This paper analyzes the trend of democratic attitudes in Peru using data from the AmericasBarometer. It finds that democratic attitudes in Peru are consistently low, when compared to regional means. The paper also shows that the proportion of respondents holding democratic values has decreased in the last decade or so. We attribute this decline to the growing dissatisfaction with the performance of the political system. We trace this discontent to presidential failures to deliver on promises of greater social inclusion and the growing political dysfunction driven by the obstructionist role of the fujimorista party in Congress. The failed presidency of Pedro Castillo, who disappointed even his own supporters, and the feckless behavior of a Congress riddled by particularistic interests, deepened this discontent, and brought Peru’s democracy to the brink when Castillo tried to shut down Congress. Consequently, citizen dissatisfaction with the performance of democracy has decreased even further.
{"title":"Peru: Deep Political Dissatisfaction Weakens Support for Democracy","authors":"Julio Carrión, Patricia Zarate","doi":"10.14201/rlop.31378","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14201/rlop.31378","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyzes the trend of democratic attitudes in Peru using data from the AmericasBarometer. It finds that democratic attitudes in Peru are consistently low, when compared to regional means. The paper also shows that the proportion of respondents holding democratic values has decreased in the last decade or so. We attribute this decline to the growing dissatisfaction with the performance of the political system. We trace this discontent to presidential failures to deliver on promises of greater social inclusion and the growing political dysfunction driven by the obstructionist role of the fujimorista party in Congress. The failed presidency of Pedro Castillo, who disappointed even his own supporters, and the feckless behavior of a Congress riddled by particularistic interests, deepened this discontent, and brought Peru’s democracy to the brink when Castillo tried to shut down Congress. Consequently, citizen dissatisfaction with the performance of democracy has decreased even further.","PeriodicalId":52748,"journal":{"name":"Revista Latinoamericana de Opinion Publica","volume":"27 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135679508","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores the influence of political discussion networks on vote choice. We ask two questions: What type of discussion networks influence vote choice? And, what are the mechanisms through which discussion networks influence voting behavior? We argue that discussing politics with others affects electoral decisions when citizens are surrounded by discussants whose political views are homogeneous and that this influence can operate through two mechanisms: information and social pressure. Using data from a two-wave panel study conducted in Bogotá before and after the 2011 local elections, we find evidence of the effects of social networks on voter behavior. The homogeneity of discussion networks is correlated with a change in vote choice, and this link appears to be driven both by information and social pressure.
{"title":"The Power of Political Discussion: Uncovering the Influence of Networks on Vote Choice and its Mechanisms","authors":"Miguel García Sánchez, Felipe Botero","doi":"10.14201/rlop.28163","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14201/rlop.28163","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the influence of political discussion networks on vote choice. We ask two questions: What type of discussion networks influence vote choice? And, what are the mechanisms through which discussion networks influence voting behavior? We argue that discussing politics with others affects electoral decisions when citizens are surrounded by discussants whose political views are homogeneous and that this influence can operate through two mechanisms: information and social pressure. Using data from a two-wave panel study conducted in Bogotá before and after the 2011 local elections, we find evidence of the effects of social networks on voter behavior. The homogeneity of discussion networks is correlated with a change in vote choice, and this link appears to be driven both by information and social pressure.","PeriodicalId":52748,"journal":{"name":"Revista Latinoamericana de Opinion Publica","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135081423","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While structural factors help explain the supply of impunity for the murder of women in Latin America, we know less about how much citizens demand stronger responses to cases of lethal violence against women (VAW). What social norms prevail for punishing lethal VAW? What do citizens expect of the state's response? We investigate these questions in Mexico, using a conjoint experiment embedded in a national survey. We causally estimate the degree to which citizens have egalitarian or discriminatory views regarding the deservingness of justice for homicide victims who are women (vs. men). We find a mismatch between the judiciary’s shortcomings regarding VAW and public opinion: citizens expect and prefer harsher penalties for lethal VAW. Further, we find a discrepancy between preferences and expectations: the public supports stronger punishment for women’s murders, but perceives high impunity, and women on average expect a larger difference between their preferences and expectations than men.
