Pub Date : 2014-11-14DOI: 10.7551/mitpress/11893.001.0001
Radhika Kapoor
The current regime seeks to reform labour laws with the understanding that these reforms will improve industrial growth and expand the possibilities of enterprise. However, there is already ample evidence from within India that this obsession with reforming labour law, particularly in the way the government has done it till now, will not take us any closer in creating more jobs or a healthy industrial sector. These reforms will not help fi rms adapt to ever-changing market conditions, nor will they ensure greater security of employment.
{"title":"Creating Good Jobs","authors":"Radhika Kapoor","doi":"10.7551/mitpress/11893.001.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/11893.001.0001","url":null,"abstract":"The current regime seeks to reform labour laws with the understanding that these reforms will improve industrial growth and expand the possibilities of enterprise. However, there is already ample evidence from within India that this obsession with reforming labour law, particularly in the way the government has done it till now, will not take us any closer in creating more jobs or a healthy industrial sector. These reforms will not help fi rms adapt to ever-changing market conditions, nor will they ensure greater security of employment.","PeriodicalId":53574,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Political Weekly","volume":"11 1","pages":"16-18"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90657881","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-10-17DOI: 10.4324/9780203506028-11
M. Bavinck, Amalendu Jyotishi
{"title":"Unearthing the roots of statutory forest law: iron smelting and the state in pre- and early-colonial India","authors":"M. Bavinck, Amalendu Jyotishi","doi":"10.4324/9780203506028-11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203506028-11","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53574,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Political Weekly","volume":"2 1","pages":"65-88"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89477754","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-09-24DOI: 10.4135/9781452204963.n2
Reetika Syal, S. Shastri
The 2014 Lok Sabha elections saw an effort by the Bharatiya Janata Party to project leadership as a key strategy in its campaign. The response of the electorate provided important indications of the effect of leadership on the outcome of elections in India. The effect of the leadership issue needs to be viewed in the context of a United Progressive Alliance government that was on the defensive and a Congress leadership that looked ineffective and directionless. These added weight to the BJP's projection of Narendra Modi as a decisive, effective and experienced leader.
{"title":"Leadership in Context","authors":"Reetika Syal, S. Shastri","doi":"10.4135/9781452204963.n2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4135/9781452204963.n2","url":null,"abstract":"The 2014 Lok Sabha elections saw an effort by the Bharatiya Janata Party to project leadership as a key strategy in its campaign. The response of the electorate provided important indications of the effect of leadership on the outcome of elections in India. The effect of the leadership issue needs to be viewed in the context of a United Progressive Alliance government that was on the defensive and a Congress leadership that looked ineffective and directionless. These added weight to the BJP's projection of Narendra Modi as a decisive, effective and experienced leader.","PeriodicalId":53574,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Political Weekly","volume":"31 1","pages":"77-81"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-09-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87519662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A. Pollock, P. McGettigan, Rushikesh Mahajan, R. Jeffery, P. Roderick
After a legislative logjam (since 2011) with respect to regulating the pharmaceuticals industry, the new government at the centre has the opportunity to introduce the much-needed changes to the Drugs and Cosmetics Act. The amendment bill, introduced in Parliament on 29 August 2013, aimed to promote rational regulation of safe and effective allopathic drugs. That bill would have been yet another patch on an Act which has already been stretched beyond breaking point. It would have done little to provide a rigorous foundation for putting safety, effectiveness, rationality and need at the heart of the country’s drug regulatory system. It is to be hoped that the government will make a complete overhaul of the Act one of its highest priorities. 