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The Other Half of the Demographic Dividend. 人口红利的另一半。
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2010-10-02
Sonalde Desai
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引用次数: 0
Informal Trade in the SAARC Region 南盟区域的非正式贸易
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2010-08-01 DOI: 10.1007/978-981-15-3932-9_14
N. Taneja
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引用次数: 51
Islam and the West 伊斯兰教与西方
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2009-09-19 DOI: 10.1080/13602009308716277
M. Bilal
Hailed in The New York Times Book Review as "the doyen of Middle Eastern studies," Bernard Lewis has been for half a century one of the West's foremost scholars of Islamic history and culture, the author of over two dozen books, most notably The Arabs in History, The Emergence of Modern Turkey, The Political Language of Islam, and The Muslim Discovery of Europe. Eminent French historian Robert Mantran has written of Lewis's work: "How could one resist being attracted to the books of an author who opens for you the doors of an unknown or misunderstood universe, who leads you within to its innermost domains: religion, ways of thinking, conceptions of power, culture-an author who upsets notions too often fixed, fallacious, or partisan." In Islam and the West, Bernard Lewis brings together in one volume eleven essays that indeed open doors to the innermost domains of Islam. Lewis ranges far and wide in these essays. He includes long pieces, such as his capsule history of the interaction-in war and peace, in commerce and culture-between Europe and its Islamic neighbors, and shorter ones, such as his deft study of the Arabic word watan and what its linguistic history reveals about the introduction of the idea of patriotism from the West. Lewis offers a revealing look at Edward Gibbon's portrait of Muhammad in Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (unlike previous writers, Gibbon saw the rise of Islam not as something separate and isolated, nor as a regrettable aberration from the onward march of the church, but simply as a part of human history); he offers a devastating critique of Edward Said's controversial book, Orientalism; and he gives an account of the impediments to translating from classic Arabic to other languages (the old dictionaries, for one, are packed with scribal errors, misreadings, false analogies, and etymological deductions that pay little attention to the evolution of the language). And he concludes with an astute commentary on the Islamic world today, examining revivalism, fundamentalism, the role of the Shi'a, and the larger question of religious co-existence between Muslims, Christians, and Jews. A matchless guide to the background of Middle East conflicts today, Islam and the West presents the seasoned reflections of an eminent authority on one of the most intriguing and little understood regions in the world.
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引用次数: 239
Globalisation and Régionalisation: Mapping the New Continental Drift 全球化与区域化:绘制新大陆漂移图
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2009-06-13 DOI: 10.4135/9789351507871.n7
Ajay Gudavarthy
How far have regional organisations in the south been successful in struggling against neoliberal policies initiated in the northern countries, and actively aided by the international financial institutions? How far have they succeeded in establishing an alternative global regime of development? An assessment of these regional formations in Asia, Africa and Latin America is undertaken to find whether they could fulfil the aspirations for an alternative and just globalisation.
在与北方国家发起并得到国际金融机构积极援助的新自由主义政策的斗争中,南方地区组织在多大程度上取得了成功?它们在建立另一种全球发展制度方面取得了多大的成功?对亚洲、非洲和拉丁美洲的这些区域形成进行评估,以发现它们是否能够实现替代和公正全球化的愿望。
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引用次数: 2
Bourgeois Categories Made Global: The Utopian and Actual Loves of Historical Documents in India 资产阶级范畴全球化:印度历史文献的乌托邦与现实之爱
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2009-01-01 DOI: 10.1515/9781400834952.73
D. Chakrabarty
The process of creating "unfettered" access to historical information can be seen as the prying open of information that was otherwise accessible only to a "privileged" community. This is a tension that is central to the very idea of the public sphere: it can act simultaneously both as a Utopia of "bourgeois" equality and as an ideology of domination. It can be simultaneously democratic and undemocratic. The agents and advocates of the public sphere are often the bearers of this tension for we never find a society where all its members, inspired by the social value of what we call "history", volunteer to convert willingly all "private" documents into "public" records. The rendering of private papers into public documents must remain, in the end, a political question. This paper illustrates this proposition by looking at a fragment of the history of history in colonial India in the 20th century. At the centre of the story is the historian Jadunath Sarkar who may be regarded as one of the earliest proponents in the subcontinent of the Rankean ideals of "scientific" history.
