Pub Date : 2016-11-28DOI: 10.15367/CJPPP.V18I2.113
Paula A. Duda Holoviak, T. J. Baldino
Tom Wolf’s first year as governor was dominated by the challenges of reaching a budget compromise with the Republican-dominated General Assembly. This article provides an overview of the difficulties and accomplishments of the first year of the Wolf administration. The article draws a historical comparison with seven other governors—Leader, Scranton, Shafer, Shapp, Thornburg, Rendell, and Corbett—four Republicans and three Democrats, and it concludes with some observations drawn from these previous governors’ experiences that may inform the Wolf administration as it navigates its remaining years.
{"title":"Governor Wolf’s First Year: A Comparative Analysis","authors":"Paula A. Duda Holoviak, T. J. Baldino","doi":"10.15367/CJPPP.V18I2.113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/CJPPP.V18I2.113","url":null,"abstract":"Tom Wolf’s first year as governor was dominated by the challenges of reaching a budget compromise with the Republican-dominated General Assembly. This article provides an overview of the difficulties and accomplishments of the first year of the Wolf administration. The article draws a historical comparison with seven other governors—Leader, Scranton, Shafer, Shapp, Thornburg, Rendell, and Corbett—four Republicans and three Democrats, and it concludes with some observations drawn from these previous governors’ experiences that may inform the Wolf administration as it navigates its remaining years.","PeriodicalId":80972,"journal":{"name":"Commonweal (New York, N.Y.)","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66994587","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-11-28DOI: 10.15367/CJPPP.V18I2.122
Kathleen Rogers
The Pennsylvania General Assembly is ranked 40th among the 50 state legislatures for its proportion of female legislators. Women constitute 18.6% of the bicameral legislature, including nine of 50 senators and 38 of 203 representatives. Various characteristics of the Pennsylvania General Assembly, including its professionalization, appear to provide numerous challenges to women’s entry. As such, the presence of 47 women in the legislature is noteworthy. This exploratory case study examines the experiences of women in the Pennsylvania General Assembly, presenting a qualitative analysis of several interviews with female legislators. The findings indicate that these women were encouraged to run for their current seats primarily by having the support of their families and political parties, by the availability of open seats, and by developing confidence in their qualifications through a politicized upbringing.
{"title":"The Women of the Pennsylvania General Assembly: Explaining Women’s Representation in Pennsylvania State Politics","authors":"Kathleen Rogers","doi":"10.15367/CJPPP.V18I2.122","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/CJPPP.V18I2.122","url":null,"abstract":"The Pennsylvania General Assembly is ranked 40th among the 50 state legislatures for its proportion of female legislators. Women constitute 18.6% of the bicameral legislature, including nine of 50 senators and 38 of 203 representatives. Various characteristics of the Pennsylvania General Assembly, including its professionalization, appear to provide numerous challenges to women’s entry. As such, the presence of 47 women in the legislature is noteworthy. This exploratory case study examines the experiences of women in the Pennsylvania General Assembly, presenting a qualitative analysis of several interviews with female legislators. The findings indicate that these women were encouraged to run for their current seats primarily by having the support of their families and political parties, by the availability of open seats, and by developing confidence in their qualifications through a politicized upbringing.","PeriodicalId":80972,"journal":{"name":"Commonweal (New York, N.Y.)","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66994334","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-11-28DOI: 10.15367/CJPPP.V18I2.121
J. Kane
Judicial candidates and outside groups spent a record $15.8 million in a 2015 election that decided the partisan balance of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. Adding to the record-setting election was a barrage of televised attack advertising in which outside interests spent over $4 million to influence the outcome of the high court race. This article places the 2015 Pennsylvania Supreme Court election in comparative perspective to assess whether or not the campaign fundraising, campaign spending, and campaign advertising in this race was as “historic” as commonly claimed. Interestingly, when compared with other Pennsylvania high court races, the 2015 race was not a watershed election for candidate fundraising, especially when fundraising totals are averaged per candidate. Neither was the tone and tenor of campaign advertising in the 2015 Pennsylvania race outside the trend of contemporary judicial campaigns in other states, which have seen a marked increase in televised attack advertising by outside groups that often target candidates as soft on crime. Overall, the cost and tone of the 2015 Pennsylvania Supreme Court race appears to be a part of wider trends in contemporary judicial elections and very much in line with the cost of high court races in Pennsylvania over the last decade. The article concludes by surveying empirical evidence on the efficacy of judicial elections and assesses Pennsylvania’s prospects for reforming its method of judicial selection.