1 Background Following the scathing criticisms in 2012 of a parliamentary committee (59th r eport),1 India’s central drugs regulator, the Central Drugs Standard Control Organisation (CDSCO) headed by the Drugs Controller General of India (DCGI),2 was threatened with abolition and replacement by a central drugs authority (CDA), in the Drugs and Cosmetics (Amendment) Bill introduced in Parliament on 29 August 2013.3 The CDSCO was criticised in the 59th report for its pro-industry mission to “meet the aspirations...demands and requirements of the pharmaceutical industry”; for its apparently close cooperation with pharmaceutical companies in easing drug approvals and in avoiding legal requirements; for approving drugs without clinical trials, especially on Indian subjects; and for not exercising statutory powers to require licence revocation or drug bans. The committee also stated that “a very large number” of fi xed dose combination (FDC) drugs – formulations comprising two or more drugs combined in a fi xed ratio of doses and available in a single dosage form – had been approved by state regulatory authorities without prior central approval. FDCs are a peculiar feature of the Indian pharmaceutical market, compared to those on sale in England, the US or Australia.4 The Drugs Act of 1940 emerged from the Chopra Commission Report of 1931, on the need for central drug control legis lation with a view to securing uniformity throughout the country to control the import, manufacture and sale of drugs. It remains the core primary legislation regulating drugs in India today.5 It divided responsibilities between the central government (responsible for import) and the provinces or (today) states (responsible for manufacture, distribution and sale). Many amendments to the Act and the Rules have been introduced, o ften increasing central control.6 In 1952, the Rules introduced the concept of a “new drug”, requiring applicants to have the written permission of the central licensing authority prior to import.7 In June 1961 the Rules were further amended to prohibit the manufacture of a new drug unless it had been previously approved by the central regulator;8 to require the manufacturer of a new drug when applying for that appro
在监管制药业的立法僵局(自2011年以来)之后，处于中心的新政府有机会对《药品和化妆品法》(Drugs and Cosmetics Act)进行急需的修改。2013年8月29日在议会提出的修正法案旨在促进对安全有效的对抗疗法药物的合理监管。该法案将是对一项已经超出临界点的法案的又一个修补。它几乎无法为将安全性、有效性、合理性和需求置于国家药品监管体系的核心提供一个严格的基础。人们希望政府将彻底修改该法案作为其最高优先事项之一。在2012年议会委员会(第59次报告)的严厉批评之后，1印度的中央药品监管机构，由印度药品监督总局(DCGI)领导的中央药品标准控制组织(CDSCO)，2受到废除和由中央药品管理局(CDA)取代的威胁。在2013年8月29日议会提出的药品和化妆品(修正案)法案中，CDSCO在第59份报告中因其亲行业使命“满足制药行业的愿望……需求和要求”而受到批评;因为它显然与制药公司密切合作，放宽药品审批，避免法律要求;批准未经临床试验的药物，尤其是针对印度受试者的药物;以及没有行使法定权力要求吊销执照或禁止使用毒品。该委员会还指出，“非常大量”的固定剂量组合(FDC)药物——由两种或两种以上药物以固定剂量比例组合并以单一剂型提供的制剂——已经由国家监管机构批准，而无需事先获得中央批准。与英国、美国或澳大利亚销售的药品相比，fdc是印度药品市场的一个独特特征。1940年的《药品法》源于1931年的乔普拉委员会报告，该报告认为需要制定中央药品管制立法，以确保全国统一控制药品的进口、制造和销售。它仍然是今天印度监管药物的核心主要立法它将责任划分为中央政府(负责进口)和各省或(今天的)州(负责制造、分销和销售)。对《法令》和《规则》进行了许多修订，往往加强了中央控制1952年，《规则》引入了“新药”的概念，要求申请人在进口前获得中央许可机构的书面许可1961年6月，《规则》进一步修订，禁止生产未经中央监管机构批准的新药;8要求新药制造商在申请批准时提供有关其质量、纯度和强度标准的所有文件和其他证据，“以及可能需要的其他信息，包括使用该药物进行的治疗试验的结果”;并要求生产许可证的申请人向国家监管机构出示新药已获批准的证据这些条款是第一批赋予中央政府对制造业加强控制的条款;其他包括中央政府向各州下达指示的权力(1960年);以及基于公共利益的特定理由对药物进行管制、限制和/或禁止的权力(1982年和2008年)尽管如此，仍然存在一些空白:(a)需要对监管机构规定预先批准的责任，以满足新药的安全性、有效性和有效性;(b)在提交临床试验结果和数据时要求问责制和透明度;(c)需要解决以固定剂量组合供应的药物所带来的特殊挑战。我们处理这些问题，然后根据这些要求对拟议的法案进行分析。
{"title":"Need for a New Drugs Bill","authors":"A. Pollock, P. McGettigan, Rushikesh Mahajan, R. Jeffery, P. Roderick","doi":"10.5281/ZENODO.50558","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5281/ZENODO.50558","url":null,"abstract":"After a legislative logjam (since 2011) with respect to regulating the pharmaceuticals industry, the new government at the centre has the opportunity to introduce the much-needed changes to the Drugs and Cosmetics Act. The amendment bill, introduced in Parliament on 29 August 2013, aimed to promote rational regulation of safe and effective allopathic drugs. That bill would have been yet another patch on an Act which has already been stretched beyond breaking point. It would have done little to provide a rigorous foundation for putting safety, effectiveness, rationality and need at the heart of the country’s drug regulatory system. It is to be hoped that the government will make a complete overhaul of the Act one of its highest priorities. 