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All Politics Is Organizational: An Analysis of Candidate Recruitment and Political Influence in Pennsylvania School Board Elections 所有的政治都是组织性的:宾夕法尼亚州校董会选举中的候选人招募与政治影响分析
Pub Date : 2017-10-05 DOI: 10.15367/com.v19i2.154
Nathan R. Shrader
This article seeks to enhance the limited research dedicated to local school board elections by investigating whether Pennsylvania school board members are recruited candidates or are self-starters. The article also investigates which kinds of organizations are the most active sources of candidate recruitment and engagement in Pennsylvania school board races and which organizations are the most and least influential in local school board politics. Using a unique dataset obtained through the statewide Pennsylvania School Board Survey and interviews with current state legislators who began their political careers as local school board members, this article finds that local political party organizations play a larger than expected role in influencing local school board elections and recruiting candidates. Board members themselves are also found to be highly engaged in political party activity within their communities before ever seeking office. Also explored are the implications of these findings for school board politics and the discipline’s view of local party organizations.
本文试图通过调查宾夕法尼亚州学校董事会成员是被招募的候选人还是自我创业者,来加强对地方学校董事会选举的有限研究。文章还调查了哪些组织是宾夕法尼亚州学校董事会竞选中最活跃的候选人招募和参与来源,以及哪些组织在当地学校董事会政治中的影响力最大和最小。利用宾夕法尼亚州学校董事会调查获得的一个独特数据集,以及对以地方学校董事会成员身份开始政治生涯的现任州议员的采访,本文发现,地方政党组织在影响地方学校董事会选举和招募候选人方面发挥了比预期更大的作用。董事会成员本身也被发现在竞选公职之前高度参与社区内的政党活动。还探讨了这些发现对学校董事会政治和该学科对地方党组织的看法的影响。
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引用次数: 0
The 2016 Pennsylvania Presidential and U.S. Senate Elections: Breaking Pennsylvania’s Electoral Habits 2016年宾夕法尼亚州总统和参议院选举:打破宾夕法尼亚州的选举习惯
Pub Date : 2017-10-05 DOI: 10.15367/COM.V19I2.152
Berwood A. Yost, Jackie Redman, Scottie L Thompson
This article uses pre-election survey data, post-election survey data, and voter registration and election data to interpret the outcomes of the 2016 presidential and U.S. Senate races in Pennsylvania. This analysis shows how changes in voter registration and voter turnout in specific areas of the Commonwealth, driven in large part by less-educated voters, those dissatisfied with the current direction of the country, and the performance of the incumbent president, explain the 2016 election results.
本文使用选举前调查数据、选举后调查数据以及选民登记和选举数据来解释2016年宾夕法尼亚州总统和美国参议院竞选的结果。这一分析显示了英联邦特定地区选民登记和投票率的变化如何解释2016年的选举结果,这些变化在很大程度上是由受教育程度较低的选民、对国家当前方向不满的选民以及现任总统的表现推动的。
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引用次数: 1
Wind Development in Pennsylvania: A Reflection on State Policy 宾夕法尼亚州的风能开发:对国家政策的反思
Pub Date : 2017-06-01 DOI: 10.15367/COM.V19I1.134
Sarah B. Mills
While other states have continued to add wind turbines in recent years, there has been no new wind development in Pennsylvania since 2012. This article considers how state energy policy as well as local land-­use policies related to wind energy compare with other states as a way to understand how these policies may be impacting wind development in the Keystone State, especially in light of the geographical characteristics of the state’s highest quality winds.
