Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.21544/1809-3191.V25N3.P643-673
Vitelio Brustolin
The definition of terrorism and its differentiation from war and guerrilla warfare has been a problem for science, international relations and legal systems for decades. This article posits that defining terrorism requires also the definition of other warlike phenomena, so as not to conflate the acts or events. Therefore, the proposed criteria for defining terrorism and guerrilla warfare are presented as a means to differentiate their definitions from that of war. The methodology is a review of the concepts of the nature and essence of war, as described in the Carl von Clausewitz book, Vom Kriege (in the standard German edition of Hahlweg and its widely accepted English translation by Howard and Paret). These concepts were cross-analyzed with recent scientific discoveries about the behavior of social animals, with a focus on humans. The resulting classification allows historical or contemporary events to be evaluated to determine what kind of conflicts they are.
{"title":"Criteria for defining war, terrorism, and guerrilla warfare based on clausewitz’s concepts of the nature and essence of war","authors":"Vitelio Brustolin","doi":"10.21544/1809-3191.V25N3.P643-673","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21544/1809-3191.V25N3.P643-673","url":null,"abstract":"The definition of terrorism and its differentiation from war and guerrilla warfare has been a problem for science, international relations and legal systems for decades. This article posits that defining terrorism requires also the definition of other warlike phenomena, so as not to conflate the acts or events. Therefore, the proposed criteria for defining terrorism and guerrilla warfare are presented as a means to differentiate their definitions from that of war. The methodology is a review of the concepts of the nature and essence of war, as described in the Carl von Clausewitz book, Vom Kriege (in the standard German edition of Hahlweg and its widely accepted English translation by Howard and Paret). These concepts were cross-analyzed with recent scientific discoveries about the behavior of social animals, with a focus on humans. The resulting classification allows historical or contemporary events to be evaluated to determine what kind of conflicts they are.","PeriodicalId":52743,"journal":{"name":"Revista da Escola de Guerra Naval","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49349728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-07DOI: 10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p517-543
M. Rocha, Daniele Baltz da Fonseca
RESUMO Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar em que medida a teoria realista contribui para explicar a Questao Cibernetica e a ocorrencia de conflitos virtuais entre os Estados na atualidade. A pesquisa situa-se no contexto de que, nos ultimos anos, varios Estados no Sistema Internacional passaram a atribuir as suas Forcas Armadas a responsabilidade de Defesa nao somente contra ameacas fisicas, mas tambem contra aquelas com origem no espaco cibernetico. O que justifica a pesquisa e a contribuicao com a literatura existente sobre a tematica cibernetica que, na atualidade, ainda e relativamente reduzida. O estudo abordou o que caracteriza o conflito e o espaco cibernetico, bem como esse fenomeno impacta a percepcao de Seguranca dos Estados. Foi realizada uma breve revisao sobre o pensamento realista e de suas premissas fundamentais. A conclusao da pesquisa aponta para uma aplicabilidade da logica realista para a compreensao dos conflitos estatais em que atividades ciberneticas estejam presentes, de modo analogo ao que ja ocorre em conflitos convencionais no Sistema Internacional, mesmo existindo uma certa resistencia de alguns estudiosos dos conflitos interestatais, adeptos do pensamento realista, quanto a tematica cibernetica. ABSTRACT This research had as objective to analyze to what extent the realistic theory contributes to explain the Cybernetic Question and the occurrence of virtual conflicts between the States at the present time. The research is in the context of the fact that in recent years several States in the International System have started to assign their armed forces the responsibility of defense not only against physical threats but also against those originating in cyberspace. What justifies the research is the contribution with the existing literature on the cybernetic subject that, at present, still is relatively reduced. The study addressed what characterizes conflict and cyberspace, as well as this phenomenon impacts the perception of State Security. A brief review was made on realistic thinking and its fundamental premises. The conclusion of the research points to an applicability of the realist logic to the understanding of the state conflicts in which cybernetic activities are present, analogous to what already occurs in conventional conflicts in the International System, even though there is some resistance from some scholars of the interstate conflicts, adepts of the realist thought, on the cybernetic subject.
