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Race, Ethnicity, Ancestry, and Genomics in Hawai‘i 夏威夷的种族、民族、祖先和基因组学
IF 0.5 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-23 DOI: 10.1525/hsns.2020.50.5.596
J. H. Fujimura, R. Rajagopalan
This paper examines how populations in a multiethnic cohort project used to study environmental causes of cancer in Hawai‘i have been reorganized in ways that have contributed to the racialization of the human genome. We examine the development of two central genomic data infrastructures, the multiethnic cohort (MEC) and a collection of reference DNA called the HapMap. The MEC study populations were initially designed to examine differences in nutrition as risk factors for disease, and then were repurposed to search for potential genomic risk factors for disease. The biomaterials collected from these populations became institutionalized in a data repository that later became a major source of “diverse” DNA for other studies of genomic risk factors for disease. We examine what happened when the MEC biorepository and dataset, organized by ethnic labels, came to be used, in conjunction with the data from the HapMap reference populations, to construct human population genetic categories. Developing theory on genomic racialization, we examine (1) how and why Hawai‘i became sited as a “virtual natural laboratory” for collecting and examining biomaterials from different ethnic groups, and the consequences of the transformation of those local Hawaiian ethnic groups into five racial and ethnic OMB categories meant to represent global continental groups for genomic studies. We then discuss (2) how this transformation, via the geneticists’ effort to standardize the study of genomic risk for disease around the globe, led to the construction of humans as statistical genetic resources and entities for genomic biomedicine and the human population genetics discipline. Through this transformation of populations and biorepositories, we argue (3) that the twenty-first century has seen the intertwining of “race,” “population,” and “genome” via large-scale genomic association studies. We show how “race” has become imbricated in human population genetics and genomic biomedicine. This essay is part of a special issue entitled Pacific Biologies: How Humans Become Genetic, edited by Warwick Anderson and M. Susan Lindee.
本文研究了用于研究夏威夷癌症环境原因的多种族队列项目中的人群如何以有助于人类基因组种族化的方式进行重组。我们研究了两个中心基因组数据基础设施的发展,多民族队列(MEC)和称为HapMap的参考DNA集合。MEC研究人群最初的设计目的是检查营养差异作为疾病的危险因素,然后重新调整目的,以寻找潜在的疾病基因组危险因素。从这些人群中收集的生物材料在一个数据库中被制度化,该数据库后来成为其他疾病基因组风险因素研究的“多样化”DNA的主要来源。我们研究了当MEC生物库和数据集(按种族标签组织)与来自HapMap参考人群的数据一起使用时发生的情况,以构建人类群体遗传分类。发展基因组种族化理论,我们研究了(1)夏威夷如何以及为什么成为收集和检查来自不同种族群体的生物材料的“虚拟自然实验室”,以及夏威夷当地种族群体转变为五个种族和民族OMB类别的后果,这些类别旨在代表基因组研究的全球大陆群体。然后,我们讨论(2)通过遗传学家在全球范围内标准化疾病基因组风险研究的努力,这种转变如何导致人类作为基因组生物医学和人类种群遗传学学科的统计遗传资源和实体的构建。通过这种种群和生物储存库的转变,我们认为(3)通过大规模的基因组关联研究,21世纪已经看到了“种族”、“种群”和“基因组”的相互交织。我们展示了“种族”如何在人类种群遗传学和基因组生物医学中变得错综复杂。这篇文章是沃里克·安德森和M.苏珊·林迪编辑的题为《太平洋生物学:人类是如何遗传的》特刊的一部分。
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引用次数: 3
From Racial Types to Aboriginal Clines 从种族类型到土著血统
IF 0.5 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-23 DOI: 10.1525/hsns.2020.50.5.498
Warwick Anderson
The mid-twentieth century Australian fieldwork of Joseph B. Birdsell illustrates, perhaps uniquely, the transition from typological structuring in physical anthropology before World War II to human biology’s increasing interest in the geographical or clinal patterning of genes and commitment to notions of drift and selection. It also shows that some morphological inquiries lingered into the postwar period, as did an attachment to theories of racial migration and hybridization. Birdsell’s intensive and long-term fieldwork among Aboriginal Australians eventually led him to criticize the settler colonialism and white racism that had made possible his expeditions and data collection. Yet he continued to regard Aboriginal communities as “island laboratories” and to treat Aboriginal people as convenient research subjects, distancing himself from their life worlds and experiences of dispossession and exploitation. This essay is part of a special issue entitled Pacific Biologies: How Humans Become Genetic, edited by Warwick Anderson and M. Susan Lindee.
