L. Dávalos, Eleonora Dávalos, J. Holmes, Clara Tucker, D. Armenteras
Population growth with weak economic development can promote tropical deforestation, but government infrastructure investment can also open new frontiers and thus increase deforestation. In the Andean region of South America, population growth has been a leading explanation for both deforestation and coca cultivation, but coca generates armed conflict and attracts counter-drug measures, obscuring the differences between population-driven and frontier-opening models of deforestation. Using a 15-year panel from Colombia, we model deforestation, coca cultivation, and conflict victims as interrelated responses with a suite of covariates encompassing land cover, land cover changes, population, population changes, counter-drug measures, and government infrastructure spending. Infrastructure spending suppresses coca, coca and eradication by aerial fumigation both increase conflict, and conflict promotes deforestation and is associated with depopulation. But the strongest predictor of deforestation is pasture growth, which covaries with coca. While these models show that infrastructure spending can help reduce coca, and coca’s influence on deforestation is indirect and mediated by conflict, the models also reveal the most important challenge to forest conservation is neither coca nor conflict, but an insatiable appetite for land that expresses itself through pasture growth.
{"title":"Forests, Coca, and Conflict: Grass Frontier Dynamics and Deforestation in the Amazon-Andes","authors":"L. Dávalos, Eleonora Dávalos, J. Holmes, Clara Tucker, D. Armenteras","doi":"10.31389/jied.87","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31389/jied.87","url":null,"abstract":"Population growth with weak economic development can promote tropical deforestation, but government infrastructure investment can also open new frontiers and thus increase deforestation. In the Andean region of South America, population growth has been a leading explanation for both deforestation and coca cultivation, but coca generates armed conflict and attracts counter-drug measures, obscuring the differences between population-driven and frontier-opening models of deforestation. Using a 15-year panel from Colombia, we model deforestation, coca cultivation, and conflict victims as interrelated responses with a suite of covariates encompassing land cover, land cover changes, population, population changes, counter-drug measures, and government infrastructure spending. Infrastructure spending suppresses coca, coca and eradication by aerial fumigation both increase conflict, and conflict promotes deforestation and is associated with depopulation. But the strongest predictor of deforestation is pasture growth, which covaries with coca. While these models show that infrastructure spending can help reduce coca, and coca’s influence on deforestation is indirect and mediated by conflict, the models also reveal the most important challenge to forest conservation is neither coca nor conflict, but an insatiable appetite for land that expresses itself through pasture growth.","PeriodicalId":73784,"journal":{"name":"Journal of illicit economies and development","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45669182","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
L. Grillo, Allison Kendra, Alvaro Pastor, H. Manrique
For decades, international governments and the Peruvian state have worked to reduce illicit coca cultivation in valleys that were once among the largest global producers of coca. The principal strategies used in these interventions are drug crop eradication and alternative development (AD), both of which have been operating for over forty years in Peru. These interventions have decreased illicit coca cultivation in targeted areas and increased the number of farmers engaged in alternative crops. However, socio-environmental factors affect farmer’s experiences of these interventions at a micro level, sometimes causing unintended negative consequences. Drawing on qualitative research in the Upper Huallaga and Monzon Valleys, this article details the mechanisms through which socio-environmental vulnerabilities shaped how coca eradication and AD policies are experienced by current and former cocalero farmers. We argue that long-term coca eradication and AD policies in both valleys reproduced social and environmental precarities. In particular, we found that: participation in AD programs was commonly more attainable for farmers who had relatively higher access to resources; successful alternative crop cultivation was often limited by socio-environmental conditions; and ongoing coca eradication continued to push marginalized coca growers into more precarious positions, often leading them to replant coca in more distant forests. For these reasons, illicit coca cultivation continued, albeit at a lower scale and under greater challenges for farmers, alongside attempts to combat it. We conclude the article by discussing these findings in the context of recent scholarship and ongoing supply-side drug policies that claim to support social equity and environmental well-being.