{"title":"A Questão Cibernética e o Pensamento Realista","authors":"M. Rocha, Daniele Baltz da Fonseca","doi":"10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p517-543","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p517-543","url":null,"abstract":"RESUMO Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar em que medida a teoria realista contribui para explicar a Questao Cibernetica e a ocorrencia de conflitos virtuais entre os Estados na atualidade. A pesquisa situa-se no contexto de que, nos ultimos anos, varios Estados no Sistema Internacional passaram a atribuir as suas Forcas Armadas a responsabilidade de Defesa nao somente contra ameacas fisicas, mas tambem contra aquelas com origem no espaco cibernetico. O que justifica a pesquisa e a contribuicao com a literatura existente sobre a tematica cibernetica que, na atualidade, ainda e relativamente reduzida. O estudo abordou o que caracteriza o conflito e o espaco cibernetico, bem como esse fenomeno impacta a percepcao de Seguranca dos Estados. Foi realizada uma breve revisao sobre o pensamento realista e de suas premissas fundamentais. A conclusao da pesquisa aponta para uma aplicabilidade da logica realista para a compreensao dos conflitos estatais em que atividades ciberneticas estejam presentes, de modo analogo ao que ja ocorre em conflitos convencionais no Sistema Internacional, mesmo existindo uma certa resistencia de alguns estudiosos dos conflitos interestatais, adeptos do pensamento realista, quanto a tematica cibernetica. ABSTRACT This research had as objective to analyze to what extent the realistic theory contributes to explain the Cybernetic Question and the occurrence of virtual conflicts between the States at the present time. The research is in the context of the fact that in recent years several States in the International System have started to assign their armed forces the responsibility of defense not only against physical threats but also against those originating in cyberspace. What justifies the research is the contribution with the existing literature on the cybernetic subject that, at present, still is relatively reduced. The study addressed what characterizes conflict and cyberspace, as well as this phenomenon impacts the perception of State Security. A brief review was made on realistic thinking and its fundamental premises. The conclusion of the research points to an applicability of the realist logic to the understanding of the state conflicts in which cybernetic activities are present, analogous to what already occurs in conventional conflicts in the International System, even though there is some resistance from some scholars of the interstate conflicts, adepts of the realist thought, on the cybernetic subject.","PeriodicalId":52743,"journal":{"name":"Revista da Escola de Guerra Naval","volume":"1192 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41279113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-07DOI: 10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p492-516
Giulia Scortegagna, Jeancezar Ditzz de Souza Ribeiro
RESUMO A partir de uma breve analise de sua atuacao no Conselho de Seguranca das Nacoes Unidas no bienio de 2010-2011 pretendese examinar a legitimidade dos discursos e lideranca da atuacao brasileira no Comite e nas Operacoes de Paz. Por ser um ator que preza por vias diplomaticas e multilaterais vem ganhando grande destaque dentro da Organizacao das Nacoes Unidas e nos instrumentos de manutencao da seguranca internacional. A MINUSTAH, missao no Haiti, teve grande repercussao, pois alem do componente militar ser liderado por um brasileiro, o pais se engajou de diversas formas, ate emocionalmente como dito pelo Chanceler Celso Amorim. Mas a grande problematica e: o Brasil seria um lider ? De qual forma isso se deu nos anos de 2010 e 2011 quando esteve como membro temporario no Conselho de Seguranca? E por fim, sua legitimidade emana das Missoes de Paz? ABSTRACT From a brief analysis of its performance in the United Nations Security Council during the 2010-2011 biennium it is intended to examine the legitimacy of the speeches and leadership of the brazilian performance in the Committee and Peacekeeping Operations. Brazil, as an actor who values diplomatic and multilateral means has gained great prominence within the United Nations Organization and in the instruments of maintenance of international security. The mission in Haiti, MINUSTAH, had great repercussions because besides the military component being led by a brazilian, Brazil was engaged in various forms, even emotionally as said by Chancellor Celso Amorim. But the major problem is: would Brazil be a leader? How did this happen in the years 2010 and 2011 when it was a temporary member of the Security Council? And finally, does its legitimacy emanate from the Missions of Peace?
