The CJEU's jurisprudence based on the LM case has been criticized on the grounds that it is very difficult, if not impossible, to prove threats to due process in an individual case. The central question posed is the permissibility of limiting the principle of mutual trust between Member States because of a potential breach of fundamental rights in one of them. In the recent Sped-Pro case, the General Court decided to apply the above question to a new field of EU Law - competition law - without changing much of the essence of the question. In trying to protect mutual trust between Member States, the General Court has not created effective tools to protect the rule of law in the Member States. This also puts the principle of mutual trust at risk.
{"title":"Rule of law, trust, and competition: Will Sped-Pro become a game-changer for the protection of EU fundamental values?","authors":"Barbara Grabowska-Moroz","doi":"10.5937/pravzap0-41108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/pravzap0-41108","url":null,"abstract":"The CJEU's jurisprudence based on the LM case has been criticized on the grounds that it is very difficult, if not impossible, to prove threats to due process in an individual case. The central question posed is the permissibility of limiting the principle of mutual trust between Member States because of a potential breach of fundamental rights in one of them. In the recent Sped-Pro case, the General Court decided to apply the above question to a new field of EU Law - competition law - without changing much of the essence of the question. In trying to protect mutual trust between Member States, the General Court has not created effective tools to protect the rule of law in the Member States. This also puts the principle of mutual trust at risk.","PeriodicalId":53056,"journal":{"name":"Pravni Zapisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71032358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Seen as a precondition for a referendum, clarity requires a clear referendum question and a clear majority for or against an outcome. In this article I argue clarity is not only an enabler of individual referendums but one way to politicize their context. In separating what is clear from what is obscure, clarity imposes the twin requirements of homogeneity and predictability. These, in turn, presuppose an interpretation of acceptable political (dis)continuities beyond the referendum as well as of perception of change. This reading of clarity shows how the referendum does not only manage change to which it is explicitly addressed, but that the purported voice of "the people" may at the same time be an instrument of clarity that imagines and normatively orders the referendum's surroundings.
{"title":"The clarity of referendums: An instrument for managing the (dis)continuity and perception of change","authors":"Matija Miloš","doi":"10.5937/pravzap0-40714","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/pravzap0-40714","url":null,"abstract":"Seen as a precondition for a referendum, clarity requires a clear referendum question and a clear majority for or against an outcome. In this article I argue clarity is not only an enabler of individual referendums but one way to politicize their context. In separating what is clear from what is obscure, clarity imposes the twin requirements of homogeneity and predictability. These, in turn, presuppose an interpretation of acceptable political (dis)continuities beyond the referendum as well as of perception of change. This reading of clarity shows how the referendum does not only manage change to which it is explicitly addressed, but that the purported voice of \"the people\" may at the same time be an instrument of clarity that imagines and normatively orders the referendum's surroundings.","PeriodicalId":53056,"journal":{"name":"Pravni Zapisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71031774","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the late XX century, Serbia changed its system of land registration from the land books, that were outdated and neglected during the socialist era, to unified cadaster, the REC. Due to historical circumstances and construction of the REC system, lawmakers had to resort to unorthodox solutions to achieve the desired level of legal security. Because of unifying records of different nature (factual and legal), the REC needed to rethink the principle of legality and include the public notaries and courts in its implementation. Modernizing the registry meant that information technologies were used very broadly, making the shift to a fully electronic procedure of registration one of the main policy goals. This enabled introduction of the principle of registration by official duty, for the records to always be up to date. Mechanisms of protecting legal security provided by the registry do not function for objects under construction because they are not registered until the construction is completed. Therefore, the last unorthodox novelty was introduced: registration of buildings and apartments under construction.
