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Public service media, universality and personalisation through algorithms: mapping strategies and exploring dilemmas. 公共服务媒体,通过算法的普遍性和个性化:映射策略和探索困境。
Pub Date : 2018-09-01 Epub Date: 2017-10-10 DOI: 10.1177/0163443717734407
Hilde Van den Bulck, Hallvard Moe

This contribution compares personalisation strategies of public service media (PSM) and how these are reconciled with PSM's core values, especially universality. To this end, it combines mapping of a sample of PSM with in-depth analysis of Flemish VRT and Norwegian NRK. The theoretical framework discusses universality in relationship to PSM's historical remit and to contemporary personalisation through digital options like algorithms. Subsequently, strategies of the sampled PSM are analysed, using data from documents, an online survey and interviews. Results suggest that most PSM, including VRT and NRK, engage in implicit and explicit digital personalisation, yet vary in type of engagement and in views on how personalisation strengthens or threatens universality. It is argued that histories and the understanding of technology within specific institutions affect their personalisation approach. We argue that policies focus on news and information but that negotiating universality and personalisation, while dealing with issues like filter bubbles and privacy, extends to the entire range of PSM programmes and goals.

这篇文章比较了公共服务媒体(PSM)的个性化策略,以及这些策略如何与PSM的核心价值,特别是普遍性相协调。为此,它将PSM样本的映射与佛兰德VRT和挪威NRK的深入分析相结合。理论框架讨论了普世性与PSM的历史职责以及通过算法等数字选项实现的当代个性化的关系。随后,使用来自文件、在线调查和访谈的数据,对抽样的PSM策略进行了分析。结果表明,包括VRT和NRK在内的大多数PSM都参与了隐性和显性数字个性化,但参与的类型和个性化如何加强或威胁普遍性的观点各不相同。有人认为,特定机构内的历史和对技术的理解影响了他们的个性化方法。我们认为,政策的重点是新闻和信息,但在处理过滤气泡和隐私等问题的同时,谈判的普遍性和个性化延伸到PSM计划和目标的整个范围。
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引用次数: 104
Scandal mining: political nobodies and remediated visibility. 丑闻挖掘:政治上的无名小卒和补救的能见度。
Pub Date : 2018-09-01 Epub Date: 2017-10-25 DOI: 10.1177/0163443717734408
Daniel Trottier

This article considers the 2015 federal election in Canada as the emergence of seemingly citizen-led practices whereby candidates' past missteps are unearthed and distributed through social and news media channels. On first pass, these resemble citizen-led engagements through digital media for potentially unmappable political goals, given the dispersed and either non-partisan or multi-partisan nature of these engagements. By bringing together journalistic accounts and social media coverage alongside current scholarship on citizenship and visibility, this case study traces the possibility of political accountability and the political weaponisation of mediated visibility through the targeted extraction of candidate details from dispersed profiles, communities and databases.

本文认为,2015年加拿大联邦选举出现了一种看似由公民主导的做法,即候选人过去的失误被挖掘出来,并通过社交和新闻媒体渠道传播。乍一看,这些活动类似于通过数字媒体进行的公民主导的活动,目的是实现潜在的不可映射的政治目标,因为这些活动是分散的,要么是非党派的,要么是多党派的。通过将新闻报道和社交媒体报道与当前关于公民身份和知名度的学术研究结合起来,本案例研究追溯了政治问责制的可能性,以及通过有针对性地从分散的个人资料、社区和数据库中提取候选人详细信息,将中介知名度作为政治武器的可能性。
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引用次数: 15
The personalization of engagement: the symbolic construction of social media and grassroots mobilization in Canadian newspapers. 参与的个人化:加拿大报纸社会媒体的象征性建构与草根动员。
Pub Date : 2018-09-01 Epub Date: 2017-10-25 DOI: 10.1177/0163443717734406
Delia Dumitrica, Maria Bakardjieva

This article explores the symbolic construction of civic engagement mediated by social media in Canadian newspapers. The integration of social media in politics has created a discursive opening for reimagining engagement, partly as a result of enthusiastic accounts of the impact of digital technologies upon democracy. By means of a qualitative content analysis of Canadian newspaper articles between 2005 and 2014, we identify several discursive articulations of engagement: First, the articles offer the picture of a wide range of objects of engagement, suggesting a civic body actively involved in governance processes. Second, engagement appears to take place only reactively, after decisions are made. Finally, social media become the new social glue, bringing isolated individuals together and thus enabling them to pressure decision-making institutions. We argue that, collectively, these stories construct engagement as a deeply personal gesture that is nevertheless turned into a communal experience by the affordances of technology. The conclusion unpacks what we deem as the ambiguity at the heart of this discourse, considering its implications for democratic politics and suggesting avenues for the further monitoring of the technologically enabled personalization of engagement.