{"title":"Brasil, um líder legítimo: Rumo ao assento permanente no Csnu mediante Operações de Paz","authors":"Giulia Scortegagna, Jeancezar Ditzz de Souza Ribeiro","doi":"10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p492-516","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p492-516","url":null,"abstract":"RESUMO A partir de uma breve analise de sua atuacao no Conselho de Seguranca das Nacoes Unidas no bienio de 2010-2011 pretendese examinar a legitimidade dos discursos e lideranca da atuacao brasileira no Comite e nas Operacoes de Paz. Por ser um ator que preza por vias diplomaticas e multilaterais vem ganhando grande destaque dentro da Organizacao das Nacoes Unidas e nos instrumentos de manutencao da seguranca internacional. A MINUSTAH, missao no Haiti, teve grande repercussao, pois alem do componente militar ser liderado por um brasileiro, o pais se engajou de diversas formas, ate emocionalmente como dito pelo Chanceler Celso Amorim. Mas a grande problematica e: o Brasil seria um lider ? De qual forma isso se deu nos anos de 2010 e 2011 quando esteve como membro temporario no Conselho de Seguranca? E por fim, sua legitimidade emana das Missoes de Paz? ABSTRACT From a brief analysis of its performance in the United Nations Security Council during the 2010-2011 biennium it is intended to examine the legitimacy of the speeches and leadership of the brazilian performance in the Committee and Peacekeeping Operations. Brazil, as an actor who values diplomatic and multilateral means has gained great prominence within the United Nations Organization and in the instruments of maintenance of international security. The mission in Haiti, MINUSTAH, had great repercussions because besides the military component being led by a brazilian, Brazil was engaged in various forms, even emotionally as said by Chancellor Celso Amorim. But the major problem is: would Brazil be a leader? How did this happen in the years 2010 and 2011 when it was a temporary member of the Security Council? And finally, does its legitimacy emanate from the Missions of Peace?","PeriodicalId":52743,"journal":{"name":"Revista da Escola de Guerra Naval","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49316226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-07DOI: 10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p315-345
Juliano da Silva Cortinhas
RESUMO O artigo analisa a importância do ambiente domestico nas discussoes do orcamento de defesa estadunidense por meio do caso do V-22 Osprey. Durante a gestao de George Bush, o Executivo propos o encerramento do programa por quatro anos seguidos, mas o Congresso impediu o corte. A argumentacao se desenvolve a partir da atuacao dos tres vertices do chamado Triângulo de Ferro (militares, congressistas e empresarios). Apesar de ser um programa ineficiente e que apresentou custos muito mais altos do que inicialmente previsto, esse conjunto de atores garantiu a sobrevivencia do Osprey devido a interesses especificos (politicos ou economicos) que possuiam em relacao ao programa. A discussao pretende demonstrar que as visoes que associam as decisoes estrategicas dos EUA somente ao ambiente internacional sao incompletas. O caso do V-22 e paradigmatico, mas nao isolado. A cada ano, diversos programas de armamentos se beneficiam de sua forca politica domestica para se manterem ativos. Desse modo, o artigo contribui para aprofundar o conhecimento sobre como interesses especificos comprometem decisoes estrategicas naquele pais. ABSTRACT The article analyzes the importance of the domestic environment in the American defense budget discussions through the V-22 Osprey case. During George Bush’s administration, the executive proposed closing the program for four straight years, but Congress prevented the cut. The argument is based on the analysis of the performance of the three vertices of the so-called Iron Triangle (military, congressmen and businessmen). Despite being an inefficient program that had much higher costs than initially anticipated, these actors ensured the Osprey’s survival because of the specific interests (political or economic) they had over the program. The discussion is intended to demonstrate that the views that associate US strategic decisions exclusively with the international environment are incomplete. The case of the V-22 is paradigmatic, but not isolated. Each year, various weapons’ programs benefit from their domestic political strength to remain active. Thus, the article contributes to the understanding of how specific interests compromise strategic decisions in that country.