{"title":"Rethinking land registration in XXI century Serbia","authors":"Miloš Živković","doi":"10.5937/pravzap0-40782","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/pravzap0-40782","url":null,"abstract":"In the late XX century, Serbia changed its system of land registration from the land books, that were outdated and neglected during the socialist era, to unified cadaster, the REC. Due to historical circumstances and construction of the REC system, lawmakers had to resort to unorthodox solutions to achieve the desired level of legal security. Because of unifying records of different nature (factual and legal), the REC needed to rethink the principle of legality and include the public notaries and courts in its implementation. Modernizing the registry meant that information technologies were used very broadly, making the shift to a fully electronic procedure of registration one of the main policy goals. This enabled introduction of the principle of registration by official duty, for the records to always be up to date. Mechanisms of protecting legal security provided by the registry do not function for objects under construction because they are not registered until the construction is completed. Therefore, the last unorthodox novelty was introduced: registration of buildings and apartments under construction.","PeriodicalId":53056,"journal":{"name":"Pravni Zapisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71031925","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper the author focuses on the question of the tax treatment of same-sex partnerships in comparison to the treatment provided for heterosexual marriages and common law partnerships (extramarital unions) in the Serbian law. Namely, different treatment of certain social phenomena can represent a prohibited form of discrimination only under the condition that we show that the observed phenomena are comparable, precisely from the view point of the object of protection provided by the prohibition of discrimination. The problem we face is that our understanding of certain phenomena has changed over time, as best illustrated by the fact that Aristotle, who introduced the concept of discrimination, would have found it difficult to understand the postulate that all people are equal in their rights and obligations before the law. The author starts from the premise that the tax treatment of same-sex partnerships should be viewed through the perspective of the principle of equality in tax law, the principle contained in Article 91, para. 2 of the Serbian Constitution, which stipulates that the obligation to pay taxes and other duties shall be general and based on the economic power of taxpayers. Therefore, if a same-sex union contains the same aspects that affect the economic power of taxpayers, aspects that exist in the case of heterosexual marriage and extramarital union, then the Serbian Constitution requires us to provide it with equal tax treatment resulting from living in a heterosexual partnership. In this way the author opens up the space for a critical review of the tax norms in the 2021 Draft Law on Same-Sex Partnerships, i.e. for proposing solutions that would enable easier, and above all more sustainable key goal the law aspires to, which is to eliminate discrimination of the same-sex partnerships in the Serbian legal system.
{"title":"The consitutional obligation of an identical tax treatment of marriage, common law partnerships and same-sex partnerships in the Republic of Serbia","authors":"Svetislav V. Kostić","doi":"10.5937/pravzap0-37467","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/pravzap0-37467","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper the author focuses on the question of the tax treatment of same-sex partnerships in comparison to the treatment provided for heterosexual marriages and common law partnerships (extramarital unions) in the Serbian law. Namely, different treatment of certain social phenomena can represent a prohibited form of discrimination only under the condition that we show that the observed phenomena are comparable, precisely from the view point of the object of protection provided by the prohibition of discrimination. The problem we face is that our understanding of certain phenomena has changed over time, as best illustrated by the fact that Aristotle, who introduced the concept of discrimination, would have found it difficult to understand the postulate that all people are equal in their rights and obligations before the law. The author starts from the premise that the tax treatment of same-sex partnerships should be viewed through the perspective of the principle of equality in tax law, the principle contained in Article 91, para. 2 of the Serbian Constitution, which stipulates that the obligation to pay taxes and other duties shall be general and based on the economic power of taxpayers. Therefore, if a same-sex union contains the same aspects that affect the economic power of taxpayers, aspects that exist in the case of heterosexual marriage and extramarital union, then the Serbian Constitution requires us to provide it with equal tax treatment resulting from living in a heterosexual partnership. In this way the author opens up the space for a critical review of the tax norms in the 2021 Draft Law on Same-Sex Partnerships, i.e. for proposing solutions that would enable easier, and above all more sustainable key goal the law aspires to, which is to eliminate discrimination of the same-sex partnerships in the Serbian legal system.","PeriodicalId":53056,"journal":{"name":"Pravni Zapisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71031681","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper sketches a general timeline and defines key milestones in some fifty years long teaching Marxism within the state school system of the socialist Yugoslavia. The research relies primarily on relevant legal framework, especially the School Reform Acts of 1958 and 1974, and associated doctrinal writings. Through discourse analysis of these legal and doctrinal sources, the paper discloses the evolving role and purpose of teaching Marxism as an institutionalized belief that was meant to contend the traditional religion. By questioning the experience of this socalled school-Marxism, the study contributes to a better understanding of socialist secularism as a historical phenomenon, potentially also instigating new attempts at reconsidering whole series of old, yet still persisting controversies, such as interrelation of science and atheism, the role and place of moral education, or religious neutrality of school curricula.
{"title":"Catechism without God: Legal basis and ideological premises of teaching Marxism in schools of socialist Yugoslavia from 1945 to 1991","authors":"Marko Božić","doi":"10.5937/pravzap0-40586","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/pravzap0-40586","url":null,"abstract":"The paper sketches a general timeline and defines key milestones in some fifty years long teaching Marxism within the state school system of the socialist Yugoslavia. The research relies primarily on relevant legal framework, especially the School Reform Acts of 1958 and 1974, and associated doctrinal writings. Through discourse analysis of these legal and doctrinal sources, the paper discloses the evolving role and purpose of teaching Marxism as an institutionalized belief that was meant to contend the traditional religion. By questioning the experience of this socalled school-Marxism, the study contributes to a better understanding of socialist secularism as a historical phenomenon, potentially also instigating new attempts at reconsidering whole series of old, yet still persisting controversies, such as interrelation of science and atheism, the role and place of moral education, or religious neutrality of school curricula.","PeriodicalId":53056,"journal":{"name":"Pravni Zapisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71031591","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the context of current aspirations in terms of drafting and adopting a regulation that would finally legalize same-sex unions in Serbia, particularly important issue relates to the effect of same-sex union on the legal position of a child in such unity. The recently published text of the Draft Law on Same-Sex Unions undoubtedly opens the space for considering certain solutions related to the rights and obligations of a same-sex partner of a parent of the child, which is of direct importance in terms of exercising rights of the child in family relations. Based on these provisions, the authors seek to analyze legal possibilities and restrictions regarding the regulation of parental duties and rights of the child in the context of same-sex unions in Serbia. In these efforts, the authors commence from the relevant legal framework that regulates family relations, and thereby indicate some possible solutions.