本文探讨了加拿大报纸中以社交媒体为媒介的公民参与的符号建构。社交媒体与政治的融合为重新想象参与创造了一个话语上的契机,部分原因是人们对数字技术对民主的影响的热情描述。通过对2005年至2014年间加拿大报纸文章的定性内容分析,我们确定了参与的几种话语表达:首先,这些文章提供了广泛参与对象的图景,表明公民团体积极参与治理过程。其次,在做出决定之后,参与似乎只是被动地发生。最后,社交媒体成为新的社会粘合剂,将孤立的个体聚集在一起,从而使他们能够向决策机构施加压力。我们认为,总的来说,这些故事将参与构建为一种深刻的个人姿态,然而,由于技术的支持,这种姿态变成了一种公共体验。结论揭示了我们认为这一论述核心的模糊性,考虑了它对民主政治的影响,并提出了进一步监测技术支持的个性化参与的途径。
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引用次数: 15
Self-represented witnessing: the use of social media by asylum seekers in Australia's offshore immigration detention centres. 自我代表的见证:澳大利亚离岸移民拘留中心寻求庇护者使用社交媒体。
Pub Date : 2018-05-01 Epub Date: 2017-12-12 DOI: 10.1177/0163443717746229
Maria Rae, Rosa Holman, Amy Nethery

The act of witnessing connects audiences with distant suffering. But what happens when bearing witness becomes severely restricted? External parties, including the mainstream news media, are constrained from accessing Australia's offshore immigration detention centres. The effect is that people seeking asylum are hidden from the public and excluded from national debates. Some detainees have adopted social media as a platform to communicate their stories of flight, and their experiences of immigration detention, to a wider audience. This article examines the ways in which social media, and particularly Facebook, has facilitated what we call self-represented witnessing. We analyse two public Facebook pages to assess how detainees use such social media networks to document their experiences, and we observe the interaction between detainees, other social media users and mainstream media. Significantly, these social media networks enable detained asylum seekers to conduct an unmediated form of self-represented witnessing that exposes human rights abuses and documents justice claims.

目睹的行为将观众与遥远的苦难联系起来。但当作证受到严格限制时会发生什么呢?包括主流新闻媒体在内的外部各方被限制进入澳大利亚的离岸移民拘留中心。其结果是,寻求庇护的人被隐藏在公众面前,被排除在全国辩论之外。一些被拘留者将社交媒体作为一个平台,向更广泛的受众传播他们的逃亡故事和移民拘留经历。这篇文章探讨了社交媒体,尤其是Facebook,促进了我们所说的自我代表的见证。我们分析了两个公开的Facebook页面,以评估被拘留者如何使用这种社交媒体网络来记录他们的经历,我们观察了被拘留者、其他社交媒体用户和主流媒体之间的互动。重要的是,这些社交媒体网络使被拘留的寻求庇护者能够进行无中介的自我代表见证,揭露侵犯人权行为并记录司法要求。
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引用次数: 36
Liveness redux: on media and their claim to be live. 活动性还原:媒体和他们声称是活的。
Pub Date : 2017-11-01 Epub Date: 2017-07-13 DOI: 10.1177/0163443717717633
Karin van Es

Increasingly media are asserting themselves as live. In television, this has been an important strategy and recently it has been employed by new media platforms such as Facebook, Periscope and Snapchat. This commentary explains the revival of live media by exploring the meaning and operations of the concept and argues the continued relevance of the concept for the study of social media. Traditionally, there have been three main approaches to the live in academic writing (i.e. liveness as ontology, as phenomenology and as rhetoric): each has its particular shortcoming. This paper proposes that it is more productive to understand the live as a construction that assists to secure media a central role in everyday life.

越来越多的媒体声称自己是活生生的。在电视领域,这一直是一种重要的策略,最近Facebook、Periscope和Snapchat等新媒体平台也采用了这种策略。这篇评论通过探索直播媒体概念的含义和运作来解释直播媒体的复兴,并论证了这一概念对社交媒体研究的持续相关性。传统上对学术写作中的生活有三种主要的研究方法(即作为本体论的生活、作为现象学的生活和作为修辞学的生活),每种方法都有其独特的缺点。本文提出,将生活理解为一种有助于确保媒体在日常生活中发挥核心作用的结构,会更有成效。
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引用次数: 10
Embassy cinema: what WikiLeaks reveals about US state support for Hollywood. 使馆电影:维基解密揭露了美国政府对好莱坞的支持。
Pub Date : 2017-10-01 Epub Date: 2017-01-20 DOI: 10.1177/0163443716686673
Paul Moody

In an article for Foreign Affairs at the outbreak of the World War II, film producer Walter Wanger referred to Hollywood movies as '120,000 American ambassadors'. The preeminence of Hollywood in presenting US ideology to the world has been asserted ever since. Yet the relationship between Hollywood and America's actual ambassadors, employed by the global network of American embassies, has rarely been investigated, despite the key role that this often overlooked aspect of the state apparatus plays in the maintenance of Hollywood's commercial interests and American cultural hegemony. The release by WikiLeaks in November 2010 of over 250,000 diplomatic cables has provided an opportunity to address this gap, by offering researchers an unparalleled insight into the worldwide network of American embassies. This article employs these documents to explain how these embassies have influenced global film policies since early 2003, and the implications they have for conceptions of American power in the wake of the 'War on Terror'.