{"title":"As pressões domésticas pela manutenção dos gastos com defesa pelos Estados Unidos: O caso do V-22 Osprey","authors":"Juliano da Silva Cortinhas","doi":"10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p315-345","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p315-345","url":null,"abstract":"RESUMO O artigo analisa a importância do ambiente domestico nas discussoes do orcamento de defesa estadunidense por meio do caso do V-22 Osprey. Durante a gestao de George Bush, o Executivo propos o encerramento do programa por quatro anos seguidos, mas o Congresso impediu o corte. A argumentacao se desenvolve a partir da atuacao dos tres vertices do chamado Triângulo de Ferro (militares, congressistas e empresarios). Apesar de ser um programa ineficiente e que apresentou custos muito mais altos do que inicialmente previsto, esse conjunto de atores garantiu a sobrevivencia do Osprey devido a interesses especificos (politicos ou economicos) que possuiam em relacao ao programa. A discussao pretende demonstrar que as visoes que associam as decisoes estrategicas dos EUA somente ao ambiente internacional sao incompletas. O caso do V-22 e paradigmatico, mas nao isolado. A cada ano, diversos programas de armamentos se beneficiam de sua forca politica domestica para se manterem ativos. Desse modo, o artigo contribui para aprofundar o conhecimento sobre como interesses especificos comprometem decisoes estrategicas naquele pais. ABSTRACT The article analyzes the importance of the domestic environment in the American defense budget discussions through the V-22 Osprey case. During George Bush’s administration, the executive proposed closing the program for four straight years, but Congress prevented the cut. The argument is based on the analysis of the performance of the three vertices of the so-called Iron Triangle (military, congressmen and businessmen). Despite being an inefficient program that had much higher costs than initially anticipated, these actors ensured the Osprey’s survival because of the specific interests (political or economic) they had over the program. The discussion is intended to demonstrate that the views that associate US strategic decisions exclusively with the international environment are incomplete. The case of the V-22 is paradigmatic, but not isolated. Each year, various weapons’ programs benefit from their domestic political strength to remain active. Thus, the article contributes to the understanding of how specific interests compromise strategic decisions in that country.","PeriodicalId":52743,"journal":{"name":"Revista da Escola de Guerra Naval","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44138070","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-07DOI: 10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p346-380
C. Piñon, Marcelo de Souza Barbosa
RESUMO A descoberta de jazidas de petroleo e gas no Mediterrâneo Oriental, mais precisamente na Bacia do Levante, suscitou o interesse de Israel e do Libano como uma forma de atingirem a autossuficiencia energetica e auferirem os ganhos economicos que a atividade “offshore” tem o potencial de prover. Contudo, os conflitos politicos e territoriais entre os dois paises sao ainda mais acirrados pela disputa por areas maritimas de exploracao desse importante ativo energetico. Nesse aspecto, destaca-se a necessidade de se definir a fronteira maritima entre Israel e o Libano como forma de possibilitar a plena exploracao dos ativos energeticos por ambos os paises. Para tal, o estudo busca identificar os atores regionais e internacionais que de alguma forma influenciam na problematica, os interesses e obstaculos que permeiam a producao de petroleo e gas na Bacia do Levante e quais os instrumentos legais que podem vir a viabilizar uma cooperacao, no sentido de se obter a delimitacao da citada fronteira maritima, criando assim condicoes minimas de seguranca para a producao “offshore” por parte dos dois paises em conflito. ABSTRACT The findings of oil and gas reserves in the Eastern Mediterranean, more specifically in the Levantine Basis, has aroused Israel and Lebanon concerns regarding the possibility of these energy sources provide both their energy self-sufficiency and the profitable earns which this economic activity has the potential to provide to. However, the political and territorial conflicts between those countries have been still more raised by the dispute of maritime areas implied in the exploitation of this important energetic asset. In this matter, the definition of maritime borders between Israel and Lebanon must be highlighted as a way to allow the full offshore exploitation by both countries. For this purpose, this article aims to identify regional and international actors which have the skills to interfere in this issue, the interests and obstacles related to Levantine Basis oil and gas production and the legal framework that can improve cooperation in order to get the maritime border delimitation. This way, it will be possible to create a security environment to allow full offshore exploitation by the contenders.
