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The limits of concentrated power: Bureaucratic independence and electricity crises in Rwanda 权力集中的局限性:卢旺达官僚机构的独立性与电力危机
IF 2.8 1区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-03-28 DOI: 10.1093/afraf/adae003
Benjamin Chemouni, Barnaby Dye
Rwanda is a posterchild of economic success in twenty-first century Africa. Dominant explanations for the country’s growth use the political settlements framework, asserting that concentrated political power enabled long-term planning. In contrast, this article uses the case of Rwanda’s impressive boom in electricity generation to demonstrate that such concentrated power also distorts policy-making processes, creating a fiscal crisis that jeopardizes Rwanda’s economic transformation. Therefore, this article questions a central premise of the political settlements framework. Concentrated political power in Rwanda enabled rapid and ambitious construction of power plants but resulted in an oversupply crisis, plunging the sector into significant debt and raising the cost of electricity. Rwanda’s political settlement prevented experts from challenging unrealistic targets set by top politicians, which led to a headlong pursuit of electricity generation capacity. To understand this process, we assert the importance of focusing on the bureaucratic/politician relationship, which we label ‘bureaucratic independence’, rather than on the oft-used concept of ‘bureaucratic autonomy’ usually associated with the concentration of political power.
卢旺达是二十一世纪非洲经济成功的典范。对该国经济增长的主要解释采用了政治解决框架,认为集中的政治权力使长期规划成为可能。与此相反,本文以卢旺达发电量的惊人增长为例,说明这种权力集中也扭曲了决策过程,造成了财政危机,危及卢旺达的经济转型。因此,本文对政治解决框架的一个核心前提提出了质疑。卢旺达集中的政治权力使得发电厂的建设迅速而雄心勃勃,但却导致了供过于求的危机,使该部门陷入巨额债务并提高了电力成本。卢旺达的政治体制阻碍了专家对高层政治家制定的不切实际的目标提出质疑,从而导致了对发电能力的盲目追求。为了理解这一过程,我们认为必须关注官僚与政治家之间的关系,我们称之为 "官僚独立性",而不是通常与政治权力集中相关的 "官僚自主性 "这一常用概念。
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引用次数: 0
Peacemaking in authoritarian context in Africa: promoting peace from below in Cameroon 在非洲专制背景下建立和平:在喀麦隆从下往上促进和平
IF 2.8 1区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-03-18 DOI: 10.1093/afraf/adae004
Claire Lefort-Rieu
Cameroon, traditionally overlooked on the international peace agenda, has recently received increased attention due to mounting security challenges. Operating under an authoritarian regime that denies conflicts while promoting a narrative of stability, the course of international peace-from-below initiatives is profoundly influenced by this constrained political environment. Through in-depth case studies of three ongoing humanitarian crises—the Central African refugees’ influx, the Boko Haram/Islamic State West Africa Province insurgency, and the Anglophone conflict—this article contends that localized peace approaches, centring on grassroots reconciliation, may obscure broader structural issues, silence non-state political claims from below, and absolve the state of its responsibilities. Embracing such methodologies not only reinforces authoritarian dynamics but also exhibits a performative dimension, contributing to the establishment of a ‘victor’s peace’ in the absence of military victory.
喀麦隆历来在国际和平议程上被忽视,但最近由于日益严峻的安全挑战而受到越来越多的关注。喀麦隆的独裁政权在宣传稳定的同时否认冲突的存在,这种受限的政治环境对国际和平倡议的进程产生了深远的影响。通过对三个正在发生的人道主义危机--中非难民潮、博科圣地/伊斯兰国西非省叛乱和英语冲突--的深入案例研究,本文认为,以基层和解为中心的本地化和平方法可能会掩盖更广泛的结构性问题,压制来自下层的非国家政治诉求,并免除国家的责任。采用这种方法不仅会加强独裁动态,而且会表现出表演性的一面,在没有军事胜利的情况下,有助于建立 "胜利者的和平"。
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引用次数: 0
Ethnic Politics and Party realignment in African Constitutional referendums: Understanding Kenya’s ‘industry of insults’ 非洲宪法公投中的种族政治和政党调整:了解肯尼亚的 "侮辱工业
IF 2.8 1区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-02-20 DOI: 10.1093/afraf/adae002
Kirk A Harris
Kenya’s constitutional referendums in 2005 and 2010 stand out for their continuity with the national elections that followed both polls. During campaigns for and against the draft constitutions, politicians attempted to leverage their popularity amongst co-ethnics to signal their viability as coalition partners or ‘formateurs’ in subsequent general elections: rather than nuanced debates on constitutional issues, the campaigns became personal contests that one observer dubbed an ‘industry of insults’. A decade later, this process was repeated as the country’s political class considered further revisions to the constitution. Kenya’s referendum campaigns thus reflect a layer of strategic behaviour that has not been recognized in much of the contemporary literature on democratization and constitutional change in Africa. While the substance of the country’s constitution matters to Kenyan elites, referendum campaigns have added value to leaders independently of the outcomes of the polls themselves. The prominence of ethnicity as an organizing feature in Kenyan politics combined with high levels of party volatility produces an environment in which referendum campaigns serve as opportunities for Kenyan politicians to renegotiate political coalitions and realign party politics in between election cycles. In this way, the country’s referendum politics are a distinct byproduct of its historical and political circumstances.