{"title":"Addressing Socio-Environmental Challenges and Unintended Consequences of Peruvian Drug Policy: An Analysis in Two Former Cocalero Valleys","authors":"L. Grillo, Allison Kendra, Alvaro Pastor, H. Manrique","doi":"10.31389/jied.92","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31389/jied.92","url":null,"abstract":"For decades, international governments and the Peruvian state have worked to reduce illicit coca cultivation in valleys that were once among the largest global producers of coca. The principal strategies used in these interventions are drug crop eradication and alternative development (AD), both of which have been operating for over forty years in Peru. These interventions have decreased illicit coca cultivation in targeted areas and increased the number of farmers engaged in alternative crops. However, socio-environmental factors affect farmer’s experiences of these interventions at a micro level, sometimes causing unintended negative consequences. Drawing on qualitative research in the Upper Huallaga and Monzon Valleys, this article details the mechanisms through which socio-environmental vulnerabilities shaped how coca eradication and AD policies are experienced by current and former cocalero farmers. We argue that long-term coca eradication and AD policies in both valleys reproduced social and environmental precarities. In particular, we found that: participation in AD programs was commonly more attainable for farmers who had relatively higher access to resources; successful alternative crop cultivation was often limited by socio-environmental conditions; and ongoing coca eradication continued to push marginalized coca growers into more precarious positions, often leading them to replant coca in more distant forests. For these reasons, illicit coca cultivation continued, albeit at a lower scale and under greater challenges for farmers, alongside attempts to combat it. We conclude the article by discussing these findings in the context of recent scholarship and ongoing supply-side drug policies that claim to support social equity and environmental well-being.","PeriodicalId":73784,"journal":{"name":"Journal of illicit economies and development","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45290606","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
N. Magliocca, A. Torres, Jared D. Margulies, K. McSweeney, Inés Arroyo-Quiroz, N. Carter, Kevin M. Curtin, Tara Easter, Meredith L. Gore, Annette Hübschle, Francis Massé, Aunshul Rege, Elizabeth Tellman
Illicit supply networks (ISNs) are composed of coordinated human actors that source, transit, and distribute illicitly traded goods to consumers, while also creating widespread social and environmental harms. Despite growing documentation of ISNs and their impacts, efforts to understand and disrupt ISNs remain insufficient due to the persistent lack of knowledge connecting a given ISN’s modus operandi and its patterns of activity in space and time. The core challenge is that the data and knowledge needed to integrate it remain fragmented and/or compartmentalized across disciplines, research groups, and agencies tasked with understanding or monitoring one or a few specific ISNs. One path forward is to conduct comparative analyses of multiple diverse ISNs. We present and apply a conceptual framework for linking ISN modus operandi to spatial-temporal dynamics and patterns of activity. We demonstrate this through a comparative analysis of three ISNs – cocaine, illegally traded wildlife, and illegally mined sand – which range from well-established to emergent, global to domestic in geographic scope, and fully illicit to de facto legal. The proposed framework revealed consistent traits related to geographic price structure, value capture at different supply chain stages, and key differences among ISN structure and operation related to commodity characteristics and their relative illicitness. Despite the diversity of commodities and ISN attributes compared, social and environmental harms inflicted by the illicit activity consistently become more widespread with increasing law enforcement disruption. Drawing on these lessons from diverse ISNs, which varied in their histories and current sophistication, possible changes in the structure and function of nascent and/or low salience ISNs may be anticipated if future conditions or law enforcement pressure change.