{"title":"A Delimitação de Fronteiras Marítimas e a Produção “Offshore”: Cooperação e Conflito entre Israel e o Líbano","authors":"C. Piñon, Marcelo de Souza Barbosa","doi":"10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p346-380","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p346-380","url":null,"abstract":"RESUMO A descoberta de jazidas de petroleo e gas no Mediterrâneo Oriental, mais precisamente na Bacia do Levante, suscitou o interesse de Israel e do Libano como uma forma de atingirem a autossuficiencia energetica e auferirem os ganhos economicos que a atividade “offshore” tem o potencial de prover. Contudo, os conflitos politicos e territoriais entre os dois paises sao ainda mais acirrados pela disputa por areas maritimas de exploracao desse importante ativo energetico. Nesse aspecto, destaca-se a necessidade de se definir a fronteira maritima entre Israel e o Libano como forma de possibilitar a plena exploracao dos ativos energeticos por ambos os paises. Para tal, o estudo busca identificar os atores regionais e internacionais que de alguma forma influenciam na problematica, os interesses e obstaculos que permeiam a producao de petroleo e gas na Bacia do Levante e quais os instrumentos legais que podem vir a viabilizar uma cooperacao, no sentido de se obter a delimitacao da citada fronteira maritima, criando assim condicoes minimas de seguranca para a producao “offshore” por parte dos dois paises em conflito. ABSTRACT The findings of oil and gas reserves in the Eastern Mediterranean, more specifically in the Levantine Basis, has aroused Israel and Lebanon concerns regarding the possibility of these energy sources provide both their energy self-sufficiency and the profitable earns which this economic activity has the potential to provide to. However, the political and territorial conflicts between those countries have been still more raised by the dispute of maritime areas implied in the exploitation of this important energetic asset. In this matter, the definition of maritime borders between Israel and Lebanon must be highlighted as a way to allow the full offshore exploitation by both countries. For this purpose, this article aims to identify regional and international actors which have the skills to interfere in this issue, the interests and obstacles related to Levantine Basis oil and gas production and the legal framework that can improve cooperation in order to get the maritime border delimitation. This way, it will be possible to create a security environment to allow full offshore exploitation by the contenders.","PeriodicalId":52743,"journal":{"name":"Revista da Escola de Guerra Naval","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43193687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-07DOI: 10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p292-314
Elias David Morales Martinez
RESUMEN En el ano 2017 se completaron 50 anos del Tratado de Tlatelolco que establecio la primera Zona Libre de Armas Nucleares del mundo al proscribir este armamento en America Latina y el Caribe. Como instrumento tecnico y politico para verificar la implementacion de los acuerdos fue creado el Organismo para la Proscripcion de Armas Nucleares – OPANAL. Sin embargo, muchas de las atribuciones fueron transferidas a la Agencia Internacional de Energia Atomica – AIEA. En el presente trabajo se analiza la contribucion del OPANAL al desarme nuclear, teniendo en cuenta sus aciertos y fragilidades. Este analisis utilizara los postulados teoricos de Bobbio (2003) sobre el Pacifismo Activo Instrumental y de Axerold e Keohone (1986) las dimensiones de la efectividad de regimenes internacionales. ABSTRACT 50 years of the Treaty of Tlatelolco were completed in 2017, which established the first Nuclear Weapons Free Zone of the world not allowing this armament in Latin America and the Caribbean. As a technical and political instrument to verify the implementation of the agreements was created the Agency for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons - OPANAL. However, many of the responsabilities were transferred to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). This paper analyzes the contribution of OPANAL to nuclear disarmament, taking into account its successes and weaknesses. This analysis will use the theoretical postulates of Bobbio (2003) on the Instrumental Active Pacifism and Axerold and Keohone (1986) about the dimensions of the effectiveness of international regimes.