创造对历史信息的“不受限制”访问的过程可以被视为撬开信息,否则只有“特权”群体才能访问。这是公共领域概念的核心张力:它可以同时作为“资产阶级”平等的乌托邦和统治的意识形态发挥作用。它可以同时是民主的和不民主的。公共领域的代理人和倡导者往往是这种紧张关系的承担者,因为我们从来没有发现一个社会的所有成员都受到我们称之为“历史”的社会价值的启发,自愿将所有“私人”文件转换为“公共”记录。最终,将私人文件转化为公共文件必须仍然是一个政治问题。本文通过观察20世纪殖民时期印度历史的片段来说明这一命题。故事的中心人物是历史学家Jadunath Sarkar,他可能被认为是印度次大陆最早的“科学”历史的支持者之一。
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引用次数: 16
Urban Spaces, Disney-divinity and the Moral Middle Classes in Delhi 德里的城市空间、迪斯尼神性和道德中产阶级
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2009-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9780367817961-17
S. Srivastava
A presentation of an ethnography of the relationship between urban spaces, new cultures of consumption, the state, and the making of middle class identities in India. Firstly, the discussion explores the making of new urban spaces by focusing upon the Akshardham Temple complex on the banks of the Yamuna river in Delhi. Surrounded by a network of flyovers, highways, toll-ways, and residential developments, the complex is designed as a hi-tech religious and nationalist theme park. The Delhi government-sponsored bhagidari (sharing) scheme that brings together representatives of the Residents’ Welfare Associations, Market Traders Associations, and key government officials at periodically organised workshops forms the second site of focus.
展示了印度城市空间、消费新文化、国家和中产阶级身份形成之间关系的民族志。首先,讨论以德里亚穆纳河畔的Akshardham神庙为重点,探讨了新城市空间的构建。该综合体被立交桥、高速公路、收费公路和住宅开发项目所包围,被设计成一个高科技的宗教和民族主义主题公园。德里政府发起的bhagidari(共享)计划将居民福利协会、市场贸易商协会的代表和主要政府官员聚集在定期组织的研讨会上,形成了第二个重点。
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引用次数: 84
The naga nation on the net 网上的那迦族
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2008-07-19 DOI: 10.4135/9788132105992.N7
M. Ranganathan, S. Roy-Chowdhury
This paper explores the use of the internet for nation-building in Nagaland by groups which have been engaged in a power struggle with the union of India. It looks at the perpetuation of Naga nationalism in the framework of Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory and Gramsci's concept of hegemony. Building upon earlier studies that have established the potential of the internet to promote nationalist ideologies, it brings to light how particular political ideologies are constructed and reinforced through the internet to address issues intrinsic to the Nagas who have historically lived independently with little interaction with non-Naga groups. The nationalist ideology placed in the context of discourse theory is methodologically approached through analysis of texts in political web sites dedicated to the Naga issue. demand for a union of all the Naga inhabited areas surrou din the present so-called "neocolonial" structure of Nagaland as recognised by the government of India, presents i self as a problem which has largely been ignored by the owers that be as well as the mainstream media [Bezboruah 2006]. Historically, the Naga with limited interaction with nonNaga groups re ained an independe t entity until they were annexed, first by the British and later by India (ibid). When the Naga intellect d cided to invoke nation ood, there began a power struggl that has by and large remained unm nitored by the rest of the world, including the dominant media in India. It is in this con ext that a study of Naga nationalism perpetuated through the use of the internet