{"title":"Comparative Analysis of Illicit Supply Network Structure and Operations: Cocaine, Wildlife, and Sand","authors":"N. Magliocca, A. Torres, Jared D. Margulies, K. McSweeney, Inés Arroyo-Quiroz, N. Carter, Kevin M. Curtin, Tara Easter, Meredith L. Gore, Annette Hübschle, Francis Massé, Aunshul Rege, Elizabeth Tellman","doi":"10.31389/jied.76","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31389/jied.76","url":null,"abstract":"Illicit supply networks (ISNs) are composed of coordinated human actors that source, transit, and distribute illicitly traded goods to consumers, while also creating widespread social and environmental harms. Despite growing documentation of ISNs and their impacts, efforts to understand and disrupt ISNs remain insufficient due to the persistent lack of knowledge connecting a given ISN’s modus operandi and its patterns of activity in space and time. The core challenge is that the data and knowledge needed to integrate it remain fragmented and/or compartmentalized across disciplines, research groups, and agencies tasked with understanding or monitoring one or a few specific ISNs. One path forward is to conduct comparative analyses of multiple diverse ISNs. We present and apply a conceptual framework for linking ISN modus operandi to spatial-temporal dynamics and patterns of activity. We demonstrate this through a comparative analysis of three ISNs – cocaine, illegally traded wildlife, and illegally mined sand – which range from well-established to emergent, global to domestic in geographic scope, and fully illicit to de facto legal. The proposed framework revealed consistent traits related to geographic price structure, value capture at different supply chain stages, and key differences among ISN structure and operation related to commodity characteristics and their relative illicitness. Despite the diversity of commodities and ISN attributes compared, social and environmental harms inflicted by the illicit activity consistently become more widespread with increasing law enforcement disruption. Drawing on these lessons from diverse ISNs, which varied in their histories and current sophistication, possible changes in the structure and function of nascent and/or low salience ISNs may be anticipated if future conditions or law enforcement pressure change.","PeriodicalId":73784,"journal":{"name":"Journal of illicit economies and development","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41715070","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article draws together and discusses the key practical lessons of this Special Issue as a means to revisit ‘urban peace’ as a policy framework. It positions responses to illicit economies within a broader socio-economic agenda for which the notion of ‘urban peace’ acts as an umbrella for expanding the toolbox for dealing with illicit economies and as a signpost for the direction of policies to achieve greater levels of negative and positive peace. The agenda prioritizes the expansion of economic opportunities in informal economies as a critical strategic objective to manage the pressures within rapidly growing cities and to ensure peaceful urban politics in turbulent times. The article starts by charting the current mainstream responses to illicit economies before discussing the lessons of alternatives to law and order approaches of different case studies. It highlights multidimensional approaches and strong coordination mechanisms, as well as the potential of platform models as governance mechanisms for programmes to transform illicit economies. The article also underlines how illicit economies create their own non-state forms of order in which violence has a functional purpose. Building on a political economy perspective, the article proposes pragmatic peacebuilding and urban political settlements as a means to regulate and transform illicit economies. In the face of major systemic shifts happening over the next decade, the article underlines the need for a more fundamental rethink about how cities should address the multitude of challenges they are facing.
{"title":"Illicit Economies Through the Lens of Urban Peace: Towards a New Policy Agenda","authors":"Achim Wennmann","doi":"10.31389/JIED.89","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31389/JIED.89","url":null,"abstract":"This article draws together and discusses the key practical lessons of this Special Issue as a means to revisit ‘urban peace’ as a policy framework. It positions responses to illicit economies within a broader socio-economic agenda for which the notion of ‘urban peace’ acts as an umbrella for expanding the toolbox for dealing with illicit economies and as a signpost for the direction of policies to achieve greater levels of negative and positive peace. The agenda prioritizes the expansion of economic opportunities in informal economies as a critical strategic objective to manage the pressures within rapidly growing cities and to ensure peaceful urban politics in turbulent times. The article starts by charting the current mainstream responses to illicit economies before discussing the lessons of alternatives to law and order approaches of different case studies. It highlights multidimensional approaches and strong coordination mechanisms, as well as the potential of platform models as governance mechanisms for programmes to transform illicit economies. The article also underlines how illicit economies create their own non-state forms of order in which violence has a functional purpose. Building on a political economy perspective, the article proposes pragmatic peacebuilding and urban political settlements as a means to regulate and transform illicit economies. In the face of major systemic shifts happening over the next decade, the article underlines the need for a more fundamental rethink about how cities should address the multitude of challenges they are facing.","PeriodicalId":73784,"journal":{"name":"Journal of illicit economies and development","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42548725","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper highlights the complex and contested relationship between drugs and development policies globally. It uses a recent experience in Thailand to showcase the link between drugs and development policies while highlighting the difficult international terrain for forging a common United Nations (UN) position. It examines the challenging transition underway within Thailand as practitioners of rural development policies in drug crop affected regions seek to translate the lessons of traditional ‘alternative development’ to urban and borderland areas affected by drug trafficking, arguing that many of the underlying principles are the same. It provides a practitioner-led overview of the recent experiences of Thailand and the global drug debates. It then takes a step into the literature on peacebuilding, examining the possible positioning of drugs and development debates relative to the field of peacebuilding studies. It concludes by highlighting the numerous areas of overlap between the new drugs and development debates and existing peacebuilding discussions.