{"title":"La Contribución Del Opanal Al Desarme Nuclear En Latinoamérica: Un Análisis De La Efectividad Del Régimen De Tlatelolco Y de la Gobernanza Regional sobre la no Proliferación Nuclear","authors":"Elias David Morales Martinez","doi":"10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p292-314","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p292-314","url":null,"abstract":"RESUMEN En el ano 2017 se completaron 50 anos del Tratado de Tlatelolco que establecio la primera Zona Libre de Armas Nucleares del mundo al proscribir este armamento en America Latina y el Caribe. Como instrumento tecnico y politico para verificar la implementacion de los acuerdos fue creado el Organismo para la Proscripcion de Armas Nucleares – OPANAL. Sin embargo, muchas de las atribuciones fueron transferidas a la Agencia Internacional de Energia Atomica – AIEA. En el presente trabajo se analiza la contribucion del OPANAL al desarme nuclear, teniendo en cuenta sus aciertos y fragilidades. Este analisis utilizara los postulados teoricos de Bobbio (2003) sobre el Pacifismo Activo Instrumental y de Axerold e Keohone (1986) las dimensiones de la efectividad de regimenes internacionales. ABSTRACT 50 years of the Treaty of Tlatelolco were completed in 2017, which established the first Nuclear Weapons Free Zone of the world not allowing this armament in Latin America and the Caribbean. As a technical and political instrument to verify the implementation of the agreements was created the Agency for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons - OPANAL. However, many of the responsabilities were transferred to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). This paper analyzes the contribution of OPANAL to nuclear disarmament, taking into account its successes and weaknesses. This analysis will use the theoretical postulates of Bobbio (2003) on the Instrumental Active Pacifism and Axerold and Keohone (1986) about the dimensions of the effectiveness of international regimes.","PeriodicalId":52743,"journal":{"name":"Revista da Escola de Guerra Naval","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46829170","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-07DOI: 10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p416-448
Bruno Hendler
ABSTRACT This paper´s central hypothesis is that China´s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) implies the construction of new networks in the international division of labor that insert the partner countries in a peripheral condition towards China. Although it is clear that the ambitious project of Eurasia´s integration, announced by Xi Jinping in 2013 and formalized in 2017, is by itself a novelty of structural impacts in the international system, it is also a product of deep transformations within China since the early 2000s and, to understand its current impacts, it is crucial to look back at the roots of China’s foreign insertion in the previous decade. This paper is divided into the following sections: i) a brief discussion of the three major domestic transformations in China since the 2000s; ii) China’s economic statecraft overseas as a byproduct of strategic and economic forces; iii) the symbolic-institutional dimension of that economic statecraft; iv) a case study of Chinese projection in Southeast (SE) Asia divided in two parts, which correspond to the two waves of outward foreign direct investments (OFDI); and v) final considerations. RESUMO A hipotese central deste artigo e que a iniciativa chinesa da Nova Rota da Seda (BRI, em ingles) implica a construcao de novas redes na divisao internacional do trabalho que inserem os paises parceiros em uma condicao periferica em relacao a China. Embora esteja claro que o ambicioso projeto de integracao da Eurasia, anunciado por Xi Jinping em 2013 e formalizado em 2017, e por si so uma novidade de impactos estruturais no sistema internacional, a BRI e tambem um produto de profundas transformacoes domesticas da China desde o inicio dos anos 2000 e, para entender seus impactos atuais, e crucial olhar para as raizes da insercao internacional chinesa. Este artigo esta dividido nas seguintes secoes: i) uma breve discussao das tres principais transformacoes internas na China desde os anos 2000; ii) o estatismo economico chines no exterior como subproduto de forcas estrategicas e economicas; iii) a dimensao simbolico-institucional deste estatismo economico; iv) um estudo de caso da projecao chinesa no Sudeste (SE) da Asia dividido em duas partes, que correspondem as duas ondas de investimentos externos diretos (IED); e v) consideracoes finais
本文的核心假设是，中国的“一带一路”倡议意味着在国际分工中构建新的网络，使伙伴国家对中国处于边缘状态。本文分为以下几个部分:i)简要讨论了2000年以来中国国内的三大转型;ii)作为战略和经济力量副产品的中国海外经济治国方略;Iii)经济治国方略的象征-制度维度;中国在东南亚投资的案例研究分为两部分，分别对应两波对外直接投资(OFDI);v)最后的考虑。“一带一路”(BRI，简称“一带一路”)是指建设“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”、“一带一路”。Este artigo esta dividido nas seguintes secoes: 1)对2000年以来中国经济内部变革的主要原则进行简要讨论;(2)对中国经济进行统计，认为中国经济没有外部经济子产品来形成战略经济力量;(三)象征-制度-经济统计的一个维度;(四)中国南方(SE)和亚洲(亚洲)分部的合作伙伴、合作伙伴、投资伙伴和外部董事(IED)的合作伙伴;考虑最终结果
