Este artículo tiene por finalidad examinar los aspectos particulares de la temprana renegociación de la deuda externa-abarcando el período 1983 a 1985-llevada a cabo bajo el gobierno del presidente Raúl Alfonsín. Para ello haremos uso de los aportes del Autonomismo puigiano en nuestro análisis.
{"title":"temprana renegociación de la deuda externa bajo el gobierno de Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1985)","authors":"Matías Nahuel Mendoza","doi":"10.24215/23142766e180","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24215/23142766e180","url":null,"abstract":"Este artículo tiene por finalidad examinar los aspectos particulares de la temprana renegociación de la deuda externa-abarcando el período 1983 a 1985-llevada a cabo bajo el gobierno del presidente Raúl Alfonsín. Para ello haremos uso de los aportes del Autonomismo puigiano en nuestro análisis.","PeriodicalId":55916,"journal":{"name":"Relaciones Internacionales","volume":"20 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138590355","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
En el presente trabajo estudiaremos los orígenes del proceso de integración entre Argentina y Brasil con el objetivo de analizar las variables de cambio y continuidad que lo estructuraron desde la Declaración de Foz de Iguazú (1985) hasta la firma del Tratado de Asunción (1991). Sostendremos que, si bien el proyecto de asociación con Brasil es una constante del actual período democrático argentino, este sufrió una variación de sentido, de estrategias y de objetivos en la transición entre el gobierno del radical Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989) y la primera gestión del peronista Carlos Menem (1989-1995), que sería central en su desarrollo.
本文分析了阿根廷和巴西之间一体化进程的起源，目的是分析从Foz do iguazu宣言(1985)到asuncion条约签署(1991)的变化和连续性变量。将草案,虽然与巴西阿根廷目前的民主时期,这始终是一个经历了变化方面,战略和目标之间的过渡政府总统raul alfonsin激进(1983-1989)和第一elisa carrio卡洛斯时年管理(1989-1995),将中央的发展。
{"title":"Proyectos de integración argentinos para con Brasil","authors":"Sebastián Russo","doi":"10.24215/23142766e171","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24215/23142766e171","url":null,"abstract":"En el presente trabajo estudiaremos los orígenes del proceso de integración entre Argentina y Brasil con el objetivo de analizar las variables de cambio y continuidad que lo estructuraron desde la Declaración de Foz de Iguazú (1985) hasta la firma del Tratado de Asunción (1991).\u0000Sostendremos que, si bien el proyecto de asociación con Brasil es una constante del actual período democrático argentino, este sufrió una variación de sentido, de estrategias y de objetivos en la transición entre el gobierno del radical Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989) y la primera gestión del peronista Carlos Menem (1989-1995), que sería central en su desarrollo.","PeriodicalId":55916,"journal":{"name":"Relaciones Internacionales","volume":"60 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138592755","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
M. B. Herrero, Juliana Peixoto-Batista, Sol Lanzieri
La Cooperación Sur-Sur y Triangular (CSSyT) ha adquirido, cada vez, mayor relevancia en el escenario de la cooperación internacional, facilitando la colaboración regional y global para abordar desafíos en los más diversos asuntos del quehacer internacional. En ese sentido, este artículo tiene un doble propósito. En primer lugar, describir y analizar la evolución, tendencias y resultados de la CSSyT en América Latina entre 2007 y 2021, con foco en salud y medioambiente. En segundo lugar, analizar su contribución en la transversalización de enfoques y agendas. Para el cumplimiento de los objetivos, se siguió una metodología cualitativa, basada en datos secundarios. Para ello se estudiaron documentos e informes sobre CSSyT en América Latina y se realizó un análisis utilizando los datos disponibles para este período, publicados por la Secretaría General Iberoamericana (SEGIB). Se analizó la evolución de la CSSyT en América Latina durante el período 2007- 2021, destacando su adaptación a desafíos como la pandemia de COVID-19 y el cambio climático. Se identificaron ciclos de crecimiento y declive en la CSSyT durante el período, en una evolución dinámica, relacionada con factores econó- micos y políticos, además de la pandemia del COVID-19. En el cumplimiento de ese objetivo, este estudio también resalta la importancia de la CSSyT en América Latina, que contribuye al logro de los ODS, promueve un desarrollo más equitativo y sostenible en salud y medioambiente y no solo beneficia a los países receptores, sino que, también, enriquece a los países colaboradores, alejándose de enfoques verticales y promoviendo un enfoque integral para enfrentar los desafíos regionales y globales.