{"title":"The Pennsylvania 2015 State Supreme Court Election in Comparative Perspective","authors":"J. Kane","doi":"10.15367/CJPPP.V18I2.121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/CJPPP.V18I2.121","url":null,"abstract":"Judicial candidates and outside groups spent a record $15.8 million in a 2015 election that decided the partisan balance of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. Adding to the record-setting election was a barrage of televised attack advertising in which outside interests spent over $4 million to influence the outcome of the high court race. This article places the 2015 Pennsylvania Supreme Court election in comparative perspective to assess whether or not the campaign fundraising, campaign spending, and campaign advertising in this race was as “historic” as commonly claimed. Interestingly, when compared with other Pennsylvania high court races, the 2015 race was not a watershed election for candidate fundraising, especially when fundraising totals are averaged per candidate. Neither was the tone and tenor of campaign advertising in the 2015 Pennsylvania race outside the trend of contemporary judicial campaigns in other states, which have seen a marked increase in televised attack advertising by outside groups that often target candidates as soft on crime. Overall, the cost and tone of the 2015 Pennsylvania Supreme Court race appears to be a part of wider trends in contemporary judicial elections and very much in line with the cost of high court races in Pennsylvania over the last decade. The article concludes by surveying empirical evidence on the efficacy of judicial elections and assesses Pennsylvania’s prospects for reforming its method of judicial selection.","PeriodicalId":80972,"journal":{"name":"Commonweal (New York, N.Y.)","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66994283","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-11-28DOI: 10.15367/CJPPP.V18I2.112
M. Deegan, A. L. Mathews-Schultz
States’ varied decisions with respect to Medicaid expansion under the Affordable Care Act have drawn significant attention to questions about equity across states. Missing from the conversation is consideration of the varied impact that reform will have within states. This article considers how low-income Pennsylvanians will fare under Medicaid expansion. Although Medicaid reform has already expanded access to insurance to significant numbers of low-income residents in the state, improvements in access to health care are mediated by pre-existing regional inequalities in social determinants of health and by Pennsylvania’s system of health governance. Drawing on lessons gleaned from the literature on regionalism, and examples of success in states that have adopted regional approaches to health delivery, we offer a theoretical approach for thinking regionally in Pennsylvania by building opportunities and capacities for cross-jurisdictional approaches to health and health care access.
各州在《平价医疗法案》(Affordable Care Act)下扩大医疗补助方面的不同决定，引起了人们对各州公平问题的极大关注。讨论中没有考虑到改革将对各州产生的各种影响。这篇文章考虑了低收入的宾夕法尼亚人在医疗补助计划扩张下的处境。虽然医疗补助改革已经扩大了该州大量低收入居民获得保险的机会，但获得医疗保健的机会的改善是由健康社会决定因素中先前存在的地区不平等和宾夕法尼亚州的卫生治理体系所调节的。根据从有关地区主义的文献中收集到的经验教训，以及在采用区域方法提供保健服务的州取得成功的例子，我们提供了一种理论方法，通过为跨司法管辖区的保健和保健获取方法创造机会和能力，为宾夕法尼亚州的区域思维提供了一种理论方法。
{"title":"The Limits of Medicaid Reform in Pennsylvania: Thinking Regionally about Access to Insurance and Health Care under the Affordable Care Act","authors":"M. Deegan, A. L. Mathews-Schultz","doi":"10.15367/CJPPP.V18I2.112","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/CJPPP.V18I2.112","url":null,"abstract":"States’ varied decisions with respect to Medicaid expansion under the Affordable Care Act have drawn significant attention to questions about equity across states. Missing from the conversation is consideration of the varied impact that reform will have within states. This article considers how low-income Pennsylvanians will fare under Medicaid expansion. Although Medicaid reform has already expanded access to insurance to significant numbers of low-income residents in the state, improvements in access to health care are mediated by pre-existing regional inequalities in social determinants of health and by Pennsylvania’s system of health governance. Drawing on lessons gleaned from the literature on regionalism, and examples of success in states that have adopted regional approaches to health delivery, we offer a theoretical approach for thinking regionally in Pennsylvania by building opportunities and capacities for cross-jurisdictional approaches to health and health care access.","PeriodicalId":80972,"journal":{"name":"Commonweal (New York, N.Y.)","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66994439","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Meghan E. Rubado’s annotated bibliography provides an index to timely and relevant research on the subject of public education, some of which has clearly influenced the course of the policy debate in the Commonwealth. This resource includes the themes of public finance, fairness, governance, economic development, testing, and lessons from other nations.