{"title":"China´S International Projection Since 2008: The new Core-Periphery relations and The belt and Road Initiative Through Foreign Direct Investment","authors":"Bruno Hendler","doi":"10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p416-448","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p416-448","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper´s central hypothesis is that China´s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) implies the construction of new networks in the international division of labor that insert the partner countries in a peripheral condition towards China. Although it is clear that the ambitious project of Eurasia´s integration, announced by Xi Jinping in 2013 and formalized in 2017, is by itself a novelty of structural impacts in the international system, it is also a product of deep transformations within China since the early 2000s and, to understand its current impacts, it is crucial to look back at the roots of China’s foreign insertion in the previous decade. This paper is divided into the following sections: i) a brief discussion of the three major domestic transformations in China since the 2000s; ii) China’s economic statecraft overseas as a byproduct of strategic and economic forces; iii) the symbolic-institutional dimension of that economic statecraft; iv) a case study of Chinese projection in Southeast (SE) Asia divided in two parts, which correspond to the two waves of outward foreign direct investments (OFDI); and v) final considerations. RESUMO A hipotese central deste artigo e que a iniciativa chinesa da Nova Rota da Seda (BRI, em ingles) implica a construcao de novas redes na divisao internacional do trabalho que inserem os paises parceiros em uma condicao periferica em relacao a China. Embora esteja claro que o ambicioso projeto de integracao da Eurasia, anunciado por Xi Jinping em 2013 e formalizado em 2017, e por si so uma novidade de impactos estruturais no sistema internacional, a BRI e tambem um produto de profundas transformacoes domesticas da China desde o inicio dos anos 2000 e, para entender seus impactos atuais, e crucial olhar para as raizes da insercao internacional chinesa. Este artigo esta dividido nas seguintes secoes: i) uma breve discussao das tres principais transformacoes internas na China desde os anos 2000; ii) o estatismo economico chines no exterior como subproduto de forcas estrategicas e economicas; iii) a dimensao simbolico-institucional deste estatismo economico; iv) um estudo de caso da projecao chinesa no Sudeste (SE) da Asia dividido em duas partes, que correspondem as duas ondas de investimentos externos diretos (IED); e v) consideracoes finais","PeriodicalId":52743,"journal":{"name":"Revista da Escola de Guerra Naval","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46593664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-07DOI: 10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p381-415
Luciana Wietchikoski, Fernando Preusser de Mattos, A. M. França
RESUMO O objetivo deste artigo e identificar e analisar quais foram as visoes de onze importantes think tanks especializados em temas de defesa e seguranca da Alemanha, dos Estados Unidos e da Franca em relacao a insercao internacional do Brasil entre os anos de 2003 e 2014. Para tanto, iniciamos o trabalhodescrevendoascircunstânciasquelevaramaspotenciastradicionais a intensificarem seu interesse pelo Brasil no recorte temporal indicado. Em seguida, demonstramos a importância da analise da producao discursiva dos think tanks para se identificarem as opcoes de acao politica presentes no horizonte de possibilidades dos tomadores de decisao nos Estados Unidos, na Alemanha e na Franca. Discutimos, entao, o desenho de pesquisa adotado, apresentando a fundamentacao teorica do estudo, os criterios de selecao das organizacoes e do corpus textual analisado e o metodo de analise empregado. Por fim sao apresentados e discutidos os resultados da pesquisa, divididos nos subtopicos a) relacoes bilaterais; b) politica regional; e c) politicas de defesa e seguranca internacional. A secao de consideracoes finais encerra o artigo, reafirmando as contribuicoes do estudo e apontando possibilidades de pesquisas futuras para a ainda incipiente literatura sobre think tanks no Brasil. ABSTRACT The aim of the present article is to identify and analyze the views of eleven key defense and security policy think tanks from the United States of America, Germany and France toward Brazil’s foreign policy between 2003 and 2014. To this end, we begin by describing the circumstances within which traditional powers intensified their interest in Brazil. Next, we demonstrate the importance of analyzing think tanks’ discursive production in order to identify policy options that circulate among decision-makers in the United States, Germany and France. We then discuss the research design adopted, presenting the theoretical foundation of the study as well as data collection and analysis processes. Finally, the results of our research are presented and discussed. The results were divided into three subtopics: a) bilateral relations; b) regional policy; and c) defense and international security policies. In the final remarks, we reaffirm the contributions of the study and discuss future avenues of research that might contribute with the still incipient scholarly debate on think tanks in Brazil.