{"title":"Drugs and Development in the Urban Setting—Expanding Development-Oriented Interventions Beyond Illicit Drug Crop Cultivation","authors":"M. L. D. Diskul, J. Collins, Daniel Brombacher","doi":"10.31389/JIED.73","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31389/JIED.73","url":null,"abstract":"This paper highlights the complex and contested relationship between drugs and development policies globally. It uses a recent experience in Thailand to showcase the link between drugs and development policies while highlighting the difficult international terrain for forging a common United Nations (UN) position. It examines the challenging transition underway within Thailand as practitioners of rural development policies in drug crop affected regions seek to translate the lessons of traditional ‘alternative development’ to urban and borderland areas affected by drug trafficking, arguing that many of the underlying principles are the same. It provides a practitioner-led overview of the recent experiences of Thailand and the global drug debates. It then takes a step into the literature on peacebuilding, examining the possible positioning of drugs and development debates relative to the field of peacebuilding studies. It concludes by highlighting the numerous areas of overlap between the new drugs and development debates and existing peacebuilding discussions.","PeriodicalId":73784,"journal":{"name":"Journal of illicit economies and development","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44782409","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The author, Maurizio Catino, has undertaken a meticulous examination of criminal organizations that dominate the illicit marketplace throughout the world. The Mafia, Cosa Nostra, Camorra, ‘Ndrangheta, Triads, Yakuza, and the South American cartels are dissected and their respective nomenclatures compared and contrasted. Catino addresses their relationship to the illicit markets that they operate within and organize in order to minimize risks and maximize profits. Relying upon electronic surveillances, investigative reports, and intelligence sources, Catino takes this ethnographic data and molds it into a series of principles that govern each criminal organization. His research has profoundly advanced our understanding of criminal organizations and the illicit markets they supply. It will likely go down as the most seminal piece of research in the past thirty or more years.
{"title":"Mafia Organizations: The Visible Hand of Criminal Enterprise","authors":"Frederick T. Martens","doi":"10.31389/JIED.78","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31389/JIED.78","url":null,"abstract":"The author, Maurizio Catino, has undertaken a meticulous examination of criminal organizations that dominate the illicit marketplace throughout the world. The Mafia, Cosa Nostra, Camorra, ‘Ndrangheta, Triads, Yakuza, and the South American cartels are dissected and their respective nomenclatures compared and contrasted. Catino addresses their relationship to the illicit markets that they operate within and organize in order to minimize risks and maximize profits. Relying upon electronic surveillances, investigative reports, and intelligence sources, Catino takes this ethnographic data and molds it into a series of principles that govern each criminal organization. His research has profoundly advanced our understanding of criminal organizations and the illicit markets they supply. It will likely go down as the most seminal piece of research in the past thirty or more years.","PeriodicalId":73784,"journal":{"name":"Journal of illicit economies and development","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42028682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Falsified Medicines Directive (FMD 2011/62/EC) (European Commission 2011) is designed to eliminate counterfeit medication and limit potential risk of harm to the public. We know that the world has changed since this directive was conceived. While enshrined in law (Moore 2019), we risk not being able to deliver on this directive (Barrett & Al-Mousawi 2018; Barrett 2020). The UK leaves the Europe Union on the 31st of December 2020, with it access to the ‘national verification system’ whereby dispensed medicines get verified against a European central database for their authenticity is lost. This makes the UK a target for flow of falsified medicines into its domestic market and as a route into Europe. Nobody wants this, except the spurious agents involved in the business of providing substandard medication. The UK also provides globally admired universal care and is responsible for securing and supplying medicines to patients via the NHS. Medicine costs have been rising (Acosta et al. 2019; Batista et al. 2019; European Medicines Agency 2018; Hughes 2019; Miljković et al. 2019) and can be linked to currency fluctuations and policy (Ewbank 2018; Kanavos et al. 2011; Kanavos et al. 2020). The concern is that there will be potential trade wars and with them, further volatility (e.g., currency, geopolitics, supply routes, and natural resources) putting medicine access at risk. Globally, we face increasingly difficult choices with concern about patients’ access to medicines. The path to regulatory approval also seems convoluted and expensive for most small-scale manufacturers. Increasingly, there are fewer large manufacturing sites and these are controlled by a few market participants. Looking at strategic, regional, and political pressures is vital when thinking about securing medicine supply across the world. Resources and research need to be dedicated to this area, as its importance is likely to grow.
