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Traumatic past in the present: COVID-19 and Holocaust memory in Israeli media, digital media, and social media. 现在的创伤性过去:COVID-19 和以色列媒体、数字媒体和社交媒体中的大屠杀记忆。
Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/01634437211036997
Liat Steir-Livny

The COVID-19 pandemic began in 2019, spread to the rest of the world in 2020 and still holds nations in its grip in 2021. There is scant research on the way it has affected Holocaust awareness. Based on scholarly work on Holocaust awareness in Israel, the top-down memory of the Holocaust in the media and the vernacular Holocaust memory on social media, this article analyzes the ways the Holocaust became a frame of reference in Israel for the interpretation of the COVID-19 pandemic and the newest link in a long chain of using the Holocaust as a prism for other topics in Israeli society. The article centers on the evolution of the COVID-19 - Holocaust references and the role of media and social media in it. It shows that the initial panic created a wave of comparisons between the Holocaust and the pandemic in the media and social media. In the second half of the year, as the restrictions and two more lockdowns became part of life, references to the Holocaust changed - negative reactions to COVID-19 government regulations and law enforcement were compared on social media to Nazi acts. The Israeli media did not create these comparisons but reported them widely and contributed to their circulation.

COVID-19 大流行始于 2019 年,2020 年蔓延至世界其他地区,2021 年仍控制着各国。关于它如何影响人们对大屠杀的认识的研究很少。基于对以色列大屠杀意识的学术研究、媒体自上而下的大屠杀记忆以及社交媒体上的白话大屠杀记忆,本文分析了大屠杀如何在以色列成为解读 COVID-19 大流行病的参考框架,以及将大屠杀作为以色列社会其他话题的多棱镜这一漫长链条中的最新一环。文章主要介绍了 COVID-19 大屠杀参考资料的演变过程以及媒体和社交媒体在其中扮演的角色。文章指出,最初的恐慌在媒体和社交媒体上掀起了一股将大屠杀与大流行病相提并论的浪潮。下半年,随着限制措施和另外两次封锁成为生活的一部分,大屠杀的提法也发生了变化--在社交媒体上,对 COVID-19 政府法规和执法的负面反应被比作纳粹行为。以色列媒体并未制造这些对比,但却广泛报道并助长了它们的传播。
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引用次数: 0
More than a sex crime: a feminist political economy of the 2014 iCloud hack 不仅仅是性犯罪:2014年iCloud黑客事件的女权主义政治经济学
Pub Date : 2021-06-27 DOI: 10.1177/01634437211022713
Stephanie Patrick
This article examines the media framing of and relations to the 2014 iCloud hack, wherein hundreds of female celebrities’ private photos were stolen and distributed online. In particular, I problematize the reading of this event as merely signalling the misogyny of ‘toxic’ online cultures and contextualize it as part of a larger political economy of female celebrity. I argue that, while the growth in feminist discourses emanating from both the mainstream media and celebrity women is encouraging, it perhaps occludes the broader power relations that extend across both new and traditional media, ensuring maintenance of the status quo. This event exemplifies problems with a popular form of feminism that seeks inclusion into these systems, rather than wider systemic change. Therefore, in addition to examining the celebrity and/or her audience as the site of political (feminist) work, I call for an excavation of the systems in which she is embedded and her relations to the means of media production and profit.
本文探讨了2014年iCloud被黑事件的媒体框架及其关系,在这起事件中,数百名女明星的私人照片被盗并在网上传播。特别是,我认为对这一事件的解读仅仅表明了“有毒”网络文化对女性的厌恶,并将其作为女性名人更大的政治经济的一部分。我认为,虽然来自主流媒体和名人女性的女权主义话语的增长令人鼓舞,但它可能会阻碍跨越新媒体和传统媒体的更广泛的权力关系,确保维持现状。这一事件体现了一种流行的女权主义形式的问题,它寻求融入这些系统,而不是更广泛的系统变革。因此,除了将名人和/或她的观众作为政治(女权主义)工作的场所进行考察外,我还呼吁挖掘她所处的系统,以及她与媒体生产和利润手段的关系。
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引用次数: 3