{"title":"Public Opinion on Lethal Violence against Women in Mexico","authors":"Daniela Barba, Noam Lupu, Elizabeth Zechmeister","doi":"10.14201/rlop.31121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14201/rlop.31121","url":null,"abstract":"
 
 
 
 While structural factors help explain the supply of impunity for the murder of women in Latin America, we know less about how much citizens demand stronger responses to cases of lethal violence against women (VAW). What social norms prevail for punishing lethal VAW? What do citizens expect of the state's response? We investigate these questions in Mexico, using a conjoint experiment embedded in a national survey. We causally estimate the degree to which citizens have egalitarian or discriminatory views regarding the deservingness of justice for homicide victims who are women (vs. men). We find a mismatch between the judiciary’s shortcomings regarding VAW and public opinion: citizens expect and prefer harsher penalties for lethal VAW. Further, we find a discrepancy between preferences and expectations: the public supports stronger punishment for women’s murders, but perceives high impunity, and women on average expect a larger difference between their preferences and expectations than men.
 
 
 
","PeriodicalId":52748,"journal":{"name":"Revista Latinoamericana de Opinion Publica","volume":"97 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135082533","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Measurement of citizen support for democracy has been problematic, as most research on the topic has focused on assessing support for an abstract concept: the “ideal” of democracy. This article proposes a different conception of democratic support, labeled “solid democratic support”, which combines multiple items tapping attitudes towards various essential attributes of democratic rule. Using data from the AmericasBarometer surveys, the “solid support” measure is compared to a traditional measure of support for the ideal of democracy in Chile and Venezuela. Important differences are found in the levels of the two indicators and in their correlates, demonstrating that they are in fact different concepts. As well, substantial differences are found between the two countries, suggesting that analyses of democratic support that do not consider the country-specific political context may be flawed.
{"title":"Same same…but different?","authors":"Paolo Moncagatta, Willem E. Saris, Mateo Fierro","doi":"10.14201/rlop.31204","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14201/rlop.31204","url":null,"abstract":"Measurement of citizen support for democracy has been problematic, as most research on the topic has focused on assessing support for an abstract concept: the “ideal” of democracy. This article proposes a different conception of democratic support, labeled “solid democratic support”, which combines multiple items tapping attitudes towards various essential attributes of democratic rule. Using data from the AmericasBarometer surveys, the “solid support” measure is compared to a traditional measure of support for the ideal of democracy in Chile and Venezuela. Important differences are found in the levels of the two indicators and in their correlates, demonstrating that they are in fact different concepts. As well, substantial differences are found between the two countries, suggesting that analyses of democratic support that do not consider the country-specific political context may be flawed.","PeriodicalId":52748,"journal":{"name":"Revista Latinoamericana de Opinion Publica","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135082540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Shane P. Singh. Beyond Turnout: How Compulsory Voting Shapes Citizens and Political Parties. New York: Oxford University Press, 2021. 225 pages. ISBN: 9780198832928. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198832928.001.0001.","authors":"Fernando Feitosa","doi":"10.14201/rlop.31325","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14201/rlop.31325","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52748,"journal":{"name":"Revista Latinoamericana de Opinion Publica","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135082538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Andy Baker, Barry Ames, and Lúcio Rennó. Persuasive Peers: Social Communication and Voting in Latin America. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2020. 369 pages. ISBN 9780691205786.","authors":"Paul A. Beck","doi":"10.14201/rlop.31276","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14201/rlop.31276","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52748,"journal":{"name":"Revista Latinoamericana de Opinion Publica","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135081419","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
China greatly expanded its presence in Latin America over the last several decades, with most researchers examining China’s economic and political efforts. Many U.S.-based researchers, pundits, and policymakers saw China as a potential rival and threat to U. S. hegemony. However, few researchers have examined how average Latin Americans viewed these changes. Building on theories of anti-Americanism, we examine whether views of China are associated with anti-Americanism in Colombia. Drawing on an original survey of Colombians, we find that China’s economic model, respondent ideology, and views of Chinese trade and business are weakly associated with anti-Americanism. Other factors have no association. Our findings provide an important early look into the effectiveness of China’s soft power in the region and contribute to the field’s understanding of anti-Americanism in the region.