{"title":"Evolución de la Cooperación Sur-Sur y Triangular en América Latina: Un análisis en salud y medioambiente (2007-2021)","authors":"M. B. Herrero, Juliana Peixoto-Batista, Sol Lanzieri","doi":"10.15359/ri.96-2.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15359/ri.96-2.6","url":null,"abstract":"La Cooperación Sur-Sur y Triangular (CSSyT) ha adquirido, cada vez, mayor relevancia en el escenario de la cooperación internacional, facilitando la colaboración regional y global para abordar desafíos en los más diversos asuntos del quehacer internacional. En ese sentido, este artículo tiene un doble propósito. En primer lugar, describir y analizar la evolución, tendencias y resultados de la CSSyT en América Latina entre 2007 y 2021, con foco en salud y medioambiente. En segundo lugar, analizar su contribución en la transversalización de enfoques y agendas. Para el cumplimiento de los objetivos, se siguió una metodología cualitativa, basada en datos secundarios. Para ello se estudiaron documentos e informes sobre CSSyT en América Latina y se realizó un análisis utilizando los datos disponibles para este período, publicados por la Secretaría General Iberoamericana (SEGIB). Se analizó la evolución de la CSSyT en América Latina durante el período 2007- 2021, destacando su adaptación a desafíos como la pandemia de COVID-19 y el cambio climático. Se identificaron ciclos de crecimiento y declive en la CSSyT durante el período, en una evolución dinámica, relacionada con factores econó- micos y políticos, además de la pandemia del COVID-19. En el cumplimiento de ese objetivo, este estudio también resalta la importancia de la CSSyT en América Latina, que contribuye al logro de los ODS, promueve un desarrollo más equitativo y sostenible en salud y medioambiente y no solo beneficia a los países receptores, sino que, también, enriquece a los países colaboradores, alejándose de enfoques verticales y promoviendo un enfoque integral para enfrentar los desafíos regionales y globales.","PeriodicalId":55916,"journal":{"name":"Relaciones Internacionales","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139230890","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
El artículo examina los principios del derecho ambiental y su relación con los derechos empresariales, así como los principios de regulación del derecho energético, en particular, los relativos a la eficiencia económica y de sostenibilidad ambiental. Nuestra premisa es que ambos principios deben armonizarse a través del derecho de competencia en clave de sostenibilidad energética. Así mismo, que es necesaria la colaboración de gobiernos, empresas y organizaciones de ambientalistas y consumidores para el diseño de una regulación que articule un nuevo entendimiento de los derechos hacia una gestión energética sostenible.
{"title":"Una visión internacional de los derechos ambientales y empresariales y la sustentabilidad energética desde el derecho de competencia","authors":"Juan Manuel Gómez-Rodríguez","doi":"10.15359/ri.96-2.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15359/ri.96-2.5","url":null,"abstract":"El artículo examina los principios del derecho ambiental y su relación con los derechos empresariales, así como los principios de regulación del derecho energético, en particular, los relativos a la eficiencia económica y de sostenibilidad ambiental. Nuestra premisa es que ambos principios deben armonizarse a través del derecho de competencia en clave de sostenibilidad energética. Así mismo, que es necesaria la colaboración de gobiernos, empresas y organizaciones de ambientalistas y consumidores para el diseño de una regulación que articule un nuevo entendimiento de los derechos hacia una gestión energética sostenible.","PeriodicalId":55916,"journal":{"name":"Relaciones Internacionales","volume":"26 05","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139265229","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Elia Elisa Cia-Alves, Andrea Quirino-Steiner, Agnes María Freitas-Amaral
Home to the Amazon and other important biomes and to countries with long coastlines, most of Latin America faces a variety of enduring environmental challenges. Nonetheless, the region’s academic production on international environmental policy is fragmented and dispersed. This study aims to systematically analyze the literature on environmental governance in Latin America (2004–2023), with a special focus on theoretical approaches, methods, and issues. Our sample includes papers published in indexed academic journals written in English, Portuguese, or Spanish to answer the following question: How can Latin American literature on environmental policy help us understand environmental governance in the region and globally? Complementarily, we ask the following: What topics have been prioritized? What theories and methods have been used? What gaps remain? We suggest a future research agenda and hope to help strengthen the international relations (IR) environmental governance literature by providing subsidies to improve research in the region.