在第二次世界大战爆发时,电影制片人沃尔特·旺格在《外交事务》上发表的一篇文章中称好莱坞电影为“12万名美国大使”。从那时起,好莱坞在向世界展示美国意识形态方面的卓越地位就得到了肯定。然而,好莱坞与美国驻外大使之间的关系很少被调查,尽管这一国家机器经常被忽视的方面在维护好莱坞的商业利益和美国文化霸权方面发挥着关键作用。2010年11月,维基解密公布了超过25万份外交电报,通过向研究人员提供对美国大使馆全球网络的无与伦比的洞察,为解决这一差距提供了一个机会。本文利用这些文件来解释自2003年初以来,这些大使馆是如何影响全球电影政策的,以及在“反恐战争”之后,它们对美国权力概念的影响。
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引用次数: 5
Slumdog romance: Facebook love and digital privacy at the margins. 贫民窟的浪漫:Facebook的爱情和边缘的数字隐私。
Pub Date : 2017-04-01 Epub Date: 2017-02-03 DOI: 10.1177/0163443717691225
Payal Arora, Laura Scheiber

Facebook has consolidated its position as the one-stop-shop for social activity among the poor in the global South. Sex, romance, and love are key motivations for mobile and Internet technology usage among this demographic, much like the West. Digital romance is a critical context through which we gain fresh perspectives on Internet governance for an emerging digital and globalizing public. Revenge porn, slut-shaming, and Internet romance scams are a common and growing malady worldwide. Focusing on how it manifests in diverse digital cultures will aid in the shaping of new Internet laws for a more inclusive cross-cultural public. In specific, this article examines how low-income youth in two of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) nations - Brazil and India - exercise and express their notions on digital privacy, surveillance, and trust through the lens of romance. This allows for a more thorough investigation of the relationship between sexuality, morality, and governance within the larger Facebook ecology. As Facebook becomes the dominant virtual public sphere for the world's poor, we are compelled to ask whether inclusivity of the digital users comes at the price of diversity of digital platforms.

Facebook巩固了其作为全球南方贫困人口社交活动一站式服务平台的地位。性、浪漫和爱情是这一人群使用移动和互联网技术的主要动机,这一点与西方非常相似。数字浪漫是一个重要的背景,通过它,我们可以为新兴的数字和全球化公众获得互联网治理的新视角。报复性色情、荡妇羞辱和网络浪漫诈骗在世界范围内是一种普遍且日益严重的弊病。关注它如何在不同的数字文化中表现出来,将有助于为更具包容性的跨文化公众制定新的互联网法律。具体而言,本文考察了金砖国家(巴西、俄罗斯、印度、中国和南非)中的两个国家——巴西和印度——的低收入青年如何通过浪漫的视角践行和表达他们对数字隐私、监控和信任的看法。这使得我们可以更彻底地研究Facebook生态中性、道德和治理之间的关系。随着Facebook成为世界上穷人的主要虚拟公共领域,我们不得不问,数字用户的包容性是否以数字平台的多样性为代价。
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引用次数: 47
From voice to voices: identifying a plurality of Muslim sources in the news media. 从一个声音到另一个声音:识别新闻媒体中的多个穆斯林来源。
Pub Date : 2017-03-01 Epub Date: 2017-01-12 DOI: 10.1177/0163443716686941
Michael B Munnik

This article identifies a qualitative change in the diversity of actors who represent Muslims in British news media. Hitherto, the literature discussing Muslims and the media has tended to characterize media organizations as institutions which portray Muslims in an essentialized, monolithic way. In contrast, I propose in this article that the process of representation is more complex, including greater agency and engaging a wider diversity of Muslims than the prevailing literature suggests. Sociological studies distinguish between official and unofficial sources who help determine the representations that journalists employ in their texts, and I apply this to Muslim communities in Glasgow. Using qualitative methods drawn from media production analysis, including participant-observation and ethnographic interviews, I identify a shift from a 'gatekeeper' model of representing the community to that of a plurality of sources, which reveals and insists on the diversity of Muslim communities and voices. I will show why a wider range of actors emerged to speak publicly, what differentiates them and how they position themselves as representatives of Muslims. This focus on producers and on source strategies brings fresh insights into a field dominated by content analysis and a 'media-centric' approach.