1 Background Following the scathing criticisms in 2012 of a parliamentary committee (59th r eport),1 India’s central drugs regulator, the Central Drugs Standard Control Organisation (CDSCO) headed by the Drugs Controller General of India (DCGI),2 was threatened with abolition and replacement by a central drugs authority (CDA), in the Drugs and Cosmetics (Amendment) Bill introduced in Parliament on 29 August 2013.3 The CDSCO was criticised in the 59th report for its pro-industry mission to “meet the aspirations...demands and requirements of the pharmaceutical industry”; for its apparently close cooperation with pharmaceutical companies in easing drug approvals and in avoiding legal requirements; for approving drugs without clinical trials, especially on Indian subjects; and for not exercising statutory powers to require licence revocation or drug bans. The committee also stated that “a very large number” of fi xed dose combination (FDC) drugs – formulations comprising two or more drugs combined in a fi xed ratio of doses and available in a single dosage form – had been approved by state regulatory authorities without prior central approval. FDCs are a peculiar feature of the Indian pharmaceutical market, compared to those on sale in England, the US or Australia.4 The Drugs Act of 1940 emerged from the Chopra Commission Report of 1931, on the need for central drug control legis lation with a view to securing uniformity throughout the country to control the import, manufacture and sale of drugs. It remains the core primary legislation regulating drugs in India today.5 It divided responsibilities between the central government (responsible for import) and the provinces or (today) states (responsible for manufacture, distribution and sale). Many amendments to the Act and the Rules have been introduced, o ften increasing central control.6 In 1952, the Rules introduced the concept of a “new drug”, requiring applicants to have the written permission of the central licensing authority prior to import.7 In June 1961 the Rules were further amended to prohibit the manufacture of a new drug unless it had been previously approved by the central regulator;8 to require the manufacturer of a new drug when applying for that appro","PeriodicalId":53574,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Political Weekly","volume":"97 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88722759","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Passion for India","authors":"G. Rodgers, Janine","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv1hcg0th.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1hcg0th.8","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53574,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Political Weekly","volume":"11 1","pages":"4-4"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80065297","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The targeted public distribution system is fraught with leakages. With the Food Security Act in place now, policymakers face a greater challenge in curtailing leakages and improving delivery on a much larger scale. This article studies a project in Uttar Pradesh which uses mobile phone SMS to monitor PDS supplies and finds an enthusiastic response from the users, even if the project itself has not worked well.
{"title":"Plugging PDS Pilferage: A Study of an SMS-based Monitoring Project.","authors":"Sriniketh Nagavarapu, Sheetal Sekhri","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>The targeted public distribution system is fraught with leakages. With the Food Security Act in place now, policymakers face a greater challenge in curtailing leakages and improving delivery on a much larger scale. This article studies a project in Uttar Pradesh which uses mobile phone SMS to monitor PDS supplies and finds an enthusiastic response from the users, even if the project itself has not worked well.</p>","PeriodicalId":53574,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Political Weekly","volume":"49 13","pages":"61-65"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4370341/pdf/nihms-671172.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"33162720","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-01-01DOI: 10.11588/IAF.2014.45.3290
Raphael Susewind, Raheel Dhattiwala
In this paper, we propose to reconcile the controversial debate on Muslim "vote banks" in India by shifting the spatial focus from state-wide assessments to the level of constituencies. At the example of Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh in the 2014 general elections, and using an innovative booth-level ecological inference model, we show that Muslims might indeed vote en bloc for or against certain parties, but they tend to do so in a much more localised way than previously assumed. While public Muslim support for the BJP did not translate into electoral support in most places, there are important exceptions to this trend – and at least in the case of Uttar Pradesh, their support for competing parties followed a fairly complex spatial pattern. We further explore this spatial variation in Muslim vote pattern by looking at the moderating impact of minority concentration, violent communal history, and ethnic co-ordination and conclude with a call for more disaggregated research.