{"title":"Environmental Governance and International Relations: A Systematic Review of Theories, Methods, and Issues in Latin American Publications","authors":"Elia Elisa Cia-Alves, Andrea Quirino-Steiner, Agnes María Freitas-Amaral","doi":"10.15359/ri.96-2.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15359/ri.96-2.4","url":null,"abstract":"Home to the Amazon and other important biomes and to countries with long coastlines, most of Latin America faces a variety of enduring environmental challenges. Nonetheless, the region’s academic production on international environmental policy is fragmented and dispersed. This study aims to systematically analyze the literature on environmental governance in Latin America (2004–2023), with a special focus on theoretical approaches, methods, and issues. Our sample includes papers published in indexed academic journals written in English, Portuguese, or Spanish to answer the following question: How can Latin American literature on environmental policy help us understand environmental governance in the region and globally? Complementarily, we ask the following: What topics have been prioritized? What theories and methods have been used? What gaps remain? We suggest a future research agenda and hope to help strengthen the international relations (IR) environmental governance literature by providing subsidies to improve research in the region.","PeriodicalId":55916,"journal":{"name":"Relaciones Internacionales","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139281853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cuando asumió, luego de la campaña electoral, Alfonsín intentó dar seguridades a Estados Unidos, declarando que el país se identificaba, al menos desde el punto de vista cultural, con Occidente. La Casa Blanca no debía temer, entonces, que el presidente radical desplegara un alto perfil en el Movimiento de Países No Alineados. Esto no implicaba subordinarse a Washington, ya que persistían, entre otras, diferencias por la no proliferación nuclear, la crisis en América Central y la deuda externa. La mayor convergencia bilateral se inició en septiembre de 1984, en ocasión del primer encuentro presidencial entre Alfonsín y Reagan. En este artículo analizamos las distintas etapas de la compleja relación entre los presidentes, sus diferencias políticas y las necesidades económicas argentinas.
{"title":"Alfonsín y Reagan: diferencias políticas y necesidades económicas","authors":"Leandro Ariel Morgenfeld","doi":"10.24215/23142766e172","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24215/23142766e172","url":null,"abstract":"Cuando asumió, luego de la campaña electoral, Alfonsín intentó dar seguridades a Estados Unidos, declarando que el país se identificaba, al menos desde el punto de vista cultural, con Occidente. La Casa Blanca no debía temer, entonces, que el presidente radical desplegara un alto perfil en el Movimiento de Países No Alineados. Esto no implicaba subordinarse a Washington, ya que persistían, entre otras, diferencias por la no proliferación nuclear, la crisis en América Central y la deuda externa. La mayor convergencia bilateral se inició en septiembre de 1984, en ocasión del primer encuentro presidencial entre Alfonsín y Reagan. En este artículo analizamos las distintas etapas de la compleja relación entre los presidentes, sus diferencias políticas y las necesidades económicas argentinas.","PeriodicalId":55916,"journal":{"name":"Relaciones Internacionales","volume":"11 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135933775","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
El siguiente artículo científico busca abordar la gestión de la cooperación descentralizada pública y privada de la Asociación Costa Rica por Siempre para apoyar la agenda ambiental de Costa Rica. Con la teoría de la gobernanza y el enfoque de desarrollo sostenible se interpreta cómo otros actores realizan la toma de decisiones, se les asignan recursos, toman el control y coordinan proyectos, dando mayor interacción entre el Gobierno central y los nuevos actores, lo que genera más redes públicas y privadas de cooperación. Este estudio se basa en una investigación cualitativa que utiliza las entrevistas a los actores clave, como fuente principal de investigación y la consulta de material bibliográfico relacionado con temas de cooperación descentralizada y las ONG. Como estudio de caso se utiliza la Asociación Costa Rica por Siempre, que es una organización no gubernamental instalada en Costa Rica desde el 2010, y se ha destacado por ser una de las pocas organizaciones que administra un fideicomiso de Canje de Deuda por Naturaleza entre los gobiernos de los Estados Unidos y Costa Rica. El estudio de caso permite identificar que la ejecución del Estado costarricense, en ocasiones, resulta limitada en acciones medioambientales y traslada la responsabilidad de las funciones a asociaciones de carácter privado, que respondan de manera ágil a los planes de ejecución.