肯尼亚分别于 2005 年和 2010 年举行了宪法公投,这两次公投与之后的全国大选保持了连续性。在支持和反对宪法草案的运动中,政治家们试图利用他们在同族人中的受欢迎程度来表明他们在随后的大选中作为联盟伙伴或 "组建者 "的可行性:这些运动不是就宪法问题进行细致入微的辩论,而是被一位观察家称为 "侮辱工业 "的个人竞赛。十年后,当肯尼亚政界考虑进一步修改宪法时,这一过程再次上演。因此,肯尼亚的全民公决运动反映了一种战略行为,而这种行为在有关非洲民主化和宪法变革的许多当代文献中并未得到认可。虽然肯尼亚宪法的实质内容对肯尼亚精英来说很重要,但全民公决运动也为领导人带来了价值,而与投票结果本身无关。在肯尼亚政治中,民族性是一个突出的组织特征,再加上政党的高度不稳定性,使得全民公决运动成为肯尼亚政治家在选举周期之间重新谈判政治联盟和调整政党政治的机会。因此,肯尼亚的全民公决政治是其历史和政治环境的独特副产品。
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引用次数: 0
Citizen Participation during the 2014 Protest in Burkina Faso: Aspiring to a ‘good State’ 布基纳法索 2014 年抗议活动中的公民参与:向往 "美好国家
IF 2.8 1区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-02-20 DOI: 10.1093/afraf/adae001
Marie-Eve Desrosiers, Nicolas Hubert
Analyses of the 2014 protest in Burkina Faso have predominantly focused on some of the movement’s major activists, to the neglect of ordinary citizens. Yet, while citizens’ participation in Burkina Faso in 2014 echoed to some extent the agendas of activists, it built on citizens’ own political subjectivities. Drawing on original interviews and Afrobarometer survey data, we show that Burkinabè citizens were motivated to protest by unmet expectations of the ‘good state’, as experienced in their daily existence in the sense of hardship and unequal treatment by the political system. These expectations and aspirations reflected citizens’ deeper political beliefs or political subjectivities, as already expressed in years prior to the 2014 political crisis. Overall, the article shows how looking at protest from the bottom-up can shift our understanding of political mobilization and its motives: citizen protest constitutes its own political phenomenon, in Burkina Faso and beyond, and should not be subsumed by analyses largely derived from speaking to major activists.
对 2014 年布基纳法索抗议活动的分析主要集中在该运动的一些主要活动家身上,而忽视了普通公民。然而,虽然 2014 年布基纳法索的公民参与在一定程度上呼应了活动家的议程,但它建立在公民自身的政治主体性之上。通过原始访谈和非洲晴雨表调查数据,我们表明布基纳法索公民抗议的动机是对 "良好国家 "的期望没有得到满足,他们在日常生活中感受到了政治制度带来的困难和不平等待遇。这些期望和愿望反映了公民更深层次的政治信仰或政治主体性,这在 2014 年政治危机之前的几年中已经有所表现。总之,文章表明,从自下而上的角度看待抗议活动,可以改变我们对政治动员及其动机的理解:在布基纳法索及其他地区,公民抗议构成了自己的政治现象,不应被主要通过与主要活动家交谈得出的分析所淹没。
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引用次数: 0
Reinvigorating Social Support Systems in Rural Northwestern Ghana: Towards Affective Empathy in a Neoliberal Age 重振加纳西北部农村地区的社会支持系统:在新自由主义时代实现情感共鸣
IF 2.8 1区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-01-23 DOI: 10.1093/afraf/adad033
Constance Awinpoka Akurugu
Scholars frequently allude to the concept of a supportive extended family system that provides a lifeline to less privileged members of society, such as the indigent and the aged. Yet, the extended family and the network of support it enables have come under immense threat from neoliberalism. This article examines the constrained role of the extended family system and its implications, based on residential ethnographic fieldwork data gathered in rural northwestern Ghana. It draws on transnational discourses on empathy and local conceptions of interdependence and unity as encapsulated by African communitarian philosophies such as Ubuntu and Te jaa bonyeni of the Waala people of northwestern Ghana to explore how to generate empathy. Neoliberal individualist values have intensely undermined the support networks of the extended family system. Te jaa bonyeni philosophy, similar to Ubuntu, and many humanistic philosophies, offers important opportunities for reinvigorating debates on African indigenous support networks as important steps towards nurturing affective empathy. This study contributes to discourses on affective empathy by connecting it to communitarianism. Cultivating empathy is necessary towards imagining forms of existence that are dignifying for the marginalized and preventing them from descending into abysmal deprivation.