梅根·e·鲁巴多(Meghan E. Rubado)的注释参考书目为公共教育主题的及时和相关研究提供了索引，其中一些研究显然影响了英联邦政策辩论的进程。该资源包括公共财政、公平、治理、经济发展、测试和其他国家的经验教训等主题。
{"title":"The Education Policy Bookshelf: An Annotated Bibliography of Selected Studies","authors":"Meghan E. Rubado","doi":"10.15367/CJPPP.V18I1.98","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/CJPPP.V18I1.98","url":null,"abstract":"Meghan E. Rubado’s annotated bibliography provides an index to timely and relevant research on the subject of public education, some of which has clearly influenced the course of the policy debate in the Commonwealth. This resource includes the themes of public finance, fairness, governance, economic development, testing, and lessons from other nations.","PeriodicalId":80972,"journal":{"name":"Commonweal (New York, N.Y.)","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66993828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As the requirement that students pass three Keystone Exams to graduate from high school was set to take effect, a new round of criticisms arose over the adoption of this assessment system. While the Keystone Exams better align with the new Pennsylvania Core Standards as compared to their predecessor, the Pennsylvania System of Student Achievement, low passage rates especially among low-income and minority students have been cited as a reason to delay implementation of the graduation requirement. This work uses OLS regression analysis to explain which factors are most predictive of school-level performance on the Algebra I, Biology, and Literature Keystone Exams. It finds that race, socioeconomic status, and a school’s English Language Learner and special education populations drive performance on the exams. The work concludes by discussing possible policy interventions for the Keystone Exam program going forward.
随着高中毕业必须通过3次“Keystone考试”的制度的实施，对该制度的批评再次出现。虽然Keystone考试比其前身宾夕法尼亚学生成就体系(Pennsylvania System of Student Achievement)更符合新的宾夕法尼亚核心标准，但低通过率，尤其是低收入和少数族裔学生的通过率，被认为是推迟实施毕业要求的一个原因。这项工作使用OLS回归分析来解释哪些因素最能预测学校在代数I、生物和文学基石考试中的表现。研究发现，种族、社会经济地位、学校的英语学习者和特殊教育人群会影响考试成绩。本研究最后讨论了未来Keystone考试项目可能的政策干预措施。
{"title":"Higher Standards and Lower Achievement? An Evaluation of Pennsylvania’s Keystone Exams","authors":"Adam J. McGlynn","doi":"10.15367/CJPPP.V18I1.83","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/CJPPP.V18I1.83","url":null,"abstract":"As the requirement that students pass three Keystone Exams to graduate from high school was set to take effect, a new round of criticisms arose over the adoption of this assessment system. While the Keystone Exams better align with the new Pennsylvania Core Standards as compared to their predecessor, the Pennsylvania System of Student Achievement, low passage rates especially among low-income and minority students have been cited as a reason to delay implementation of the graduation requirement. This work uses OLS regression analysis to explain which factors are most predictive of school-level performance on the Algebra I, Biology, and Literature Keystone Exams. It finds that race, socioeconomic status, and a school’s English Language Learner and special education populations drive performance on the exams. The work concludes by discussing possible policy interventions for the Keystone Exam program going forward.","PeriodicalId":80972,"journal":{"name":"Commonweal (New York, N.Y.)","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66994135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In November 2015, the Pennsylvania Senate narrowly failed to pass legislation abolishing the local school property tax and replacing it with state revenues raised by higher income and sales tax rates and the extension of the sales tax to a range of goods and services now exempt. The legislation, supported by dozens of citizen tax reform groups across Pennsylvania, was defeated 25–24 when Lt. Governor Michael Stack cast a tiebreaking vote against an amendment embodying the changes. State Senators David Argall and Judith Schwank were principal sponsors of the legislation and vowed to continue the fight. Indeed, legislation to replace, reform, and reduce the property tax, particularly for schools, has been proposed and debated for decades, and some relief measures have been enacted, but the tax remains the principal levy to fund schools in Pennsylvania and in most states. Citizens in Pennsylvania and nationally consistently tell pollsters that it is the worst tax, and few if any elected officials will defend the levy, except on the pragmatic grounds that replacing it would require unrealistically large increases in state taxes. COMMONWEALTH invited Senator Argall, chair of the Senate Republican Policy Committee, and Jon Hopcraft, the committee’s executive director, to summarize the argument that the tax is an antiquated and unfair levy and should be abolished. We invited Dartmouth College economist William A. Fischel, a nationally recognized expert who attended Pennsylvania public schools, to summarize his argument that, compared to statewide taxes, the local levy provides voters—even in households without school children—with stronger incentives to support high quality public schools.