20世纪中期,约瑟夫·b·伯德塞尔(Joseph B. Birdsell)在澳大利亚的田野调查,或许是独一无二的,说明了从第二次世界大战前体质人类学的类型学结构,到人类生物学对基因的地理或临床模式越来越感兴趣,以及对漂变和选择概念的承诺的转变。它还表明,一些形态学研究一直延续到战后时期,对种族迁移和杂交理论的依恋也是如此。伯德塞尔在澳大利亚土著人中进行了密集而长期的田野调查,最终使他对移民殖民主义和白人种族主义提出了批评,正是这些殖民主义和种族主义使他的探险和数据收集成为可能。然而,他继续将土著社区视为“岛屿实验室”,并将土著居民视为方便的研究对象,使自己与他们的生活世界以及被剥夺和剥削的经历保持距离。这篇文章是沃里克·安德森和M.苏珊·林迪编辑的题为《太平洋生物学:人类是如何遗传的》特刊的一部分。
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引用次数: 2
First Peoples of the Atomic Age 原子时代的第一民族
IF 0.5 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-23 DOI: 10.1525/hsns.2020.50.5.554
M. S. Lindee
In this article, I explore the history of biological materials that scientists and physicians collected from those who survived the atomic bombings at Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Originally acquired beginning in 1946 to track the genetic effects of radiation in the offspring of atomic bomb survivors, these materials gradually became relevant to other kinds of biological and biomedical research. Many of the samples still held at the Radiation Effects Research Foundation are from individuals (approximately 65 percent) who are no longer alive. To scientists and others engaged with their management and use, these samples are uniquely valuable, timeless, a legacy for “all mankind.” Like materials taken from isolated populations around the world, the atomic bomb samples are both unique and universalized. They join other forms of Big Data in their seamless transition from dramatic specificity to general relevance. My paper explores what such legacies mean, and what they might teach us about the history of biology, the practices of biobanking, and the post-1945 Pacific world. This essay is part of a special issue entitled Pacific Biologies: How Humans Become Genetic, edited by Warwick Anderson and M. Susan Lindee.
在这篇文章中,我探索了科学家和医生从广岛和长崎原子弹爆炸幸存者那里收集的生物材料的历史。这些材料最初于1946年开始获得,用于追踪原子弹幸存者后代的辐射遗传影响,后来逐渐与其他种类的生物和生物医学研究相关。许多仍保存在辐射效应研究基金会的样本来自于已经去世的人(大约65%)。对于科学家和其他参与管理和使用它们的人来说,这些样本是独一无二的,有价值的,永恒的,是“全人类”的遗产。就像从世界各地孤立的人群中提取的材料一样,原子弹样本既独特又普遍。它们与其他形式的大数据一起,从戏剧性的特殊性无缝过渡到普遍相关性。我的论文探讨了这些遗产的意义,以及它们可能教给我们的关于生物学历史、生物银行实践和1945年后太平洋世界的东西。这篇文章是沃里克·安德森和M.苏珊·林迪编辑的题为《太平洋生物学:人类是如何遗传的》特刊的一部分。
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引用次数: 1
Pacific Biologies: How Humans Become Genetic 太平洋生物学:人类是如何遗传的
IF 0.5 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-23 DOI: 10.1525/hsns.2020.50.5.483
Warwick Anderson, M. S. Lindee
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引用次数: 0
The Engineering Ideal 工程理想
IF 0.5 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-23 DOI: 10.1525/hsns.2020.50.5.624
N. Crowe
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引用次数: 0
Normalization and the Search for Variation in the Human Genome 人类基因组的归一化和变异搜索
IF 0.5 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-23 DOI: 10.1525/hsns.2020.50.5.578
S. Chadarevian
This essay reflects on the tension between standardization and the search for variation in the human genome. The stabilization of the human chromosome count in the 1920s was based on the consensus that “Whites,” “Negroes,” and “Japanese,” as well as women and men, had the same number of chromosomes. Yet the idea that there might be chromosomal differences between various groups of people was never quite abandoned. When in the mid-1950s the human chromosome number was revised from 48 to 46, the new count was tested in populations around the world. The description of the “normal human karyotype” that was negotiated in the 1960s was driven by the search for a standard against which the genetic variation revealed by the flurry of testing could be measured. And although the human genome project in the 1990s promised to provide the genetic blueprint that all humans shared, it has in fact led to an increased focus on the genetic variation that distinguishes the history, identity, and health outcomes of various human populations. Following concrete examples, this essay investigates the historically contingent quests that have been driving the search for common standards and variation, and the role Pacific and Indigenous populations have played in these endeavors. This essay is part of a special issue entitled Pacific Biologies: How Humans Become Genetic, edited by Warwick Anderson and M. Susan Lindee.