{"title":"Spatial variation in the \"Muslim vote\" in Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh, 2014","authors":"Raphael Susewind, Raheel Dhattiwala","doi":"10.11588/IAF.2014.45.3290","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.11588/IAF.2014.45.3290","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we propose to reconcile the controversial debate on Muslim \"vote banks\" in India by shifting the spatial focus from state-wide assessments to the level of constituencies. At the example of Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh in the 2014 general elections, and using an innovative booth-level ecological inference model, we show that Muslims might indeed vote en bloc for or against certain parties, but they tend to do so in a much more localised way than previously assumed. While public Muslim support for the BJP did not translate into electoral support in most places, there are important exceptions to this trend – and at least in the case of Uttar Pradesh, their support for competing parties followed a fairly complex spatial pattern. We further explore this spatial variation in Muslim vote pattern by looking at the moderating impact of minority concentration, violent communal history, and ethnic co-ordination and conclude with a call for more disaggregated research.","PeriodicalId":53574,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Political Weekly","volume":"21 1","pages":"99-110"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83767829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"New Political Culture","authors":"A. Natani","doi":"10.5860/choice.36-1244","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.36-1244","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53574,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Political Weekly","volume":"87 1","pages":"4-5"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85485245","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since the 1980s, the sex ratio at birth (abbreviated as SRB) in China has been rising and has remained extremely high. With rapid social transition, gender imbalance has become one of the most significant issues of China's social management and has raised many problems and challenges. Innovation in the management principles and public policies of social management urgently needs a new perspective of holistic governance framework. Based on the latest trends in gender imbalance, using data from China's 2010 Population Census, this paper firstly reviews China's strategic policy responses and actions concerning the governance of the male-skewed SRB. With holistic governance theory, we focus on China's "Care for Girls" campaign to analyze the current public policy system. This paper then reveals fragmentation in the current management of China's gender imbalance. Finally we propose a social management framework for addressing China's gender imbalance. The public system needs to be strengthened, and the Chinese government should focus more on vulnerable groups such as forced bachelors in rural areas, and try to bring those groups into the policy framework for governance of gender imbalance. The proposed theoretical framework may help Chinese governments at various levels to design and implement improved social management of gender imbalance issues.
{"title":"Social Management of Gender Imbalance in China: A Holistic Governance Framework.","authors":"Li Shuzhuo, Shang Zijuan, Marcus W Feldman","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Since the 1980s, the sex ratio at birth (abbreviated as SRB) in China has been rising and has remained extremely high. With rapid social transition, gender imbalance has become one of the most significant issues of China's social management and has raised many problems and challenges. Innovation in the management principles and public policies of social management urgently needs a new perspective of holistic governance framework. Based on the latest trends in gender imbalance, using data from China's 2010 Population Census, this paper firstly reviews China's strategic policy responses and actions concerning the governance of the male-skewed SRB. With holistic governance theory, we focus on China's \"Care for Girls\" campaign to analyze the current public policy system. This paper then reveals fragmentation in the current management of China's gender imbalance. Finally we propose a social management framework for addressing China's gender imbalance. The public system needs to be strengthened, and the Chinese government should focus more on vulnerable groups such as forced bachelors in rural areas, and try to bring those groups into the policy framework for governance of gender imbalance. The proposed theoretical framework may help Chinese governments at various levels to design and implement improved social management of gender imbalance issues.</p>","PeriodicalId":53574,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Political Weekly","volume":"48 35","pages":"79-86"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4673002/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140195056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Theories of the social consequences of imbalanced sex ratios posit that men will exercise extraordinarily strict control over women's behaviour when women's relationship options are plentiful and men's own options are limited. We use data from the third wave of the Indian National Family and Health Survey, conducted in 2005-06, to explore this issue, investigating the effect of the community sex ratio on women's experience of intimate partner violence in India. Multilevel logistic regression models show that a relative surplus of men in a community increases the likelihood of physical abuse by husbands even after adjusting for various other individual, household, and geographic characteristics. Further evidence of control over women when there is a sex ratio imbalance is provided by the increased odds of husbands distrusting wives with money when there is a male surplus in the local community.
{"title":"THE EFFECT OF A MALE SURPLUS ON INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE IN INDIA.","authors":"Sunita Bose, Katherine Trent, Scott J South","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Theories of the social consequences of imbalanced sex ratios posit that men will exercise extraordinarily strict control over women's behaviour when women's relationship options are plentiful and men's own options are limited. We use data from the third wave of the Indian National Family and Health Survey, conducted in 2005-06, to explore this issue, investigating the effect of the community sex ratio on women's experience of intimate partner violence in India. Multilevel logistic regression models show that a relative surplus of men in a community increases the likelihood of physical abuse by husbands even after adjusting for various other individual, household, and geographic characteristics. Further evidence of control over women when there is a sex ratio imbalance is provided by the increased odds of husbands distrusting wives with money when there is a male surplus in the local community.</p>","PeriodicalId":53574,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Political Weekly","volume":"48 35","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3914764/pdf/nihms539069.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"32104196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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