2015年11月，宾夕法尼亚州参议院以微弱优势未能通过废除当地学校财产税的立法，取而代之的是通过提高收入和销售税税率增加的州收入，并将销售税扩大到一系列现在免税的商品和服务。这项立法得到了宾夕法尼亚州数十个公民税收改革组织的支持，但在副州长迈克尔·斯塔克(Michael Stack)投下了一票，反对一项体现这些变化的修正案，最终以25票对24票的结果被否决。州参议员David Argall和Judith Schwank是这项立法的主要发起人，他们发誓要继续斗争。事实上，取代、改革和减少财产税的立法，特别是针对学校的财产税，已经被提议和讨论了几十年，一些缓解措施也已经颁布，但财产税仍然是宾夕法尼亚州和大多数州资助学校的主要税收。宾夕法尼亚州和全国各地的民众一致告诉民调机构，这是最糟糕的税种，几乎没有民选官员会为这项税收辩护，除非出于务实的理由，即取代它将需要不切实际的大幅增加州税。英联邦邀请了参议院共和党政策委员会主席参议员阿尔戈尔和该委员会执行董事乔恩·霍普克拉夫特，对税收是一种过时且不公平的征税，应该被废除的论点进行了总结。我们邀请了达特茅斯学院的经济学家William a . Fischel来总结他的观点，他是一位在宾夕法尼亚州公立学校上学的全国公认的专家，他认为，与全州范围的税收相比，地方税收给选民——甚至是没有孩子的家庭——提供了更强的动力来支持高质量的公立学校。
{"title":"COMMONWEALTH Forum: Should Pennsylvania Abolish the Property Tax for Schools?","authors":"David G. Argall, J. Hopcraft, W. Fischel","doi":"10.15367/CJPPP.V18I1.81","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/CJPPP.V18I1.81","url":null,"abstract":"In November 2015, the Pennsylvania Senate narrowly failed to pass legislation abolishing the local school property tax and replacing it with state revenues raised by higher income and sales tax rates and the extension of the sales tax to a range of goods and services now exempt. The legislation, supported by dozens of citizen tax reform groups across Pennsylvania, was defeated 25–24 when Lt. Governor Michael Stack cast a tiebreaking vote against an amendment embodying the changes. State Senators David Argall and Judith Schwank were principal sponsors of the legislation and vowed to continue the fight. Indeed, legislation to replace, reform, and reduce the property tax, particularly for schools, has been proposed and debated for decades, and some relief measures have been enacted, but the tax remains the principal levy to fund schools in Pennsylvania and in most states. Citizens in Pennsylvania and nationally consistently tell pollsters that it is the worst tax, and few if any elected officials will defend the levy, except on the pragmatic grounds that replacing it would require unrealistically large increases in state taxes. COMMONWEALTH invited Senator Argall, chair of the Senate Republican Policy Committee, and Jon Hopcraft, the committee’s executive director, to summarize the argument that the tax is an antiquated and unfair levy and should be abolished. We invited Dartmouth College economist William A. Fischel, a nationally recognized expert who attended Pennsylvania public schools, to summarize his argument that, compared to statewide taxes, the local levy provides voters—even in households without school children—with stronger incentives to support high quality public schools.","PeriodicalId":80972,"journal":{"name":"Commonweal (New York, N.Y.)","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66994018","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
“An Introduction to the Special Issue on Education Policy” offers some context for big education policy questions facing Pennsylvania. It also previews the individual articles in the special issue.