becomes significant. Today the "internet" as been restructur d a a generic label that "refers to the electronic sys em and space where many people can present their idea to produce a new computer 're lity' which is the sum of the variou opini ns, ideas, practices and ideologies" generated by millions w o use this medium [Mitra 1997]. The "data" has now taken the shape of perceivable messages converting the internet into a mass medium where ideologies are expressed, ideas are formed and public opinion is generated a part of Habermas' "public sphere" which delineates public opinion with its consequent transformation and creation of identity and identity politics.1 Drawing from B Anderson's seminal work, Imagined Communities, this paper explores the hegemonic articulation and the antagonistic dynamic between the Indian nation state and the minority Naga nationalism online [Anderson 1991]. Among the host of Naga nationalist web sites a purposive sample of three has been selected for rhetorical analysis.2
本文探讨了互联网在那加兰邦的国家建设中的使用,这些团体一直在与印度联邦进行权力斗争。它在拉克劳和墨菲的话语理论和葛兰西的霸权概念的框架下审视那迦民族主义的延续。先前的研究已证实网际网路有可能促进民族主义意识型态,本研究以此为基础,揭示特定政治意识型态如何透过网际网路建构与强化,以解决长期独立生活、与非纳迦族群互动甚少的纳迦人内在问题。在话语理论的背景下,民族主义意识形态是通过分析致力于那迦问题的政治网站上的文本来方法论地接近的。在印度政府所承认的那加兰邦目前所谓的“新殖民主义”结构中,要求将所有那加人居住的地区联合起来,这是一个很大程度上被当权者和主流媒体所忽视的问题[Bezboruah 2006]。历史上,那迦族与非那迦族的互动有限,一直保持独立,直到他们被吞并,先是被英国,后来被印度(同上)。当那迦智者决定召唤“民族团结”时,就开始了一场权力斗争,这场斗争基本上没有受到世界其他国家的关注,包括印度占主导地位的媒体。正是在这种背景下,研究通过使用互联网而延续的那迦民族主义变得非常重要。今天,“网际网路”被重新定义为一个通用的标签,“指的是电子系统和空间,在这里,许多人可以提出他们的想法,以产生一个新的电脑“现实”,这是由数百万人使用这种媒介产生的各种意见、想法、实践和意识形态的总和”[Mitra 1997]。“数据”现在已经采取了可感知信息的形式,将互联网转变为表达意识形态,形成思想和产生公众舆论的大众媒介,这是哈贝马斯“公共领域”的一部分,该领域描述了公众舆论及其随之而来的身份和身份政治的转变和创造从B·安德森的开创性著作《想象的社区》中,本文探讨了印度民族国家和少数民族纳迦民族主义之间的霸权表达和对抗动态。在众多的那迦民族主义网站中,我们选择了三个有目的的样本进行修辞分析
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引用次数: 0
Gandhi, Dalits and Feminists: Recovering the Convergence* 甘地、达利特人和女权主义者:恢复融合*
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2008-05-31 DOI: 10.4324/9781003105923-4
Ajay Gudavarthy
The dalit/feminist critique of Gandhi and his philosophy derives from the same epistemological framework of "lived experience" that characterises Gandhian thinking and praxis as well. The "exclusive" and top-down nature in turn suggests problems in the Gandhian outlook. The emerging new identity politics (just as Gandhi's politics) is too strongly bound within experiential confines, and could only entrench the social practices which it wishes to transcend.
达利特/女权主义者对甘地及其哲学的批判源于同样的“生活经验”认识论框架,这也是甘地思想和实践的特征。“排他性”和自上而下的本质反过来又表明了甘地观点中的问题。新兴的新身份政治(就像甘地的政治一样)过于强烈地束缚在经验的范围内,只能巩固它希望超越的社会实践。
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引用次数: 1
The New Middle Class 新中产阶级
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2008-05-24 DOI: 10.4324/9780203203392-14
K. Visweswaran
India's New Middle Class: Democratic Politics in an Era of Economic Reform by Leela Fernandes;
印度的新中产阶级:经济改革时代的民主政治
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引用次数: 0
Appeal for justice 呼吁司法公正
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2008-01-01 DOI: 10.7560/704077
J. Ghosh, A. Mitra, G. Pandey, Reshma Nigam, Jaya Vatsyayan, S. Ahmad, R. Lal, D. Chakrabarty, Rochona Majumdar, D. Ludden
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引用次数: 7
期刊
Economic and Political Weekly
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