{"title":"La cooperación descentralizada privada desde la acción de las ONG en Costa Rica: El caso de la Asociación Costa Rica por Siempre","authors":"Floricel Burgos-Rodríguez, Rebeca García-Rivera","doi":"10.15359/ri.96-2.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15359/ri.96-2.3","url":null,"abstract":"El siguiente artículo científico busca abordar la gestión de la cooperación descentralizada pública y privada de la Asociación Costa Rica por Siempre para apoyar la agenda ambiental de Costa Rica. Con la teoría de la gobernanza y el enfoque de desarrollo sostenible se interpreta cómo otros actores realizan la toma de decisiones, se les asignan recursos, toman el control y coordinan proyectos, dando mayor interacción entre el Gobierno central y los nuevos actores, lo que genera más redes públicas y privadas de cooperación. Este estudio se basa en una investigación cualitativa que utiliza las entrevistas a los actores clave, como fuente principal de investigación y la consulta de material bibliográfico relacionado con temas de cooperación descentralizada y las ONG. Como estudio de caso se utiliza la Asociación Costa Rica por Siempre, que es una organización no gubernamental instalada en Costa Rica desde el 2010, y se ha destacado por ser una de las pocas organizaciones que administra un fideicomiso de Canje de Deuda por Naturaleza entre los gobiernos de los Estados Unidos y Costa Rica. El estudio de caso permite identificar que la ejecución del Estado costarricense, en ocasiones, resulta limitada en acciones medioambientales y traslada la responsabilidad de las funciones a asociaciones de carácter privado, que respondan de manera ágil a los planes de ejecución.","PeriodicalId":55916,"journal":{"name":"Relaciones Internacionales","volume":"21 7","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135372794","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-24DOI: 10.15366/relacionesinternacionales2023.54.001
Jef Huysmans, Ángela Iranzo
Recently, several calls have been made to renew research agendas on movement, mobility, and motion in IR. They invite us to prioritise analyses that explore how movement itself rather than belonging to a polity, society, and community enacts social and political relations. Such approaches have raised and continue to present challenges for modern conceptions of the international that embed social and political life in a sedentarist metaphysic that prioritises territorial roots and relations between enclosed entities, in particular territorialised sovereign states — or, state-like entities — that contain a society. Drawing on Malkki (1992 #3729@31, 34), sedentarism is defined as combining four elements. (i) Being rooted to a territory, or more generally soil, is the condition of identity and stability, the condition of proper being. Being a refugee, for example, emerges as being uprooted from the soil or territory where one belongs. (ii) The world exists by segmenting space into discrete territorial and cultural units. Borders and boundaries are constitutive because they define the units by partitioning insides from outside. (iii) This understanding of matter and life as rooted into segmented territorial entities is naturalised through various practices that make it a commonsense, self-evident imagination of the nature of life and matter. This process includes daily expressions like ‘home sweet home’, cartographic representations of migration, and representing human history in terms of an evolution from early hunter-gatherers to agricultural communities that expand into cities and later nation-states. (iv) Displacement is pathological in a sedentary world, an uprooting that pulls the living from the soil where they thrive. This article contributes to the work that has developed mobility agendas by unpacking what it means to prioritise movement in IR. In the first instance, giving primacy to movement means establishing conceptions of it as the primary analytical driver for understanding political and social relations. The article also develops a second answer to the question. It proposes that giving conceptual primacy to movement requires taking the point of view that life and matter are essentially movement, and that movement is continuous and undivided. Drawing on literature in mobility studies, the article introduces three different ways of conceptualising movement: crossing perimeters, connecting points, and threading passings. The first is movement within a sedentary world. The latter two create relations that challenge sedentary arrangements through networked organisations of movement and the entangling of movements moving in relation to one another. A sedentary world is not without movement. There is lots of movement — trade between states, migration of people, flows of viruses, migration of animals, tourism and so on. Of interest here is not a list of movements or the tension or relation between movement and sedentary entities, but the speci