{"title":"An Introduction to the Special Issue on Education Policy","authors":"J. McLaughlin, Michelle J. Atherton","doi":"10.15367/CJPPP.V18I1.80","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/CJPPP.V18I1.80","url":null,"abstract":"“An Introduction to the Special Issue on Education Policy” offers some context for big education policy questions facing Pennsylvania. It also previews the individual articles in the special issue.","PeriodicalId":80972,"journal":{"name":"Commonweal (New York, N.Y.)","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66993985","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pennsylvania’s generational transitions will be rockier and more expensive for education finance than is publicly acknowledged. Debates over both the necessity for and the affordability of tax increases already frame state education budget debates. Education policy and planning data, especially at regional and local levels, tend to be isolated from other sector wide and cross-sectoral data. This study explores the examples of tax capacity and workforce quality data and concludes that two issues state, regional, and local education policymakers can’t ignore are increased dependency ratios and a smaller workforce with fewer economic opportunities. Aging seniors increase dependency ratios, are less mobile, and enjoy lighter tax burdens, putting greater public responsibilities on the labor force. Younger, educated workers have heavier tax burdens and are more likely to leave for younger states with less heavy tax burdens.
{"title":"More Trouble Ahead for Public School Finance: The Implications of Generational Change in Pennsylvania","authors":"M. McClure, Vera Krekanova","doi":"10.15367/CJPPP.V18I1.84","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/CJPPP.V18I1.84","url":null,"abstract":"Pennsylvania’s generational transitions will be rockier and more expensive for education finance than is publicly acknowledged. Debates over both the necessity for and the affordability of tax increases already frame state education budget debates. Education policy and planning data, especially at regional and local levels, tend to be isolated from other sector wide and cross-sectoral data. This study explores the examples of tax capacity and workforce quality data and concludes that two issues state, regional, and local education policymakers can’t ignore are increased dependency ratios and a smaller workforce with fewer economic opportunities. Aging seniors increase dependency ratios, are less mobile, and enjoy lighter tax burdens, putting greater public responsibilities on the labor force. Younger, educated workers have heavier tax burdens and are more likely to leave for younger states with less heavy tax burdens.","PeriodicalId":80972,"journal":{"name":"Commonweal (New York, N.Y.)","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66994189","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In recent months, policymakers across the country have been exploring state school financing formulas with the goals of promoting equity, transparency, and adequacy. Toward that end, state leaders are considering a new model for disbursing state education funds called “student-based allocation” (SBA)—one that would allocate funds on the basis of students. In fact, many states already have some sort of formula using students as the basis, although in practice, most essentially use a hybrid set of allocations such that the portion of funds allocated on the basis of students varies substantially across states. This analysis of 14 states shows that among the sampled states, between 0 and 85% of all state and local funds is allocated on the basis of students. In Pennsylvania, after operating in the absence of a formal allocation formula for several years, the Basic Education Funding Commission (BEFC) was tasked with recommending a new finance scheme for funding the state’s schools. In this paper, we outline the rationale behind SBA and investigate the extent to which the BEFC proposal would allocate funds on the basis of students.
{"title":"What Would Student-Based Allocation Mean for Pennsylvania School Districts?","authors":"M. Roza, Amanda Warco","doi":"10.15367/CJPPP.V18I1.82","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15367/CJPPP.V18I1.82","url":null,"abstract":"In recent months, policymakers across the country have been exploring state school financing formulas with the goals of promoting equity, transparency, and adequacy. Toward that end, state leaders are considering a new model for disbursing state education funds called “student-based allocation” (SBA)—one that would allocate funds on the basis of students. In fact, many states already have some sort of formula using students as the basis, although in practice, most essentially use a hybrid set of allocations such that the portion of funds allocated on the basis of students varies substantially across states. This analysis of 14 states shows that among the sampled states, between 0 and 85% of all state and local funds is allocated on the basis of students. In Pennsylvania, after operating in the absence of a formal allocation formula for several years, the Basic Education Funding Commission (BEFC) was tasked with recommending a new finance scheme for funding the state’s schools. In this paper, we outline the rationale behind SBA and investigate the extent to which the BEFC proposal would allocate funds on the basis of students.","PeriodicalId":80972,"journal":{"name":"Commonweal (New York, N.Y.)","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66994118","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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