There appear to be some qualitative differences between the conceptual repertoire of humans and that of other animals. We propose that the mental operation of Lambda Abstraction may shed some light on this distinction. More specifically, we claim that humans and only humans make use of mental representations constructed with the rule of Lambda Abstraction, which enables them to entertain concepts that can be used for entities that are not necessarily within their domain of experience. In addition to defining new types of concepts, Lambda Abstraction has played a crucial role in unlocking the potential for semantically consequential Internal Merge and quantification. This paper highlights the fact that research on language evolution should focus more on the transformative cognitive consequences of the interface between syntax and thought systems.
{"title":"Lambda abstraction as a factor in human uniqueness","authors":"İsa Kerem Bayırlı","doi":"10.5964/bioling.11205","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5964/bioling.11205","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 There appear to be some qualitative differences between the conceptual repertoire of humans and that of other animals. We propose that the mental operation of Lambda Abstraction may shed some light on this distinction. More specifically, we claim that humans and only humans make use of mental representations constructed with the rule of Lambda Abstraction, which enables them to entertain concepts that can be used for entities that are not necessarily within their domain of experience. In addition to defining new types of concepts, Lambda Abstraction has played a crucial role in unlocking the potential for semantically consequential Internal Merge and quantification. This paper highlights the fact that research on language evolution should focus more on the transformative cognitive consequences of the interface between syntax and thought systems.","PeriodicalId":54041,"journal":{"name":"Biolinguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41788835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines Minimal Search, an operation that is at the core of current Minimalist inquiry. We argue that, given Minimalist assumptions about structure building consisting of unordered set-formation, there are serious difficulties in defining Minimal Search as a search algorithm. Furthermore, some problematic configurations for Minimal Search (namely, {XP, YP} and {X, Y}) are argued to be an artefact of these set-theoretic commitments. However, if unordered sets are given up as the format of structural descriptions in favour of directed graphs such that Merge(X, Y) creates an arc from X to Y, Minimal Search can be straightforwardly characterised as a sequential deterministic search algorithm: the total order required to define MS as a sequential search algorithm is provided by structure building.
{"title":"The search for Minimal Search: A graph-theoretic approach","authors":"D. Krivochen","doi":"10.5964/bioling.9793","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5964/bioling.9793","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper examines Minimal Search, an operation that is at the core of current Minimalist inquiry. We argue that, given Minimalist assumptions about structure building consisting of unordered set-formation, there are serious difficulties in defining Minimal Search as a search algorithm. Furthermore, some problematic configurations for Minimal Search (namely, {XP, YP} and {X, Y}) are argued to be an artefact of these set-theoretic commitments. However, if unordered sets are given up as the format of structural descriptions in favour of directed graphs such that Merge(X, Y) creates an arc from X to Y, Minimal Search can be straightforwardly characterised as a sequential deterministic search algorithm: the total order required to define MS as a sequential search algorithm is provided by structure building.","PeriodicalId":54041,"journal":{"name":"Biolinguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41577906","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Using the framework based on set-theory, I develop a formal definition of Agree as a syntactic operation. I begin by constructing a formal definition of a version of long-distance Agree in which a structurally higher element values a feature on a structurally lower element, and modify that definition to reflect various versions of Agree that have been proposed in the “minimalist” literature. I then discuss the theoretical implications of these formal definitions, arguing that Agree requires a new conception of the lexicon, and unjustifiably violates NTC in all its non-vacuous forms.
{"title":"A formalization of Agree as a derivational operation","authors":"Daniel Milway","doi":"10.5964/bioling.9877","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5964/bioling.9877","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Using the framework based on set-theory, I develop a formal definition of Agree as a syntactic operation. I begin by constructing a formal definition of a version of long-distance Agree in which a structurally higher element values a feature on a structurally lower element, and modify that definition to reflect various versions of Agree that have been proposed in the “minimalist” literature. I then discuss the theoretical implications of these formal definitions, arguing that Agree requires a new conception of the lexicon, and unjustifiably violates NTC in all its non-vacuous forms.","PeriodicalId":54041,"journal":{"name":"Biolinguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48765899","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
K. Grohmann, M. Kambanaros, Evelina Leivada, B. Samuels, Patrick C. Trettenbrein
{"title":"Biolinguistics end-of-year notice 2022","authors":"K. Grohmann, M. Kambanaros, Evelina Leivada, B. Samuels, Patrick C. Trettenbrein","doi":"10.5964/bioling.10823","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5964/bioling.10823","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":54041,"journal":{"name":"Biolinguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48522038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper raises specific puzzles for the Strong Minimalist Thesis (SMT) based on certain crosslinguistic patterns. I do so by pointing out that the SMT entails two undesirable consequences: first, the SMT assumes that the Borer-Chomsky Conjecture is true; in other words, that all syntactic variation across languages is due to lexical differences. Second, it assumes that there can be no ordering restrictions on Merge, because they would imply the existence of an independent linguistically proprietary entity. I first present crosslinguistic evidence from case and agreement that the Borer-Chomsky Conjecture alone is not sufficient to account for syntactic variation. I then present evidence for the existence of ordering restrictions on Merge, based on a cartographic distinction between high and low complementizers. I argue that both of these patterns are purely syntactic, in that they are independent of Merge. I conclude that these independent problems raise puzzles for saltationist theories of language evolution.