Beyond platform capitalism: critical perspectives on Facebook markets from Melanesia 超越平台资本主义:美拉尼西亚对Facebook市场的批判观点
Pub Date : 2021-06-09 DOI: 10.1177/01634437211022714
Geoffrey Hobbis, S. Hobbis
This article argues for a need to move beyond studies of platform capitalism and inter-capitalist struggles to also account for inter-economic struggles, the platformization of longstanding primarily non-capitalist societies, the same kind of societies that have conceptually inspired discussions of platforms as hi-tech gift economies. Based on longitudinal ethnographic fieldwork on digital transformations among the horticulturalist Lau of Malaita, Solomon Islands, we analyse horticulturalist adoptions and adaptations of Facebook. Specifically, we consider how informal bush markets are being digitized through online Buy and Sell groups. We show how Solomon Islanders use Buy and Sell Facebook groups to continue moral economic practices that emphasize the accumulation of wealth not in a capitalist, but in a relational sense, where economic activity primarily serves the creation and affirmation of relationships. Our findings, thus, challenge universalizing claims about the nature of platforms as one that is necessarily about the commodification, in a capitalist sense, of all social relations. Simultaneously, they call for more research on experiences of platformization at the margins of global capitalism and the ways in which not-so-average users are making platforms their own.
本文认为,有必要超越对平台资本主义和资本主义内部斗争的研究,同时考虑经济之间的斗争,长期存在的主要非资本主义社会的平台化,这类社会在概念上激发了对平台作为高科技礼物经济的讨论。基于对所罗门群岛马莱塔园艺师劳的数字化转型的纵向民族志实地调查,我们分析了园艺师对Facebook的采用和适应。具体来说,我们考虑了非正式的丛林市场是如何通过在线买卖团体被数字化的。我们展示了所罗门群岛居民如何使用Facebook上的买卖小组来继续道德经济实践,这些实践强调财富的积累,而不是资本主义的积累,而是一种关系意义上的积累,在这种意义上,经济活动主要服务于关系的创造和肯定。因此,我们的发现挑战了关于平台本质的普遍主张,即在资本主义意义上,所有社会关系都必然是商品化的。与此同时,他们呼吁更多地研究全球资本主义边缘的平台化经验,以及不那么普通的用户如何将平台变成自己的平台。
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引用次数: 6
The limits and boundaries of digital disconnection 数字断开的限制和边界
Pub Date : 2020-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/0163443720922054
Emiliano Treré, Simone Natale, Emily Keightley, Aswin Punathambekar
This editorial introduces a themed section aimed to spark further reflections on the limits and boundaries of disconnection as a form of critique, activism and response to the pervasiveness of digital devices, platforms, and infrastructures. We outline two key limits in current thinking about disconnection: first, the universalist discourse of disconnection, which contrasts with the reality of a profound inequality of access to both connection and disconnection across the globe, and second, the fact that connectivity not only involves digital media users but also those who are materially not connected to the network. This introduction also reflects on the changing meanings of being connected and disconnected to digital networks and platforms at a time when the Covid-19 pandemic forces many people around the world to remain physically separated from others due to lockdown and quarantine measures.
这篇社论引入了一个主题部分,旨在引发人们对断开连接作为一种批判、行动和回应无处不在的数字设备、平台和基础设施的形式的限制和界限的进一步思考。我们概述了当前关于断开连接的思考中的两个关键限制:首先,断开连接的普遍主义话语与全球范围内连接和断开连接的严重不平等的现实形成鲜明对比;其次,连接不仅涉及数字媒体用户,还涉及那些没有连接到网络的人。这一介绍还反映了在Covid-19大流行迫使世界各地的许多人由于封锁和隔离措施而与他人保持物理隔离之际,与数字网络和平台连接或断开连接的含义正在发生变化。
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引用次数: 26
Chinese affective platform economies: dating, live streaming, and performative labor on Blued. 中国情感平台经济:Blued上的约会、直播和表演劳动。
Pub Date : 2020-05-01 Epub Date: 2019-08-18 DOI: 10.1177/0163443719867283
Shuaishuai Wang