{"title":"Movement fracturing “the international” —or, what does it mean to give primacy to movement?","authors":"Jef Huysmans, Ángela Iranzo","doi":"10.15366/relacionesinternacionales2023.54.001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/relacionesinternacionales2023.54.001","url":null,"abstract":"Recently, several calls have been made to renew research agendas on movement, mobility, and motion in IR. They invite us to prioritise analyses that explore how movement itself rather than belonging to a polity, society, and community enacts social and political relations. Such approaches have raised and continue to present challenges for modern conceptions of the international that embed social and political life in a sedentarist metaphysic that prioritises territorial roots and relations between enclosed entities, in particular territorialised sovereign states — or, state-like entities — that contain a society. Drawing on Malkki (1992 #3729@31, 34), sedentarism is defined as combining four elements. (i) Being rooted to a territory, or more generally soil, is the condition of identity and stability, the condition of proper being. Being a refugee, for example, emerges as being uprooted from the soil or territory where one belongs. (ii) The world exists by segmenting space into discrete territorial and cultural units. Borders and boundaries are constitutive because they define the units by partitioning insides from outside. (iii) This understanding of matter and life as rooted into segmented territorial entities is naturalised through various practices that make it a commonsense, self-evident imagination of the nature of life and matter. This process includes daily expressions like ‘home sweet home’, cartographic representations of migration, and representing human history in terms of an evolution from early hunter-gatherers to agricultural communities that expand into cities and later nation-states. (iv) Displacement is pathological in a sedentary world, an uprooting that pulls the living from the soil where they thrive. This article contributes to the work that has developed mobility agendas by unpacking what it means to prioritise movement in IR. In the first instance, giving primacy to movement means establishing conceptions of it as the primary analytical driver for understanding political and social relations. The article also develops a second answer to the question. It proposes that giving conceptual primacy to movement requires taking the point of view that life and matter are essentially movement, and that movement is continuous and undivided. Drawing on literature in mobility studies, the article introduces three different ways of conceptualising movement: crossing perimeters, connecting points, and threading passings. The first is movement within a sedentary world. The latter two create relations that challenge sedentary arrangements through networked organisations of movement and the entangling of movements moving in relation to one another. A sedentary world is not without movement. There is lots of movement — trade between states, migration of people, flows of viruses, migration of animals, tourism and so on. Of interest here is not a list of movements or the tension or relation between movement and sedentary entities, but the speci","PeriodicalId":55916,"journal":{"name":"Relaciones Internacionales","volume":"17 8","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135316110","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-24DOI: 10.15366/relacionesinternacionales2023.54.002
Geoffrey Whitehall, Victoria Silva Sánchez
. This article critically engages with the question of mobility in the study of international politics by centering the concept of resistance. It starts with the example of the Canadian Government blocking the Roxham Road irregular border crossing in March 2023 and Canadian officials arguing in favour of normalizing movement between the US/Canada. In general, the paper challenges the global state centric project of normalizing movement by arguing that resistance always comes first. As such, this challenge does not only ask who/what gets to move freely and when; it is centers the very resistances to normalizing movement that emerges from within and without movement itself. The paper has three sections: the first acknowledges that celebrating movement is important because it loosens the state centric study of international politics and sets borders, states, and migrants adrift in a sea of irregular movements. It creates a differential analysis of movement which I refer to as “differential encounters”. In the context of this article, recasting the state in the context of movement demands an engagement with Indigenous and migrant histories beyond the modern categories of immigrant or settler. It requires going beyond merely placing Indigenous peoples into other non-Indigenous migrations stories since it reproduces the colonial efforts to exceptionalize the immigrant experience in and through its universalization/provincialization. Such practical efforts to normalize movement allow the Canadian state to present itself as the apolitical and fixed arbiter of different movements and thereby displace the unceded mediating role inherent to Indigenous relationships to the land and its peoples. The second section shifts to an epistemological register of movements to recognize that celebrating movement can also depoliticize movements differences. Therefore, movement is not simply given; it is itself treated as diagnostic and productive by attending to the function of friction inside and between movements. Following the work of Anna Tsing, frictions are not only the product of movement but also the shapers and materializers of movement(s). They are the encounters that actualize, materialize, and define movements. They occur when movements interact, and they produce something new within the specific place-based context of differential encounters. Friction is becoming movement because nothing moves or matters without friction. This section “matters” the nine individuals, including two children, who lost their lives while being smuggled through the Akwesasne district of the St. Lawrence River, which straddles the US/Canada border. Their lives are mattered in and through the materialization of movements. Yet, in differential encounters, there can be no sovereign, disciplinary, or biopolitical accounting of bodies and lives: only frictions, movements, and resistances. These frictions both materialize and are material. They are historical and immediate. From macro t