虽然其他州近年来一直在增加风力涡轮机,但自2012年以来,宾夕法尼亚州就没有新的风力开发项目。本文考虑了与风能相关的国家能源政策以及当地土地使用政策如何与其他州进行比较,以此来了解这些政策如何影响Keystone state的风能开发,特别是考虑到该州最高质量风的地理特征。
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引用次数: 0
Leaving Money on the Table: Pennsylvania Exceptionalism in Resisting Energy Severance Taxes 把钱留在桌子上:宾夕法尼亚州抵制能源中断税的例外主义
Pub Date : 2017-06-01 DOI: 10.15367/COM.V19I1.131
R. Hampton, B. Rabe
Nearly all energy-producing states elect to adopt and sustain a tax on the extraction of their oil and gas resources through so-­called severance taxes, generating significant revenue for general as well as specialized state funds. Political support for such taxes generally crosses party lines and endures across multiple partisan shifts in the political control of a state. This reflects numerous features that tend to make these taxes quite popular and durable across election cycles. This long-­standing pattern, however, faces one major exception: Pennsylvania’s enduring reluctance to follow the path of other major energy-producing states and adopt such a tax. This article explores what it deems “Pennsylvania exceptionalism,” as it seeks to address the issue of why one leading energy-­producing state would refrain from tax adoption in contrast to every other such state. It places particular emphasis on the past decade, in which natural gas in shale deposits has triggered a dramatic expansion of production in Pennsylvania and ongoing political controversy over whether or not a severance tax should be adopted.
几乎所有的能源生产州都选择通过所谓的遣散税对其石油和天然气资源的开采征收并维持税收,为普通和专门的国家基金带来了可观的收入。对此类税收的政治支持通常跨越党派界限,并在国家政治控制的多个党派转变中持续存在。这反映了许多特点,这些特点往往使这些税收在整个选举周期内非常受欢迎和持久。然而,这种长期存在的模式面临着一个主要的例外:宾夕法尼亚州长期不愿效仿其他主要能源生产州的做法,采用这样的税收。这篇文章探讨了它所认为的“宾夕法尼亚州例外论”,因为它试图解决为什么一个主要的能源生产州会与其他州相比不采用税收的问题。它特别强调了过去十年,在过去十年中,页岩矿床中的天然气引发了宾夕法尼亚州产量的急剧扩张,并引发了关于是否应该征收遣散税的持续政治争议。
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引用次数: 1
COMMONWEALTH Forum: The Politics of Science or the Science of Politics 联邦论坛:科学的政治或政治的科学
Pub Date : 2017-06-01 DOI: 10.15367/com.v19i1.136
J. Arway
The challenges of including factual information in public policy and political discussions are many. The difficulties of including scientific facts in these debates can often be frustrating for scientists, politicians and policymakers alike. At times it seems that discussions involve different languages or dialects such that it becomes a challenge to even understand one another’s position. Oftentimes difference of opinion leads to laws and regulations that are tilted to the left or the right. The collaborative balancing to insure public and natural resource interests are protected ends up being accomplished through extensive litigation in the courts. In this article, the author discusses the history of environmental balancing during the past three decades from the perspective of a field biologist who has used the strength of our policies, laws and regulations to fight for the protection of our Commonwealth’s aquatic resources. For the past 7 years, the author has taken over the reins of “the most powerful environmental agency in Pennsylvania” and charted a course using science to properly represent natural resource interests in public policy and political deliberations.
将事实信息纳入公共政策和政治讨论的挑战有很多。将科学事实纳入这些辩论的困难往往会让科学家、政治家和政策制定者感到沮丧。有时,讨论似乎涉及不同的语言或方言,甚至理解彼此的立场都成为一项挑战。意见分歧往往会导致法律和法规向左或向右倾斜。确保公共利益和自然资源利益得到保护的合作平衡最终通过法院的广泛诉讼来实现。在这篇文章中,作者从一位野外生物学家的角度讨论了过去三十年中环境平衡的历史,这位生物学家利用我们的政策、法律和法规的力量为保护我们联邦的水资源而战。在过去的7年里,作者接管了“宾夕法尼亚州最强大的环境机构”,并制定了一条利用科学在公共政策和政治审议中适当代表自然资源利益的路线。
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引用次数: 0
Solar Renewable Energy Credit Price Volatility and Investment Returns: Have Policies Stranded Capital Investment? 太阳能可再生能源信贷价格波动与投资回报:政策是否阻碍了资本投资?