This article analyzes the political economy of sexually affective data on the Chinese gay dating platform Blued. Having launched in 2012 as a location-based dating app akin to Grindr, Blued has now become a multipurpose platform providing extra services such as newsfeeds and live streaming. Through the continuous imbrication of old and new functionalities and related affordances, users are transformed from dating subjects into performative laborers. Based on Internet ethnographic research that lasted 2 years, this article focuses on sexual-affective data flows (e.g. virtual gifting, following, liking, commenting, and sharing) produced by gay live streamers within the parameters of same-sex desires such as infatuation, sexual arousal, and online intimacy. It argues that these sexually affective data flows increasingly constitute key corporate assets with which Blued attracts venture capital. This analysis of live streamers and their viewers extends understandings of dating apps in two ways. First, it shows how these apps now function as business platforms on top of being channels for hooking up. Second, it emphasizes that whereas users created data freely, now it is produced by paid labor.

本文分析了中国同性恋交友平台Blued上的性情感数据的政治经济学。Blued于2012年推出,是一款类似于Grindr的基于位置的约会应用程序,现在已经成为一个多用途平台,提供新闻订阅和直播等额外服务。通过新旧功能和相关功能的不断融合,用户从约会的主体转变为表演的劳动者。基于长达2年的互联网人种学研究,本文重点关注同性恋直播者在迷恋、性唤起和网络亲密等同性欲望参数内产生的性情感数据流(如虚拟礼物、关注、点赞、评论和分享)。它认为,这些性情感数据流日益成为Blued吸引风险资本的关键企业资产。对直播者及其观众的分析从两个方面扩展了人们对约会软件的理解。首先,它展示了这些应用程序现在如何在成为交友渠道的基础上,作为商业平台发挥作用。其次,它强调用户自由创建数据,而现在数据是由有偿劳动产生的。
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引用次数: 53
The political economy of Facebook's platformization in the mobile ecosystem: Facebook Messenger as a platform instance. 移动生态系统中Facebook平台化的政治经济学:以Facebook Messenger为例。
Pub Date : 2019-03-01 Epub Date: 2018-12-17 DOI: 10.1177/0163443718818384
David B Nieborg, Anne Helmond

Facebook's usage has reached a point that the platform's infrastructural ambitions are to be taken very seriously. To understand the company's evolution in the age of mobile media, we critically engage with the political economy of platformization. This article puts forward a conceptual framework and methodological apparatus to study Facebook's economic growth and expanding platform boundaries in the mobile ecosystem through an analysis of the Facebook Messenger app. Through financial and institutional analysis, we examine Messenger's business dimension and draw on platform studies and information systems research to survey its technical dimension. By retracing how Facebook, through Messenger, operationalizes platform power, this article attempts to bridge the gap between these various disciplines by demonstrating how platforms emerge and how their apps may evolve into platforms of their own, thereby gaining infrastructural properties. It is argued that Messenger functions as a 'platform instance' that facilitates transactions with a wide range of institutions within the boundaries of the app and far beyond.