《防伪药品指令》(FMD 2011/62/EC)(欧盟委员会2011)旨在消除假药并限制对公众造成伤害的潜在风险。我们知道，自从这个指令诞生以来，世界已经发生了变化。虽然法律明文规定(Moore 2019)，但我们可能无法履行这一指令(Barrett & Al-Mousawi 2018;巴雷特2020年)。英国将于2020年12月31日离开欧盟，届时将进入“国家验证系统”，通过该系统，配药将根据欧洲中央数据库进行验证，但其真实性将丢失。这使得英国成为假冒药品流入其国内市场和进入欧洲的一个途径的目标。没有人希望这样，除了那些提供不合格药物的冒牌代理商。英国还提供全球钦佩的全民保健，并负责通过NHS向患者提供药品。药品成本一直在上升(Acosta et al. 2019;Batista et al. 2019;欧洲药品管理局2018;休斯2019;miljkovovic等人，2019)，并可与货币波动和政策相关联(Ewbank 2018;Kanavos et al. 2011;Kanavos et al. 2020)。令人担忧的是，可能会发生贸易战，随之而来的是进一步的波动(如货币、地缘政治、供应路线和自然资源)，使药品获取面临风险。在全球范围内，我们面临着越来越困难的选择，对患者获得药物感到担忧。对于大多数小型制造商来说，获得监管部门批准的道路似乎也很复杂，成本也很高。大型制造基地越来越少，这些基地由少数市场参与者控制。在考虑确保全球药品供应时，考虑战略、区域和政治压力至关重要。这一领域的资源和研究需要投入，因为它的重要性可能会增加。
{"title":"Time to Invest in Medicines Resilience","authors":"Ravina Barrett","doi":"10.31389/JIED.75","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31389/JIED.75","url":null,"abstract":"The Falsified Medicines Directive (FMD 2011/62/EC) (European Commission 2011) is designed to eliminate counterfeit medication and limit potential risk of harm to the public. We know that the world has changed since this directive was conceived. While enshrined in law (Moore 2019), we risk not being able to deliver on this directive (Barrett & Al-Mousawi 2018; Barrett 2020). The UK leaves the Europe Union on the 31st of December 2020, with it access to the ‘national verification system’ whereby dispensed medicines get verified against a European central database for their authenticity is lost. This makes the UK a target for flow of falsified medicines into its domestic market and as a route into Europe. Nobody wants this, except the spurious agents involved in the business of providing substandard medication. The UK also provides globally admired universal care and is responsible for securing and supplying medicines to patients via the NHS. Medicine costs have been rising (Acosta et al. 2019; Batista et al. 2019; European Medicines Agency 2018; Hughes 2019; Miljković et al. 2019) and can be linked to currency fluctuations and policy (Ewbank 2018; Kanavos et al. 2011; Kanavos et al. 2020). The concern is that there will be potential trade wars and with them, further volatility (e.g., currency, geopolitics, supply routes, and natural resources) putting medicine access at risk. Globally, we face increasingly difficult choices with concern about patients’ access to medicines. The path to regulatory approval also seems convoluted and expensive for most small-scale manufacturers. Increasingly, there are fewer large manufacturing sites and these are controlled by a few market participants. Looking at strategic, regional, and political pressures is vital when thinking about securing medicine supply across the world. Resources and research need to be dedicated to this area, as its importance is likely to grow.","PeriodicalId":73784,"journal":{"name":"Journal of illicit economies and development","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44641324","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Three country case reports are presented on patient access to medications controlled under the international substance control treaties. The countries discussed are Egypt, Kyrgyzstan and Guatemala. They are compared between themselves and with a small number of other countries. Actions to overcome the impeded access in these countries are suggested. This manuscript elaborates further on a review published in this journal in 2020.