这篇文章反映了标准化和寻找人类基因组变异之间的紧张关系。20世纪20年代,人类染色体数量的稳定是基于“白人”、“黑人”和“日本人”以及女性和男性拥有相同数量的染色体这一共识。然而,不同人群之间可能存在染色体差异的想法从未被完全抛弃。在20世纪50年代中期,人类的染色体数目从48个修改为46个,新的计数在世界各地的人群中进行了测试。20世纪60年代,人们就“正常人类核型”的描述进行了协商,目的是寻找一种标准,以衡量一连串测试所揭示的遗传变异。尽管20世纪90年代的人类基因组计划承诺提供所有人类共有的基因蓝图,但它实际上导致了对基因变异的更多关注,这种变异区分了不同人群的历史、身份和健康结果。以下是具体的例子,这篇文章调查了历史上偶然的探索,这些探索一直在推动对共同标准和变化的探索,以及太平洋和土著居民在这些努力中所扮演的角色。这篇文章是沃里克·安德森和M.苏珊·林迪编辑的题为《太平洋生物学:人类是如何遗传的》特刊的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
Bloodworlds
IF 0.5 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-01 DOI: 10.1525/hsns.2020.50.5.525
P. Mukharji
In 1952, a joint Indo-Australian team undertook one of the first genetic studies of the Chenchu people of southern India. Long thought of as one of the oldest populations on the subcontinent and a potential link between South Asian and Aboriginal Australian populations, the study hoped to illuminate the deeper demographic histories of both India and Australia. Coming as it did immediately on the heels of decolonization, it also signaled a new era of scientific collaborations after empire. But what exactly does “collaboration” entail? How far do agendas and imaginations actually cohere in such a “collaboration”? The various collaborating actors in the Chenchu project held very distinctive ideas and agendas. Keeping blood at the center, this article explores those distinctive “bloodworlds” that were mobilized in the course of the Chenchu study. The published text of the study was a potpourri of these different bloodworlds; equally important, however, was the bloodworld this potpourri could not accommodate: the bloodworlds of Chenchu wizards. Not a world engendered in some pure or isolated “tribal culture,” but a magical bloodworld created through historical interactions with Shaivism and Shi’ism. This was a bloodworld eminently recognizable by the Chenchu themselves, but incapable of accommodation in the published study on them. This essay is part of a special issue entitled Pacific Biologies: How Humans Become Genetic, edited by Warwick Anderson and M. Susan Lindee.