Facebook的使用量已经达到了一个高度,该平台在基础设施方面的雄心必须得到非常认真的对待。为了理解公司在移动媒体时代的演变,我们批判性地参与了平台化的政治经济学。本文提出了一个概念框架和方法工具,通过对Facebook Messenger应用程序的分析来研究Facebook在移动生态系统中的经济增长和扩展平台边界。通过财务和制度分析,我们考察了Messenger的业务维度,并借鉴平台研究和信息系统研究来调查其技术维度。通过追溯Facebook如何通过Messenger运作平台权力,本文试图通过展示平台如何出现以及它们的应用程序如何演变成自己的平台,从而获得基础设施属性,来弥合这些不同学科之间的差距。有人认为,Messenger的功能是作为一个“平台实例”,促进与应用程序范围内和远远超出范围的各种机构的交易。
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引用次数: 124
How television moved a nation: media, change and Indigenous rights. 电视如何推动一个国家:媒体、变革和土著权利。
Pub Date : 2018-10-01 Epub Date: 2018-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/0163443718754650
Lisa Waller, Kerry McCallum

This article examines the role of television in Australia's 1967 referendum, which is widely believed to have given rights to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. It presents an analysis of archival television footage to identify five stories that moved the nation: Australia's shame, civil rights and global connections, admirable activists, 'a fair go' and consensus. It argues that television shaped the wider culture and opened a channel of communication that allowed Indigenous activists and everyday people to speak directly to non-Indigenous people and other First Nations people throughout the land for the first time. The referendum narrative that television did so much to craft and promote marks the shift from an older form of settler nationalism that simply excluded Indigenous people, to an ongoing project that seeks to recognise, respect and 'reaccredit' the nation-state through incorporation of Indigenous narratives. We conclude that whereas television is understood to have 'united' the nation in 1967, 50 years later seismic shifts in media and society have made the quest for further constitutional reform on Indigenous rights and recognition more sophisticated, diffuse, complex and challenging.

本文考察了电视在1967年澳大利亚全民公决中的作用,人们普遍认为这次全民公决赋予了土著人和托雷斯海峡岛民权利。它通过对电视录像档案的分析,找出了五个感动全国的故事:澳大利亚的耻辱、公民权利和全球联系、令人钦佩的活动人士、“公平竞争”和共识。它认为,电视塑造了更广泛的文化,并开辟了一个交流渠道,使土著活动家和日常人民第一次能够直接与全国各地的非土著人民和其他第一民族人民交谈。电视精心制作和宣传的公投叙事标志着一种转变,从一种简单排斥土著人民的古老定居者民族主义形式,转变为一种正在进行的项目,寻求通过融入土著叙事来承认、尊重和“重新认可”民族国家。我们的结论是,尽管人们认为电视在1967年“团结”了这个国家,但50年后,媒体和社会的巨大变化使得对土著权利和承认的进一步宪法改革的追求变得更加复杂、分散、复杂和具有挑战性。
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引用次数: 3
Nothing personal: algorithmic individuation on music streaming platforms. 不是针对个人的:音乐流媒体平台上的算法个性化。
Pub Date : 2018-10-01 Epub Date: 2017-11-30 DOI: 10.1177/0163443717745147
Robert Prey

Raymond Williams once wrote, '… there are in fact no masses, but only ways of seeing people as masses'. In an age of personalized media, the word 'masses' seems like an anachronism. Nevertheless, if Williams were to study contemporary online platforms, he would no doubt conclude that there are in fact no individuals, but only ways of seeing people as individuals. This article explores this idea by taking a closer look at online music streaming services. It first conducts a comparison of how two leading streaming platforms conceive of the individual music listener. Then, drawing from Gilbert Simondon's theory of individuation, it demonstrates how ways of seeing the individual work to enact the individual on these platforms. In particular, ways of seeing are heavily influenced by the consumer categories that are defined and demanded by advertisers. This article concludes with an examination of how commercial imperatives shape 'ways of seeing' and 'algorithmic individuation' on music streaming platforms.

