeologists use the term “maritime peninsula” to illustrate connections between pre-European-contact Native people in what is today New England and Atlantic Canada, and this is the context in which Judd used the term in his book. Earlier, in the introduction, Judd described New England as a “giant peninsula,” although without reference to Atlantic Canada (2). In the introduction to their collection of essays, Land and Sea: Environmental History in Atlantic Canada, Claire Campbell and Robert Summerby-Murray write: “For some time, environmental historians have argued against writing history within the confines of national boundaries . . . . Some scholars have suggested that we look not to nation-states but to bioregions.” Pointing to their own region, the authors note that “Atlantic Canada itself is a wonderful example of the artificial nature of political boundaries. Originally an invention of bureaucratic convenience, the region has rarely been anything approaching an organic alliance.”2 Such statements build upon a large collection of scholarly work from across disciplines that have identified New England and Atlantic Canada as a borderland – a region of shared cultural and social history and economic connections that are somewhat artificially divided by the political border separating the United States and Canada. Although this analytical framework has faded somewhat in recent years, with the most recent edited collection of essays utilizing it appearing in 2005 – Stephen Hornsby and John G. Reid’s New England and the Maritime Provinces: Connections and Comparisons3 – it still retains important methodological guidance for environmental historians. Among all sub-disciplines of history, environmental history might be the least dependent upon contemporary political borders. Yet even here most of our work still struggles to jump that border. Campbell and SummerbyMurray note the importance of balancing this approach with an appreciation for the uniqueness of locality: “Environmental historians must be true to these particular places, the distinctive features of the local” (4). By comparing local stories across a bio-region, or a borderland, the editors argue that “these common sensibilities create a regional sense of place” (4). But their regionalism is confined to Atlantic Canada. Within the essays themselves there is no breaking of international borders – only","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"45 1","pages":"163 - 177"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ACA.2016.0000","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66749321","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
THERE IS NO LONGER ANY REAL DISPUTE that the past, as distinct from traditions, is an invention based on a careful selection of apparently empirical evidence. Historians now accept that there is no “ultimate” truth; there are many perspectives or narratives, all valid and all exploring new realities and new truths. The current multi-streamed discourse in history, however, is fraught with impossible challenges for public historians. Some narratives focus on a heritage of achievement and triumph. Others will focus on exploitation and marginalization, which will in turn be denied by the narratives of the exploiters. Not all narratives can be accommodated equally without creating problems of imbalance or a diet of pablum. Such is the conundrum of the Canadian historian who would like to achieve that pleasant Canadian nirvana — consensus. The “invention” of the past has been the explicit subject of a significant body of work in recent years, much of it in the British or American context. The two most frequently cited books have provocative titles: The Invention of Tradition and Mickey Mouse History.1 Until recently, little similar work had been undertaken in the Canadian context, with the exception of excellent reviews of Canadian museums in the Journal of American History and some articles in journals such as Acadiensis.2 Recently several books have paid attention to this topic in a uniquely Canadian way. These include Donald B. Smith, From the Land of Shadows: The Making of Grey Owl (Saskatoon, Western Producer Prairie Books, 1990), Barbara Lawson, Collected Curios: Missionary Tales from the South Seas (Montreal, McGill University Libraries, 1994), Norman Knowles, Inventing the Loyalists: The Ontario Loyalist Tradition and the Creation of Usable Pasts (Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1997) and Sarah Carter, Capturing Women: The Manipulation of Cultural Imagery in Canada’s Prairie West (Montreal and Kingston, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1997). There are also two useful collections of essays and statements relevant to the field: Beverly Boutilier and Alison Prentice, eds., Creating Historical Memory: English-Canadian Women and the Work of History (Vancouver, UBC Press, 1997) and Thomas H.B. Symons ed., The Place of History: Commemorating Canada’s: Past Proceedings of the National Symposium held on the Occasion of the 75th Anniversary
{"title":"Who matters? Public history and the invention of the Canadian past","authors":"F. Pannekoek","doi":"10.11575/PRISM/29883","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.11575/PRISM/29883","url":null,"abstract":"THERE IS NO LONGER ANY REAL DISPUTE that the past, as distinct from traditions, is an invention based on a careful selection of apparently empirical evidence. Historians now accept that there is no “ultimate” truth; there are many perspectives or narratives, all valid and all exploring new realities and new truths. The current multi-streamed discourse in history, however, is fraught with impossible challenges for public historians. Some narratives focus on a heritage of achievement and triumph. Others will focus on exploitation and marginalization, which will in turn be denied by the narratives of the exploiters. Not all narratives can be accommodated equally without creating problems of imbalance or a diet of pablum. Such is the conundrum of the Canadian historian who would like to achieve that pleasant Canadian nirvana — consensus. The “invention” of the past has been the explicit subject of a significant body of work in recent years, much of it in the British or American context. The two most frequently cited books have provocative titles: The Invention of Tradition and Mickey Mouse History.1 Until recently, little similar work had been undertaken in the Canadian context, with the exception of excellent reviews of Canadian museums in the Journal of American History and some articles in journals such as Acadiensis.2 Recently several books have paid attention to this topic in a uniquely Canadian way. These include Donald B. Smith, From the Land of Shadows: The Making of Grey Owl (Saskatoon, Western Producer Prairie Books, 1990), Barbara Lawson, Collected Curios: Missionary Tales from the South Seas (Montreal, McGill University Libraries, 1994), Norman Knowles, Inventing the Loyalists: The Ontario Loyalist Tradition and the Creation of Usable Pasts (Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1997) and Sarah Carter, Capturing Women: The Manipulation of Cultural Imagery in Canada’s Prairie West (Montreal and Kingston, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1997). There are also two useful collections of essays and statements relevant to the field: Beverly Boutilier and Alison Prentice, eds., Creating Historical Memory: English-Canadian Women and the Work of History (Vancouver, UBC Press, 1997) and Thomas H.B. Symons ed., The Place of History: Commemorating Canada’s: Past Proceedings of the National Symposium held on the Occasion of the 75th Anniversary","PeriodicalId":51920,"journal":{"name":"ACADIENSIS","volume":"29 1","pages":"205"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2000-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64322690","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：