{"title":"Does China’s Rise influence anti-Americanism? Evidence from Colombia","authors":"Gregg Johnson, Zhimin Lin","doi":"10.14201/rlop.31137","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14201/rlop.31137","url":null,"abstract":"China greatly expanded its presence in Latin America over the last several decades, with most researchers examining China’s economic and political efforts. Many U.S.-based researchers, pundits, and policymakers saw China as a potential rival and threat to U. S. hegemony. However, few researchers have examined how average Latin Americans viewed these changes. Building on theories of anti-Americanism, we examine whether views of China are associated with anti-Americanism in Colombia. Drawing on an original survey of Colombians, we find that China’s economic model, respondent ideology, and views of Chinese trade and business are weakly associated with anti-Americanism. Other factors have no association. Our findings provide an important early look into the effectiveness of China’s soft power in the region and contribute to the field’s understanding of anti-Americanism in the region.","PeriodicalId":52748,"journal":{"name":"Revista Latinoamericana de Opinion Publica","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135081424","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Scholarship on clientelist mobilization has focused almost exclusively on electoral clientelism, that is efforts by patrons and brokers to encourage turnout and participation in campaign rallies. What is less well understood is the impact of clientelist mobilization on other modes of political participation, like protest activity and citizen claim making. To fill this gap, I use LAPOP survey data from 2010 and 2014 to explore the relationship between vote-buying and nonelectoral forms of political activity. Despite the expectation by many that collective action and clientelist mobilization are incompatible, this study finds a strong relationship between vote-buying efforts and participation in protests in most of Latin America. Similarly, people who receive vote-buying offers are much more likely to engage in claim-making activities. I explore the mechanisms through which clientelism encourages political activism, highlighting ways that clientelist networks work through civic organizations and foster stronger partisan identities and greater political engagement.
{"title":"Clientelist Mobilization and Political Participation Outside of the Electoral Arena","authors":"Claudio A. Holzner","doi":"10.14201/rlop.31164","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14201/rlop.31164","url":null,"abstract":"Scholarship on clientelist mobilization has focused almost exclusively on electoral clientelism, that is efforts by patrons and brokers to encourage turnout and participation in campaign rallies. What is less well understood is the impact of clientelist mobilization on other modes of political participation, like protest activity and citizen claim making. To fill this gap, I use LAPOP survey data from 2010 and 2014 to explore the relationship between vote-buying and nonelectoral forms of political activity. Despite the expectation by many that collective action and clientelist mobilization are incompatible, this study finds a strong relationship between vote-buying efforts and participation in protests in most of Latin America. Similarly, people who receive vote-buying offers are much more likely to engage in claim-making activities. I explore the mechanisms through which clientelism encourages political activism, highlighting ways that clientelist networks work through civic organizations and foster stronger partisan identities and greater political engagement.","PeriodicalId":52748,"journal":{"name":"Revista Latinoamericana de Opinion Publica","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135081421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Julio Carrión. A Dynamic Theory of Populism in Power: The Andes in Comparative Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. 269 pages. ISBN: 978-0-19-757229-0. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197572290.001.0001","authors":"O. Selçuk","doi":"10.14201/rlop.30065","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14201/rlop.30065","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52748,"journal":{"name":"Revista Latinoamericana de Opinion Publica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45059892","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Responses to phone surveys tend to exhibit higher rates of social desirability bias and extreme responses when compared to face-to-face surveys. Yet, studies of mode effects typically compare either representative studies that implausibly assume comparability or experimental studies that rely on convenience samples. Our study compares two national probability samples but uses matching to address comparability. We study Costa Rica, a middle-income democracy, to see whether the conventional wisdom drawn from Western Europe and North America extends to the Global South. We analyze two nationally representative surveys, one fielded by phone and one face-to-face, allowing us to compare identically worded items we placed on both surveys. We find that phone respondents exhibited more socially desirable responding and were more likely to choose negative endpoints on scalar items. This suggests that survey researchers and practitioners should carefully assess the tradeoffs in shifting modes or employing mixed modes.
{"title":"Survey Mode Effects in a Developing Country","authors":"Noam Lupu, Adam D. Wolsky","doi":"10.14201/rlop.30159","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14201/rlop.30159","url":null,"abstract":" \u0000\u0000\u0000\u0000\u0000Responses to phone surveys tend to exhibit higher rates of social desirability bias and extreme responses when compared to face-to-face surveys. Yet, studies of mode effects typically compare either representative studies that implausibly assume comparability or experimental studies that rely on convenience samples. Our study compares two national probability samples but uses matching to address comparability. We study Costa Rica, a middle-income democracy, to see whether the conventional wisdom drawn from Western Europe and North America extends to the Global South. We analyze two nationally representative surveys, one fielded by phone and one face-to-face, allowing us to compare identically worded items we placed on both surveys. We find that phone respondents exhibited more socially desirable responding and were more likely to choose negative endpoints on scalar items. This suggests that survey researchers and practitioners should carefully assess the tradeoffs in shifting modes or employing mixed modes.\u0000\u0000\u0000\u0000","PeriodicalId":52748,"journal":{"name":"Revista Latinoamericana de Opinion Publica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49224759","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：