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Pub Date : 2019-06-05DOI: 10.21544/1809-3191.V25N1.P197-225
Fernanda Delgado de Jesus, João Victor Rodrigues Cardoso
RESUMO O trabalho analisa geopoliticamente como a vulnerabilidade venezuelana impacta a estabilidade da America do Sul, onde o Brasil desempenha relativo protagonismo. A luz da Teoria do Complexo Regional de Seguranca (TCRS), parte-se da hipotese de que tal vulnerabilidade afeta o espaco sul-americano, pois a seguranca dos atores estatais seria interdependente em um complexo. De um lado, a vulnerabilidade e explicada mediante a dimensao estrutural das reservas de hidrocarbonetos. Por outro, os impactos a estabilidade sul-americana tangenciam o protagonismo brasileiro por meio dos seguintes vetores: geopolitica da energia, comercial-financeiro, fluxo migratorio e integracao regional. Tal modelo analitico verifica que a paralisia de mecanismos regionais a crise venezuelana segue a logica de construcao de padroes de amizade/inimizade, baseados na clausula democratica que sustenta os processos de integracao regional. A formacao desses padroes, segundo a TCRS, se alinha via mecanismo de penetracao a potencias externas, harmonizando-se a seguranca regional e a global. A criacao do Grupo de Lima e o esvaziamento dos organismos regionais, que, com efeito, isolam a crise venezuelana e desafiam o protagonismo do Brasil, sao fenomenos que caracterizam os padroes de amizade/inimizade em curso, alinhados as identidades e interesses promovidos pela potencia externa hegemonica e a ordem internacional por ela protegida. ABSTRACT The paper analyses geopolitically how the Venezuelan vulnerability impacts the stability in South America, where Brazil is a relative protagonist. In the light of the Theory of Security Regional Complex (TSRC), it starts from the hypothesis that such vulnerability affects the South American space, because states’ security would be interdependent in a Complex. On one side, the vulnerability is explained through the structural dimension of hydrocarbons reserves. On the other, the impacts to South American stability touch the Brazilian protagonism through the following vectors: geopolitics of energy, commercial-financial, migratory flow and regional integration. Such analytical model verifies that the paralysis of regional mechanisms to Venezuelan crisis follows the logics of building amity/enmity patterns, based on democratic clause which underpins the regional integration processes. The formation of these patterns, according to the TSRC, aligns through the mechanisms of penetration with foreign powers, conciliating regional and global security. The establishment of Lima Group and the emptying of regional organisms which isolate the Venezuelan crisis and challenges the protagonism of Brazil are phenomena which characterize the ongoing amity/enmity patterns, aligned with the identities and interests boosted by hegemonic foreign power and its protected international order.
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Pub Date : 2019-06-05DOI: 10.21544/1809-3191.V25N1.P89-128
N. N. Almeida, R. C. S. Machado, Alan Oliveira de Sá
RESUMO A busca por melhores capacidades operacionais e gerenciais no Poder Maritimo tem motivado o aumento do uso de sistemas hibridos, onde componentes ciberneticos interagem com plantas fisicas e com sensores/dispositivos que exploram o espectro eletromagnetico. Entretanto, ao mesmo tempo em que esta integracao traz vantagens, ela tambem expoe tais sistemas a novas ameacas, resultantes do encontro da guerra cibernetica com as guerras eletronica e cinetica. O presente artigo analisa como estas novas ameacas podem afetar o Poder Maritimo, caracterizando, por meio de exemplos, seus possiveis alvos. Para dar suporte a esta discussao, propoe-se uma taxonomia que abarca novas classes de ataque que exploram os dominios cibernetico, eletronico e cinetico. A analise aponta para a necessidade de politicas capazes de promover a seguranca dos sistemas ciberneticos do Poder Maritimo. Neste vies, sao discutidas politicas de qualificacao de pessoal e de homologacao e certificacao de produtos ciberneticos, ambas com o potencial de contribuir de forma abrangente para a seguranca do Poder Maritimo. ABSTRACT The search for better operational and management capacities in the Sea Power has motivated the increase of the use of hybrid systems, where cybernetic components interact with physical plants and with sensors/devices that explore the electromagnetic spectrum. However, at the same time as this integration brings benefits, it also exposes such systems to new threats that result from the meeting of cyber warfare with the electronic and kinetic warfares. The present paper analyzes how these new threats can affect the Sea Power, characterizing, through examples, their possible targets. To support this discussion, it is proposed a taxonomy that encompasses new classes of attack that exploit the cybernetic, electronic, and kinetic domains. The analysis indicates the need for policies capable of promoting the cybersecurity of the Sea Power. In this sense, policies regarding personnel training and certification of cyber products are discussed, both with the potential to contribute comprehensively to the security of the Sea Power
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