{"title":"Access to Controlled Medications: Three Country Case Reports","authors":"Ebtesam I. Ahmed","doi":"10.31389/JIED.86","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31389/JIED.86","url":null,"abstract":"Three country case reports are presented on patient access to medications controlled under the international substance control treaties. The countries discussed are Egypt, Kyrgyzstan and Guatemala. They are compared between themselves and with a small number of other countries. Actions to overcome the impeded access in these countries are suggested. This manuscript elaborates further on a review published in this journal in 2020.","PeriodicalId":73784,"journal":{"name":"Journal of illicit economies and development","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44723931","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
UNTOC created a legally binding instrument governing international cooperation between law enforcement and judicial authorities to share evidence and pursue international criminal actors, and a framework for countries to update their legislation to be better able to investigate and prosecute such criminals. Its impact as a step-change in the legal framework against transnational organized crime is widely acknowledged. The paper highlights that the UNTOC did in fact bring those anti-drug and anti-crime efforts at the UN closer together, in spite of their different histories and personnel. However, the disparity between the political momentum and achievements of the late 1990s, compared to the Convention’s journey since its entry into force in 2003 is stark. Further, the level of coordination amongst all UN processes on drugs and crime issues still leave significant room for improvement. This paper analyses the political history of UNTOC, using an array of newly conducted in-depth interviews with key protagonists to understand their views on its development, subsequent implementation and potential future promise. The paper offers some suggestions on how the international community can move forward its collective efforts on achieving the Convention’s aims and thereby fulfilling the promises made in Palermo.
{"title":"Fulfilling the Promise of Palermo? A Political History of the UN Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime","authors":"I. Tennant","doi":"10.31389/JIED.90","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31389/JIED.90","url":null,"abstract":"UNTOC created a legally binding instrument governing international cooperation between law enforcement and judicial authorities to share evidence and pursue international criminal actors, and a framework for countries to update their legislation to be better able to investigate and prosecute such criminals. Its impact as a step-change in the legal framework against transnational organized crime is widely acknowledged. The paper highlights that the UNTOC did in fact bring those anti-drug and anti-crime efforts at the UN closer together, in spite of their different histories and personnel. However, the disparity between the political momentum and achievements of the late 1990s, compared to the Convention’s journey since its entry into force in 2003 is stark. Further, the level of coordination amongst all UN processes on drugs and crime issues still leave significant room for improvement. This paper analyses the political history of UNTOC, using an array of newly conducted in-depth interviews with key protagonists to understand their views on its development, subsequent implementation and potential future promise. The paper offers some suggestions on how the international community can move forward its collective efforts on achieving the Convention’s aims and thereby fulfilling the promises made in Palermo.","PeriodicalId":73784,"journal":{"name":"Journal of illicit economies and development","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47762838","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper analyzes the different trading networks, the flux of merchandise, and the actors involved in the act of crossing goods through the United States-Mexico border, particularly in the Tijuana-San Diego region. It argues that the line dividing both countries works differently depending on who travels through it, what kind of items are brought across, and which direction a person is going. These different patterns can be further analyzed when comparing northbound and southbound traffic; roughly speaking, products crossed into the US are usually prescription drugs, herbs, food, and cigarettes, among others; whereas, items crossed into Mexico are usually construction materials, electronics and electrodomestics, toys, marijuana, guns, and so forth. This paper proposes that the border is not a well-defined barrier when it comes to different types of merchandise, instead becoming hazy and allowing for the small-scale smuggling of products without incurring legal and/or problematic situations.
{"title":"Hazy Borders: Legality and Illegality across the US-Mexico Border","authors":"Alberto Hernández","doi":"10.31389/jied.109","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31389/jied.109","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyzes the different trading networks, the flux of merchandise, and the actors involved in the act of crossing goods through the United States-Mexico border, particularly in the Tijuana-San Diego region. It argues that the line dividing both countries works differently depending on who travels through it, what kind of items are brought across, and which direction a person is going. These different patterns can be further analyzed when comparing northbound and southbound traffic; roughly speaking, products crossed into the US are usually prescription drugs, herbs, food, and cigarettes, among others; whereas, items crossed into Mexico are usually construction materials, electronics and electrodomestics, toys, marijuana, guns, and so forth. This paper proposes that the border is not a well-defined barrier when it comes to different types of merchandise, instead becoming hazy and allowing for the small-scale smuggling of products without incurring legal and/or problematic situations.","PeriodicalId":73784,"journal":{"name":"Journal of illicit economies and development","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69567321","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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