{"title":"The strong minimalist thesis is too strong: Syntax is more than just merge","authors":"Deniz Satık","doi":"10.5964/bioling.9861","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5964/bioling.9861","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper raises specific puzzles for the Strong Minimalist Thesis (SMT) based on certain crosslinguistic patterns. I do so by pointing out that the SMT entails two undesirable consequences: first, the SMT assumes that the Borer-Chomsky Conjecture is true; in other words, that all syntactic variation across languages is due to lexical differences. Second, it assumes that there can be no ordering restrictions on Merge, because they would imply the existence of an independent linguistically proprietary entity. I first present crosslinguistic evidence from case and agreement that the Borer-Chomsky Conjecture alone is not sufficient to account for syntactic variation. I then present evidence for the existence of ordering restrictions on Merge, based on a cartographic distinction between high and low complementizers. I argue that both of these patterns are purely syntactic, in that they are independent of Merge. I conclude that these independent problems raise puzzles for saltationist theories of language evolution.","PeriodicalId":54041,"journal":{"name":"Biolinguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42431417","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this squib, I argue that the child faces a severe computational complexity problem in parsing even the simplest of trees: the number of possible trees consistent with UG grows exponentially as a function of the number of lexical items. Economy conditions have the result of drastically decreasing the complexity of the parsing task. I also discuss the relationship between UG, I-language, economy conditions and explanatory adequacy.
{"title":"The complexity of trees, universal grammar and economy conditions","authors":"Chris Collins","doi":"10.5964/bioling.9573","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5964/bioling.9573","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In this squib, I argue that the child faces a severe computational complexity problem in parsing even the simplest of trees: the number of possible trees consistent with UG grows exponentially as a function of the number of lexical items. Economy conditions have the result of drastically decreasing the complexity of the parsing task. I also discuss the relationship between UG, I-language, economy conditions and explanatory adequacy.","PeriodicalId":54041,"journal":{"name":"Biolinguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42201550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I present and argue for a theory of adjuncts according to which, adjuncts and their respective hosts are derived as separate, parallel objects that are not combined until forced to by the process of linearization. I formalize the notion of the workspace, and the workspace-based operation MERGE. Finally, I show that this approach to adjuncts naturally accounts for Adjunct Islands and Parasitic Gaps and is consistent with adjective ordering constraints.
{"title":"A parallel derivation theory of adjuncts","authors":"Daniel Milway","doi":"10.5964/bioling.9313","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5964/bioling.9313","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 I present and argue for a theory of adjuncts according to which, adjuncts and their respective hosts are derived as separate, parallel objects that are not combined until forced to by the process of linearization. I formalize the notion of the workspace, and the workspace-based operation MERGE. Finally, I show that this approach to adjuncts naturally accounts for Adjunct Islands and Parasitic Gaps and is consistent with adjective ordering constraints.","PeriodicalId":54041,"journal":{"name":"Biolinguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43666506","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Subcortical Contributions to the Uniqueness of Human Cognition","authors":"Edward Ruoyang Shi, Elizabeth Qing Zhang","doi":"10.5964/bioling.9189","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5964/bioling.9189","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":54041,"journal":{"name":"Biolinguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41726866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Historically, some cases of ‘feral’ children have been reported. Contemporary descriptions generally preclude any insightful inference about the nature and the extent of the language deficits exhibited by these children, as well as the ultimate causes of their problems with language. However, they have been regularly used to support the view that language acquisition requires a proper social environment in order to occur. In this paper, we revisit the case for ‘feral’ children with the viewpoint that human evolution entailed a process of self-domestication that parallels what we find in domesticated animals. Because feralization commonly occurs in nature and because it entails a partial reversion of features of domestication, this self-domestication approach to the evolution of language reassesses the case for ‘feral’ children, particularly when compared with present-day conditions involving abnormal patterns of socialization, whether they are genetically-triggered as in autism spectrum disorder, or environmentally-triggered, as in reactive attachment disorder. Overall, the structural and functional language deficits observed in these human groups emerge as useful proxies for previous stages in the evolution of language(s) under the influence of human self-domestication.
{"title":"Revisiting the case for ‘feral’ humans under the light of the human self-domestication hypothesis","authors":"Amy Niego, A. Benítez‐Burraco","doi":"10.31234/osf.io/wh9qe","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31234/osf.io/wh9qe","url":null,"abstract":"Historically, some cases of ‘feral’ children have been reported. Contemporary descriptions generally preclude any insightful inference about the nature and the extent of the language deficits exhibited by these children, as well as the ultimate causes of their problems with language. However, they have been regularly used to support the view that language acquisition requires a proper social environment in order to occur. In this paper, we revisit the case for ‘feral’ children with the viewpoint that human evolution entailed a process of self-domestication that parallels what we find in domesticated animals. Because feralization commonly occurs in nature and because it entails a partial reversion of features of domestication, this self-domestication approach to the evolution of language reassesses the case for ‘feral’ children, particularly when compared with present-day conditions involving abnormal patterns of socialization, whether they are genetically-triggered as in autism spectrum disorder, or environmentally-triggered, as in reactive attachment disorder. Overall, the structural and functional language deficits observed in these human groups emerge as useful proxies for previous stages in the evolution of language(s) under the influence of human self-domestication.","PeriodicalId":54041,"journal":{"name":"Biolinguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47929977","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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