{"title":"The perspectives of same-sex parenting in Serbia: Between needs and opportunities","authors":"Veljko Vlašković, Jelena Arsić","doi":"10.5937/pravzap0-37422","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/pravzap0-37422","url":null,"abstract":"In the context of current aspirations in terms of drafting and adopting a regulation that would finally legalize same-sex unions in Serbia, particularly important issue relates to the effect of same-sex union on the legal position of a child in such unity. The recently published text of the Draft Law on Same-Sex Unions undoubtedly opens the space for considering certain solutions related to the rights and obligations of a same-sex partner of a parent of the child, which is of direct importance in terms of exercising rights of the child in family relations. Based on these provisions, the authors seek to analyze legal possibilities and restrictions regarding the regulation of parental duties and rights of the child in the context of same-sex unions in Serbia. In these efforts, the authors commence from the relevant legal framework that regulates family relations, and thereby indicate some possible solutions.","PeriodicalId":53056,"journal":{"name":"Pravni Zapisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71031625","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper investigates compliance with the EU fiscal rules in the period 1992-2020. The EU fiscal rules are prescribed as guidelines and represent a typical example of the soft law approach. The negative impact of the soft law approach is more visible after the periods of economic crisis (2008-2009; 2020-2022). The non-compliance with the prescribed ceilings on the level of the budgetary deficit and public debt create instability and various adverse economic effects. In the paper it is shown that existing rules are not adequate for the job they were made for. It is shown that the design and enforcement of the rules are poor, and that actually the European Commission, the watchdog, is in fact a toothless dog. The goal of the paper is to present potential reform alternatives with the aim to contribute to the reestablishment of the sound fiscal framework in the EU. The paper is concluded with the proposal of a completely new approach for the fiscal rules reform - Growth-Enhancement Fiscal Policy Switch (GEFPS).
{"title":"The long-lasting post-covid symptom: The case for the EU fiscal rules reform?","authors":"Mihajlo Babin, I. Ivanov, M. Erić","doi":"10.5937/pravzap0-37462","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/pravzap0-37462","url":null,"abstract":"The paper investigates compliance with the EU fiscal rules in the period 1992-2020. The EU fiscal rules are prescribed as guidelines and represent a typical example of the soft law approach. The negative impact of the soft law approach is more visible after the periods of economic crisis (2008-2009; 2020-2022). The non-compliance with the prescribed ceilings on the level of the budgetary deficit and public debt create instability and various adverse economic effects. In the paper it is shown that existing rules are not adequate for the job they were made for. It is shown that the design and enforcement of the rules are poor, and that actually the European Commission, the watchdog, is in fact a toothless dog. The goal of the paper is to present potential reform alternatives with the aim to contribute to the reestablishment of the sound fiscal framework in the EU. The paper is concluded with the proposal of a completely new approach for the fiscal rules reform - Growth-Enhancement Fiscal Policy Switch (GEFPS).","PeriodicalId":53056,"journal":{"name":"Pravni Zapisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71031635","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Contemporary theoretical discourse views animals as a vulnerable group, and also recognizes their capability of mental suffering. The question why this recognition has not been translated into a global and universally accepted accordance of fundamental rights to certain groups of animals is relevant for animal rights protection, while at the same time it illustrates the divide between the idealistic and normative dimensions of law. It appears that humans have known for thousands of years that at least some animals are capable of mental suffering and constitute a vulnerable group. Changes in animal rights protection have led to some changes in legislation, but these are not fundamental and do not concern the strive toward universal recognition that animals have fundamental rights. This means that there must be some other, decisive factors that are needed to move forward from the stage of vulnerability recognition to the normative development stage.