{"title":"In different states of indifference: movement, friction, and resistance","authors":"Geoffrey Whitehall, Victoria Silva Sánchez","doi":"10.15366/relacionesinternacionales2023.54.002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/relacionesinternacionales2023.54.002","url":null,"abstract":". This article critically engages with the question of mobility in the study of international politics by centering the concept of resistance. It starts with the example of the Canadian Government blocking the Roxham Road irregular border crossing in March 2023 and Canadian officials arguing in favour of normalizing movement between the US/Canada. In general, the paper challenges the global state centric project of normalizing movement by arguing that resistance always comes first. As such, this challenge does not only ask who/what gets to move freely and when; it is centers the very resistances to normalizing movement that emerges from within and without movement itself. The paper has three sections: the first acknowledges that celebrating movement is important because it loosens the state centric study of international politics and sets borders, states, and migrants adrift in a sea of irregular movements. It creates a differential analysis of movement which I refer to as “differential encounters”. In the context of this article, recasting the state in the context of movement demands an engagement with Indigenous and migrant histories beyond the modern categories of immigrant or settler. It requires going beyond merely placing Indigenous peoples into other non-Indigenous migrations stories since it reproduces the colonial efforts to exceptionalize the immigrant experience in and through its universalization/provincialization. Such practical efforts to normalize movement allow the Canadian state to present itself as the apolitical and fixed arbiter of different movements and thereby displace the unceded mediating role inherent to Indigenous relationships to the land and its peoples. The second section shifts to an epistemological register of movements to recognize that celebrating movement can also depoliticize movements differences. Therefore, movement is not simply given; it is itself treated as diagnostic and productive by attending to the function of friction inside and between movements. Following the work of Anna Tsing, frictions are not only the product of movement but also the shapers and materializers of movement(s). They are the encounters that actualize, materialize, and define movements. They occur when movements interact, and they produce something new within the specific place-based context of differential encounters. Friction is becoming movement because nothing moves or matters without friction. This section “matters” the nine individuals, including two children, who lost their lives while being smuggled through the Akwesasne district of the St. Lawrence River, which straddles the US/Canada border. Their lives are mattered in and through the materialization of movements. Yet, in differential encounters, there can be no sovereign, disciplinary, or biopolitical accounting of bodies and lives: only frictions, movements, and resistances. These frictions both materialize and are material. They are historical and immediate. From macro t","PeriodicalId":55916,"journal":{"name":"Relaciones Internacionales","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135321881","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-24DOI: 10.15366/relacionesinternacionales2023.54.003
Anitta Kynsilehto, Angel Iglesias Ortiz
This paper argues for a need to decenter the state and (re)center the human when exploring mobilities within international relations scholarship. To make this argument we bring together feminist and critical security studies, as well as multidisciplinary insights, to address the encounter between the person on the move and the enforcement of national sovereignty. This allows us to highlight the continuums of in/security and im/mobility entwined in this encounter. In so doing, we challenge the discipline’s understanding of security that is often conceptualized from the perspective of state security only, despite critiques of such understandings that emanate from and build on different critical approaches. Furthermore, feminist international relations scholarship and feminist security studies in particular have stressed the necessity to examine security and violence as continuums that traverse across sites ranging from the corporeal and intimate to the global and transnational, and which span over time. Combined with mobility studies that focus on migrant trajectories across countries, regions, and