学者们经常提到支持性大家庭系统的概念,该系统为贫困和年迈等社会弱势成员提供生命线。然而,大家庭及其支持网络却受到了新自由主义的巨大威胁。本文基于在加纳西北部农村地区收集到的居住地人种学实地调查数据,探讨了大家庭系统的制约作用及其影响。文章借鉴了关于移情的跨国论述以及加纳西北部瓦拉人(Waala people)的 "乌班图"(Ubuntu)和 "Te jaa bonyeni"(Te jaa bonyeni)等非洲社群主义哲学所包含的相互依存和团结的地方观念,探讨了如何产生移情。新自由主义个人主义价值观严重破坏了大家庭系统的支持网络。Te jaa bonyeni 哲学与 "乌班图 "和许多人文哲学类似,为重新激发关于非洲本土支持网络的辩论提供了重要机会,是培养情感共鸣的重要步骤。本研究通过将情感共鸣与社群主义联系起来,为有关情感共鸣的讨论做出了贡献。培养同理心对于想象边缘化群体有尊严的生存形式和防止他们陷入极度贫困是必要的。
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引用次数: 0
Expert Advice for the Expert Witness. 为专家证人提供专家建议。
1区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-12-01 Epub Date: 2023-07-28 DOI: 10.1016/j.aan.2023.06.001
Richard P Dutton

The malpractice system in the United States provides civil remedies-payment-for patients injured by non-standard-of-care medical practice. Anesthesiologists are not sued often, but one can still expect to be named in a suit at least once in their career. Although many prefer not to be involved in malpractice cases, there is a critical role for anesthesiologist expert witnesses to educate and inform the court regarding the appropriate standard of anesthesia care, and the contribution, if any, of anesthesia clinicians to specific adverse outcomes. This article describes the basic features of malpractice litigation, offering advice for anesthesiologist expert witnesses.

美国的医疗事故制度为因不符合医疗标准的医疗行为而受伤的患者提供民事赔偿。麻醉科医生并不经常被起诉,但在他们的职业生涯中,仍有可能至少被起诉一次。尽管许多麻醉医师不愿卷入渎职案件,但麻醉医师专家证人在教育和告知法庭麻醉护理的适当标准以及麻醉临床医师对特定不良后果的影响(如果有的话)方面发挥着至关重要的作用。本文介绍了医疗事故诉讼的基本特征,并为麻醉科专家证人提供了建议。
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引用次数: 0
Living for the City: Social Change and Knowledge Production in the Central African Copperbelt 为城市而生:中非铜带的社会变革与知识生产
IF 2.8 1区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-29 DOI: 10.1093/afraf/adad031
Dominic Liche
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引用次数: 0
Citizens, Civil Society, and Activism under the EPRDF Regime in Ethiopia: An Analysis from Below 埃塞俄比亚 EPRDF 政权下的公民、公民社会和行动主义:自下而上的分析
IF 2.8 1区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-29 DOI: 10.1093/afraf/adad030
Asebe Amenu Tufa
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引用次数: 0
Young Women against Apartheid: Gender, Youth and South Africa’s Liberation Struggle 反对种族隔离的年轻女性:性别、青年与南非的解放斗争
IF 2.8 1区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-29 DOI: 10.1093/afraf/adad028
Neha Saini
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引用次数: 0
A Companion to African Rhetoric. Segun Ige 非洲修辞学指南塞贡-伊格
IF 2.8 1区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-27 DOI: 10.1093/afraf/adad027
N. Tembo
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引用次数: 0
期刊
African Affairs
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