1952年,一个印度-澳大利亚联合小组对印度南部的陈楚人进行了首批基因研究之一。长期以来,印度一直被认为是次大陆上最古老的人口之一,也是南亚和澳大利亚土著人口之间的潜在联系,这项研究希望能阐明印度和澳大利亚更深层次的人口历史。它紧随非殖民化之后而来,也标志着帝国之后科学合作的新时代。但“合作”究竟意味着什么?在这样的“合作”中,议程和想象实际上在多大程度上是一致的?在陈初项目中,各个合作参与者都有非常独特的想法和议程。本文以血为中心,探讨在陈初研究过程中被调动起来的那些独特的“血世界”。这项研究发表的文本是这些不同血液世界的大杂烩;然而,同样重要的是这个大杂烩无法容纳的血界:陈楚巫师的血界。这不是一个纯粹或孤立的“部落文化”所产生的世界,而是一个通过与沙伊教和什叶派的历史互动而创造出来的神奇的血腥世界。这是一个陈楚人自己非常清楚的血腥世界,但在发表的关于他们的研究中却无法适应。这篇文章是沃里克·安德森和M.苏珊·林迪编辑的题为《太平洋生物学:人类是如何遗传的》特刊的一部分。
{"title":"Bloodworlds","authors":"P. Mukharji","doi":"10.1525/hsns.2020.50.5.525","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2020.50.5.525","url":null,"abstract":"In 1952, a joint Indo-Australian team undertook one of the first genetic studies of the Chenchu people of southern India. Long thought of as one of the oldest populations on the subcontinent and a potential link between South Asian and Aboriginal Australian populations, the study hoped to illuminate the deeper demographic histories of both India and Australia. Coming as it did immediately on the heels of decolonization, it also signaled a new era of scientific collaborations after empire. But what exactly does “collaboration” entail? How far do agendas and imaginations actually cohere in such a “collaboration”? The various collaborating actors in the Chenchu project held very distinctive ideas and agendas. Keeping blood at the center, this article explores those distinctive “bloodworlds” that were mobilized in the course of the Chenchu study. The published text of the study was a potpourri of these different bloodworlds; equally important, however, was the bloodworld this potpourri could not accommodate: the bloodworlds of Chenchu wizards. Not a world engendered in some pure or isolated “tribal culture,” but a magical bloodworld created through historical interactions with Shaivism and Shi’ism. This was a bloodworld eminently recognizable by the Chenchu themselves, but incapable of accommodation in the published study on them.\u0000 This essay is part of a special issue entitled Pacific Biologies: How Humans Become Genetic, edited by Warwick Anderson and M. Susan Lindee.","PeriodicalId":56130,"journal":{"name":"Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences","volume":"72 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80069292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Science and Diplomacy around the Earth 地球周围的科学与外交
IF 0.5 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-09-23 DOI: 10.1525/HSNS.2020.50.4.456
Giulia Rispoli, Doubravka Olšáková
In this article we discuss two phases in the evolution of global environmental programs, namely the Man and Biosphere Programme and the International Geosphere-Biosphere Programme, with the aim of showing their hidden diplomatic ambitions from both US and Soviet perspectives. In the 1960s and 1970s, Soviet views on the biosphere prevailed thanks to the influence of Soviet scientists in the International Council of Scientific Unions and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. In the 1980s, the domination of this field by US scientists ushered in the establishment of Earth system science as a new research trend based on Earth observation technologies. We argue that despite the influence of Soviet ecologists in directing international coordination of research on the biosphere, Earth system science did not set in a trajectory of environmental cooperation. This outcome can be explained if we take the environmental and ecological turn that arose during the Cold War as being intertwined with political concerns and national interests in both the US and the USSR. Security, scientific diplomacy, and geopolitical issues limited East-West collaboration on the interdisciplinary study of the earth, which instead turned into a sort of cooperative antagonism. The transition from biosphere studies to Earth system science reveals a changing strategy toward environmental problems, which in turn reflects changes in Cold War policy. This essay is part of a special issue entitled Science Diplomacy, edited by Giulia Rispoli and Simone Turchetti.
在本文中,我们讨论了全球环境计划演变的两个阶段,即人与生物圈计划和国际地圈-生物圈计划,旨在从美国和苏联的角度展示他们隐藏的外交野心。在20世纪60年代和70年代,由于苏联科学家在国际科学联盟理事会和联合国教育、科学及文化组织中的影响,苏联关于生物圈的观点占了上风。20世纪80年代,美国科学家在该领域的主导地位开启了以对地观测技术为基础的地球系统科学的建立。我们认为,尽管苏联生态学家在指导生物圈研究的国际协调方面产生了影响,但地球系统科学并没有走上环境合作的轨道。如果我们把冷战期间出现的环境和生态转向与美国和苏联的政治关切和国家利益交织在一起,就可以解释这一结果。安全、科学外交和地缘政治问题限制了东西方在地球跨学科研究上的合作,这反而变成了一种合作对抗。从生物圈研究到地球系统科学的转变揭示了环境问题战略的变化,这反过来反映了冷战政策的变化。本文是《科学外交》特刊的一部分,由朱莉娅·里斯波利和西蒙娜·图尔凯蒂编辑。
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引用次数: 6
Congress Mania in Brussels, 1846–1856 布鲁塞尔的国会狂热(1846-1856
IF 0.5 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-09-23 DOI: 10.1525/HSNS.2020.50.4.340
D. Aubin
In 1853, the director of the Belgium Royal Observatory, Adolphe Quetelet, welcomed delegates from several countries to two consecutive meetings that have acquired considerable reputation as the first international congresses of, respectively, meteorology and statistics. This paper examines the local context where several similar international congresses (on free trade, universal peace, prison reform, public hygiene, etc.) were organized in the same decade. It argues that the new Belgian state developed this new form of international conference in order to bolster its soft power in the Concert of Nations. It also discusses tensions between national interests and global beliefs in the efficiency of science, which arose from these congresses. This essay is part of a special issue entitled Science Diplomacy, edited by Giulia Rispoli and Simone Turchetti.