{"title":"The divide between idealism and practicality in animals' fundamental rights recognition","authors":"M. Susi","doi":"10.5937/pravzap0-40655","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/pravzap0-40655","url":null,"abstract":"Contemporary theoretical discourse views animals as a vulnerable group, and also recognizes their capability of mental suffering. The question why this recognition has not been translated into a global and universally accepted accordance of fundamental rights to certain groups of animals is relevant for animal rights protection, while at the same time it illustrates the divide between the idealistic and normative dimensions of law. It appears that humans have known for thousands of years that at least some animals are capable of mental suffering and constitute a vulnerable group. Changes in animal rights protection have led to some changes in legislation, but these are not fundamental and do not concern the strive toward universal recognition that animals have fundamental rights. This means that there must be some other, decisive factors that are needed to move forward from the stage of vulnerability recognition to the normative development stage.","PeriodicalId":53056,"journal":{"name":"Pravni Zapisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71031649","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The mass application of modern medical biotechnology (BAF) and its expansion on a global level have brought numerous challenges at the individual and social level, and the very goal of reproductive technologies has exceeded the treatment of infertility. For LGBTIQ people, the use of BAF in the first place is a matter of reproductive justice that should provide everyone, without distinction, economic, social and political power and resources to make healthy decisions about their bodies, sexuality and reproduction for themselves, their families and their union. The reality, however, is that access to BAF is enjoyed by a small privileged group of people, and many medically infertile persons do not seek BAF because of the high cost of such treatment. As a result, the development of biomedical technology is increasingly becoming a subject of reconsideration and controversy, and less and less an achievement that supports life and health. In this paper, the author discusses when and why access to BAF became a matter of the LGBTIQ rights and whether access to BAF can really be equal for all, given its costs? Finally, the author refers to BAF in terms of domestic legislation and concludes the paper with a call for changes to the legal solution that prohibits the use of BAF for LGBTIQ individuals and couples in Serbia.
{"title":"The right to sexual and reproductive health of LGBTIQ persons and the challenges of biomedical assisted reproduction","authors":"J. Šimić","doi":"10.5937/pravzap0-37651","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/pravzap0-37651","url":null,"abstract":"The mass application of modern medical biotechnology (BAF) and its expansion on a global level have brought numerous challenges at the individual and social level, and the very goal of reproductive technologies has exceeded the treatment of infertility. For LGBTIQ people, the use of BAF in the first place is a matter of reproductive justice that should provide everyone, without distinction, economic, social and political power and resources to make healthy decisions about their bodies, sexuality and reproduction for themselves, their families and their union. The reality, however, is that access to BAF is enjoyed by a small privileged group of people, and many medically infertile persons do not seek BAF because of the high cost of such treatment. As a result, the development of biomedical technology is increasingly becoming a subject of reconsideration and controversy, and less and less an achievement that supports life and health. In this paper, the author discusses when and why access to BAF became a matter of the LGBTIQ rights and whether access to BAF can really be equal for all, given its costs? Finally, the author refers to BAF in terms of domestic legislation and concludes the paper with a call for changes to the legal solution that prohibits the use of BAF for LGBTIQ individuals and couples in Serbia.","PeriodicalId":53056,"journal":{"name":"Pravni Zapisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71031691","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In multiethnic states, in which numerically large national, ethnic or linguistic minorities exist with a strong distinct identity, the principle of democracy requires that these groups have representatives in parliaments. However, in many multiethnic states the national-ethnic majority makes efforts to exclude or minimize the representation of minority national-ethnic groups in legislative bodies. Serbia and Hungary are nation states with relatively high percentage of citizens belonging to national-ethnic minorities, and with developed systems of the protection of minority rights. Both states enacted electoral laws facilitating the representation of national minorities in highest elected state bodies. This article describes, critically analyzes and compares the electoral rules and their practical implementation in both states, in order to answer the question whether these rules make it efficiently possible for national minorities to acquire proper representation in parliament. In order to answer this question, the results and experiences of the latest parliamentary elections - organized in 2022 in both states - will be elaborated as well.
{"title":"Parliamentary representation of national minorities in Serbia and Hungary: Mechanism for effective participation of minorities, or tool for political manipulation?","authors":"Tamás Korhecz","doi":"10.5937/pravzap0-40672","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/pravzap0-40672","url":null,"abstract":"In multiethnic states, in which numerically large national, ethnic or linguistic minorities exist with a strong distinct identity, the principle of democracy requires that these groups have representatives in parliaments. However, in many multiethnic states the national-ethnic majority makes efforts to exclude or minimize the representation of minority national-ethnic groups in legislative bodies. Serbia and Hungary are nation states with relatively high percentage of citizens belonging to national-ethnic minorities, and with developed systems of the protection of minority rights. Both states enacted electoral laws facilitating the representation of national minorities in highest elected state bodies. This article describes, critically analyzes and compares the electoral rules and their practical implementation in both states, in order to answer the question whether these rules make it efficiently possible for national minorities to acquire proper representation in parliament. In order to answer this question, the results and experiences of the latest parliamentary elections - organized in 2022 in both states - will be elaborated as well.","PeriodicalId":53056,"journal":{"name":"Pravni Zapisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71031711","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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