本文指出,在英国新闻媒体中,代表穆斯林的演员的多样性发生了质的变化。迄今为止,讨论穆斯林和媒体的文献倾向于将媒体组织描述为以一种本质化的、单一的方式描绘穆斯林的机构。相比之下,我在这篇文章中提出,代表的过程比主流文献所认为的更复杂,包括更大的代理和更广泛的穆斯林多样性。社会学研究区分了官方和非官方来源,这些来源有助于确定记者在其文本中使用的表述,我将其应用于格拉斯哥的穆斯林社区。使用从媒体生产分析中提取的定性方法,包括参与者观察和人种学访谈,我确定了从代表社区的“看门人”模式向多元化来源模式的转变,这种模式揭示并坚持了穆斯林社区和声音的多样性。我将展示为什么越来越多的演员开始公开发言,他们的区别是什么,以及他们如何将自己定位为穆斯林的代表。这种对生产者和资源策略的关注为内容分析和“以媒体为中心”的方法所主导的领域带来了新的见解。
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引用次数: 11
Messy interviews: changing conditions for politicians' visibility on the web. 混乱的采访:改变政客在网络上的能见度。
Pub Date : 2016-10-01 Epub Date: 2016-03-17 DOI: 10.1177/0163443716635865
Åsa Kroon, Göran Eriksson

This article provides an updated analysis relating to John B. Thompson's argument about political visibility and fragility. It does so in light of recent years' development of communication technologies and the proliferation of nonbroadcasting media organizations producing TV. Instances of a new mediated encounter for politicians is analyzed in detail - the live web interview - produced and streamed by two Swedish tabloids during election campaigning 2014. It is argued that the live web interview is not yet a recognizable 'communicative activity type' with an obvious set of norms, rules, and routines. This fact makes politicians more intensely exposed to moments of mediated fragility which may be difficult to control. The most crucial condition that changes how politicians are able to manage their visibility is the constantly rolling 'non-exclusive' live camera which does not give the politician any room for error. The tabloids do not seem to mind 'things going a bit wrong' while airing; rather, interactional flaws are argued to be part and parcel of the overall web TV performance.

本文对约翰·b·汤普森关于政治可见性和脆弱性的论点进行了更新分析。它之所以这样做,是因为近年来通信技术的发展和制作电视的非广播媒体组织的激增。2014年大选期间,两家瑞典小报制作并播放了一段网络直播采访,详细分析了政客们新的调解会面实例。有人认为,网络直播面试还不是一种具有明显规范、规则和惯例的可识别的“交际活动类型”。这一事实使得政客们更容易暴露于难以控制的中介脆弱时刻。改变政治家如何管理自己的知名度的最关键条件是不断滚动的“非排他性”现场摄像机,这不会给政治家任何犯错的空间。小报似乎并不介意在播出的时候“出了点小差错”;相反,交互性缺陷被认为是整体网络电视性能的一部分。
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引用次数: 5
Resilience 2.0: social media use and (self-)care during the 2011 Norway attacks. 弹性2.0:2011年挪威袭击期间的社交媒体使用和(自我)护理。
Pub Date : 2015-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/0163443715584101
Mareile Kaufmann

Departing from the understanding that resilience is a technique of self-organization during emergencies, this article provides a study on the way in which the use of social media influenced and engendered societal resilience practices during the 2011 Norway attacks. It builds on the concepts of governmentality and mediality to discuss how the interplay between social media and its users created new forms of self-initiated and mediated emergency governance. Empirically, it draws on material from 20 in-depth interviews with Norwegians who explained and reflected upon their social media use during the attacks. The article presents an overview of the different functions that social media assumed in the process of dealing with the attacks and discusses these vis-à-vis their related challenges. It draws conclusions about the way in which resilience practices and the resilient subject are influenced by the networked character of 2.0 technologies.

从弹性是紧急情况下的一种自组织技术的理解出发,本文对2011年挪威袭击期间使用社交媒体影响和产生社会弹性实践的方式进行了研究。它以治理和媒介性的概念为基础,讨论社会媒体及其用户之间的相互作用如何创造了自我发起和中介的新形式的应急治理。从经验上看,它借鉴了对20位挪威人的深度采访,这些挪威人解释并反思了他们在袭击期间使用社交媒体的情况。本文概述了社交媒体在处理攻击过程中所承担的不同功能,并讨论了这些功能,参见-à-vis他们的相关挑战。它得出了弹性实践和弹性主体受到2.0技术网络化特征影响的方式的结论。
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引用次数: 41
期刊
Media, culture, and society
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