continents with periods of chosen or unwanted immobility in between, this body of scholarship helps us understand how border enforcement impacts diversely positioned persons’ lives. Such an exercise is also useful for making visible the intended and unintended consequences of policymaking that is based on state interests only, and one that refuses to acknowledge the human beings who are caught up in these consequences. Methodologically, the paper draws on long-term ethnographic research conducted at the Mexican side of the Mexico-US border and in Morocco. We have brought together insights from our respective research projects to address border externalization and its impact in two different parts of the world, enacted by two different states (the US) and supranational entities (the EU) on their neighbors to the South, likely to be economically and politically less powerful but supposedly similarly sovereign states. The paper is organized as follows: we begin the first section by discussing the key notion of state sovereignty which is enacted at the border and demonstrate how borders of certain states extend far beyond their demarcated territories. This process, conceptualized as externalization of migration management and border control, can be perceived as contradicting the sovereignty of those states subjected to these externalization practices. We then move on to the notion of security and ask the question of whose security is at stake. Here we demonstrate how the enforcement of state security jeopardizes the safety and security of those people on the move who are located in less privileged positions in the global hierarchies of mobility. In the second section, we discuss how the perspectives outlined in the previous section manifest in our two research sites. This section focuses on the continuums of mobility and immobility and those of security and
{"title":"Recentering the human in the continuums of in/mobility and in/security: Perceptions from two emblematic borders","authors":"Anitta Kynsilehto, Angel Iglesias Ortiz","doi":"10.15366/relacionesinternacionales2023.54.003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/relacionesinternacionales2023.54.003","url":null,"abstract":"This paper argues for a need to decenter the state and (re)center the human when exploring mobilities within international relations scholarship. To make this argument we bring together feminist and critical security studies, as well as multidisciplinary insights, to address the encounter between the person on the move and the enforcement of national sovereignty. This allows us to highlight the continuums of in/security and im/mobility entwined in this encounter. In so doing, we challenge the discipline’s understanding of security that is often conceptualized from the perspective of state security only, despite critiques of such understandings that emanate from and build on different critical approaches. Furthermore, feminist international relations scholarship and feminist security studies in particular have stressed the necessity to examine security and violence as continuums that traverse across sites ranging from the corporeal and intimate to the global and transnational, and which span over time. Combined with mobility studies that focus on migrant trajectories across countries, regions, and continents with periods of chosen or unwanted immobility in between, this body of scholarship helps us understand how border enforcement impacts diversely positioned persons’ lives. Such an exercise is also useful for making visible the intended and unintended consequences of policymaking that is based on state interests only, and one that refuses to acknowledge the human beings who are caught up in these consequences. Methodologically, the paper draws on long-term ethnographic research conducted at the Mexican side of the Mexico-US border and in Morocco. We have brought together insights from our respective research projects to address border externalization and its impact in two different parts of the world, enacted by two different states (the US) and supranational entities (the EU) on their neighbors to the South, likely to be economically and politically less powerful but supposedly similarly sovereign states. The paper is organized as follows: we begin the first section by discussing the key notion of state sovereignty which is enacted at the border and demonstrate how borders of certain states extend far beyond their demarcated territories. This process, conceptualized as externalization of migration management and border control, can be perceived as contradicting the sovereignty of those states subjected to these externalization practices. We then move on to the notion of security and ask the question of whose security is at stake. Here we demonstrate how the enforcement of state security jeopardizes the safety and security of those people on the move who are located in less privileged positions in the global hierarchies of mobility. In the second section, we discuss how the perspectives outlined in the previous section manifest in our two research sites. This section focuses on the continuums of mobility and immobility and those of security and ","PeriodicalId":55916,"journal":{"name":"Relaciones Internacionales","volume":"30 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135322042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：