1853年,比利时皇家天文台的主任阿道夫·奎特莱(Adolphe Quetelet)欢迎来自几个国家的代表参加连续两次会议,这两次会议分别被认为是第一届国际气象学和统计学大会。本文考察了几个类似的国际大会(关于自由贸易、普遍和平、监狱改革、公共卫生等)在同一十年组织的地方背景。它认为,新的比利时国家发展这种新形式的国际会议是为了加强其在“国家协调”中的软实力。它还讨论了这些大会产生的国家利益和对科学效率的全球信念之间的紧张关系。本文是《科学外交》特刊的一部分,由朱莉娅·里斯波利和西蒙娜·图尔凯蒂编辑。
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引用次数: 6
The Philosopher and the Rooster 哲学家和公鸡
IF 0.5 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-09-23 DOI: 10.1525/HSNS.2020.50.4.364
G. Somsen
Unlike what is often presumed, scientific internationalism persisted through the First World War and its aftermath. Although many scientists aligned themselves with their belligerent nations after 1914, and although Germany and Austria were excluded from international meetings after 1919, the rhetoric celebrating the universally fraternizing nature of science continued as if no such ruptures existed. In this article I argue that this persistence was rooted in the war itself, and particularly in the massive mobilization of academics in wartime propaganda and diplomacy. In these activities they used internationalist arguments and their own supranational status as scientists to defend their countries’ war causes and defame those of the enemy. I illustrate this by following the diplomatic work of the French philosopher Henri Bergson. From the start of the war Bergson presented himself as a neutral scientific arbiter, developing a philosophy of the war (based on his work on life and evolution) as a battle of German barbarity versus universal (not just French) civilization. His government took note and sent Bergson on several diplomatic tasks, most notably a secret mission to the United States, early 1917, where he was to speak to President Wilson to persuade him to enter the war on the French side. Bergson’s universalism and his stature as a philosopher should appeal to Wilson’s dislike of partisanship and craving for the moral high ground. After the war, Bergson-style universalism continued and was institutionalized in the League of Nations and its International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation—with Bergson as its president. This essay is part of a special issue entitled Science Diplomacy, edited by Giulia Rispoli and Simone Turchetti.
与通常的假设不同,科学国际主义贯穿了第一次世界大战及其后果。尽管许多科学家在1914年后与交战国结盟,尽管德国和奥地利在1919年后被排除在国际会议之外,但庆祝科学普遍友好性质的言论仍在继续,就好像这种破裂不存在一样。在这篇文章中,我认为这种坚持根植于战争本身,特别是在战时宣传和外交中对学者的大规模动员。在这些活动中,他们利用国际主义的论点和自己作为科学家的超国家地位来捍卫自己国家的战争事业,并诋毁敌人的战争事业。我以法国哲学家亨利·柏格森(Henri Bergson)的外交著作为例来说明这一点。从战争一开始,柏格森就以中立的科学仲裁者的身份出现,发展了一种战争哲学(基于他对生命和进化的研究),将其视为德国野蛮与普遍文明(不仅仅是法国)的战争。他的政府注意到了这一点,并派柏格森执行了几项外交任务,其中最引人注目的是1917年初前往美国的秘密任务,他在那里与威尔逊总统交谈,说服他加入法国一方的战争。柏格森的普遍主义和他作为哲学家的地位应该会吸引威尔逊对党派偏见的厌恶和对道德制高点的渴望。战后,柏格森式的普世主义继续存在,并在国际联盟及其国际知识分子合作委员会(柏格森担任主席)中制度化。本文是《科学外交》特刊的一部分,由朱莉娅·里斯波利和西蒙娜·图尔凯蒂编辑。
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引用次数: 2
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Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences
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