雷蒙·威廉斯曾写道:“事实上没有大众,只有把人看作大众的方式。”在一个个性化媒体的时代,“大众”这个词似乎是一个时代错误。然而,如果威廉姆斯研究当代的网络平台,他无疑会得出这样的结论:实际上没有个体,只有将人视为个体的方式。本文将通过深入研究在线音乐流媒体服务来探讨这个想法。它首先比较了两家领先的流媒体平台是如何看待个人音乐听众的。然后,从吉尔伯特·西蒙顿的个性化理论中,它展示了如何看待个人的方式在这些平台上发挥个人的作用。特别是,观看的方式在很大程度上受到广告商定义和要求的消费者类别的影响。本文最后考察了商业需求如何在音乐流媒体平台上塑造“观看方式”和“算法个性化”。
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引用次数: 119
Public service media, universality and personalisation through algorithms: mapping strategies and exploring dilemmas. 公共服务媒体,通过算法的普遍性和个性化:映射策略和探索困境。
Pub Date : 2018-09-01 Epub Date: 2017-10-10 DOI: 10.1177/0163443717734407
Hilde Van den Bulck, Hallvard Moe

This contribution compares personalisation strategies of public service media (PSM) and how these are reconciled with PSM's core values, especially universality. To this end, it combines mapping of a sample of PSM with in-depth analysis of Flemish VRT and Norwegian NRK. The theoretical framework discusses universality in relationship to PSM's historical remit and to contemporary personalisation through digital options like algorithms. Subsequently, strategies of the sampled PSM are analysed, using data from documents, an online survey and interviews. Results suggest that most PSM, including VRT and NRK, engage in implicit and explicit digital personalisation, yet vary in type of engagement and in views on how personalisation strengthens or threatens universality. It is argued that histories and the understanding of technology within specific institutions affect their personalisation approach. We argue that policies focus on news and information but that negotiating universality and personalisation, while dealing with issues like filter bubbles and privacy, extends to the entire range of PSM programmes and goals.

这篇文章比较了公共服务媒体(PSM)的个性化策略,以及这些策略如何与PSM的核心价值,特别是普遍性相协调。为此,它将PSM样本的映射与佛兰德VRT和挪威NRK的深入分析相结合。理论框架讨论了普世性与PSM的历史职责以及通过算法等数字选项实现的当代个性化的关系。随后,使用来自文件、在线调查和访谈的数据,对抽样的PSM策略进行了分析。结果表明,包括VRT和NRK在内的大多数PSM都参与了隐性和显性数字个性化,但参与的类型和个性化如何加强或威胁普遍性的观点各不相同。有人认为,特定机构内的历史和对技术的理解影响了他们的个性化方法。我们认为,政策的重点是新闻和信息,但在处理过滤气泡和隐私等问题的同时,谈判的普遍性和个性化延伸到PSM计划和目标的整个范围。
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引用次数: 104
Scandal mining: political nobodies and remediated visibility. 丑闻挖掘:政治上的无名小卒和补救的能见度。
Pub Date : 2018-09-01 Epub Date: 2017-10-25 DOI: 10.1177/0163443717734408
Daniel Trottier

This article considers the 2015 federal election in Canada as the emergence of seemingly citizen-led practices whereby candidates' past missteps are unearthed and distributed through social and news media channels. On first pass, these resemble citizen-led engagements through digital media for potentially unmappable political goals, given the dispersed and either non-partisan or multi-partisan nature of these engagements. By bringing together journalistic accounts and social media coverage alongside current scholarship on citizenship and visibility, this case study traces the possibility of political accountability and the political weaponisation of mediated visibility through the targeted extraction of candidate details from dispersed profiles, communities and databases.

本文认为,2015年加拿大联邦选举出现了一种看似由公民主导的做法,即候选人过去的失误被挖掘出来,并通过社交和新闻媒体渠道传播。乍一看,这些活动类似于通过数字媒体进行的公民主导的活动,目的是实现潜在的不可映射的政治目标,因为这些活动是分散的,要么是非党派的,要么是多党派的。通过将新闻报道和社交媒体报道与当前关于公民身份和知名度的学术研究结合起来,本案例研究追溯了政治问责制的可能性,以及通过有针对性地从分散的个人资料、社区和数据库中提取候选人详细信息,将中介知名度作为政治武器的可能性。
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引用次数: 15
期刊
Media, culture, and society
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