Pub Date : 2017-06-01 DOI: 10.15367/COM.V19I1.135
S. Youssefi, P. Gurian
Pennsylvania is one of a number of U.S. states that provide incentives for the generation of electricity by solar energy through Solar Renewal Energy Credits (SRECs). This article develops a return on investment model for solar energy generation in the PJM (mid-­Atlantic) region of the United States. Model results indicate that SREC values of roughly $150 are needed for residential scale systems to break even over a 25-­year project period at 3% interest. Market prices for SRECs in Pennsylvania have been well below this range from late 2011 through the first half of 2016, indicating that previous capital investments in solar generation have been stranded as a result of steep declines in the value of SRECs. A simple conceptual supply and demand model is developed to explain the sharp decline in market prices for SRECs. Also discussed is a possible policy remedy that would add unsold SRECs in a given year to the SREC quota for the subsequent year.
宾夕法尼亚州是美国通过太阳能再生能源信贷(SRECs)为太阳能发电提供奖励的几个州之一。本文开发了美国PJM(大西洋中部)地区太阳能发电的投资回报模型。模型结果表明,住宅规模的系统需要大约150美元的SREC价值,才能在25年的项目期内以3%的利率实现收支平衡。从2011年底到2016年上半年,宾夕法尼亚州SRECs的市场价格一直远低于这一范围,这表明由于SRECs价值的急剧下降,之前对太阳能发电的资本投资已经搁浅。建立了一个简单的概念性供需模型来解释SRECs市场价格的急剧下降。此外,还讨论了一种可能的政策补救措施,即将某一年未售出的SREC纳入下一年的SREC配额。
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引用次数: 0
Raised Awareness of Fracking in Pennsylvania 提高宾夕法尼亚州压裂意识
Pub Date : 2017-04-05 DOI: 10.15367/com.v19i1.132
Philip J. Harold, T. Kerzmann
This article presents survey results from 2013 to 2016 that show an increase in public awareness of fracking in Pennsylvania. It suggests that the increased awareness of fracking is due to the expansion of the industry in the Commonwealth, lowered gas prices, and increased political discussion following the 2014 gubernatorial race and that it is also part of a national trend. Results of a Pennsylvania survey and three national surveys show opinions split along gender and partisan lines.
本文介绍了2013年至2016年的调查结果,显示宾夕法尼亚州公众对水力压裂的认识有所提高。这表明,人们对水力压裂的认识提高是由于该行业在英联邦的扩张、天然气价格的降低以及2014年州长竞选后政治讨论的增加,这也是全国趋势的一部分。宾夕法尼亚州的一项调查和三项全国性调查的结果显示,人们的意见存在性别和党派分歧。
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引用次数: 0
An Introduction to the Special Issue on Energy and the Environment 能源与环境特刊简介
Pub Date : 2017-04-05 DOI: 10.15367/COM.V19I1.130
Christopher Borick
“An Introduction to the Special to the Special Issue on Energy and the Environment” provides an overview of the state of the literature relating to Pennsylvania in these areas of public policy. It then introduces each of the articles in this issue of the journal.
“能源与环境特刊的专题介绍”概述了宾夕法尼亚州在这些公共政策领域的文献状况。然后介绍这期杂志上的每一篇文章。
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引用次数: 0
The Great Divide: Public Perceptions of Shale Gas Extraction and Hydraulic Fracturing in Pennsylvania and New York 《巨大的鸿沟:公众对宾夕法尼亚州和纽约州页岩气开采和水力压裂的看法》
Pub Date : 2017-04-05 DOI: 10.15367/COM.V19I1.133
E. Lachapelle
This study compares public perceptions of shale gas extraction and hydraulic fracturing in two of the most populous states with significant shale gas reserves but with vastly different approaches to developing this resource. Drawing on data from a comparative survey administered to two statewide samples in Pennsylvania (n = 411) and New York (n = 404), the study examines the correlates of support for hydraulic fracturing, as well as general levels of public awareness, and perceptions of effects of hydraulic fracturing within the Marcellus shale play. Though the level of awareness of the fracking issue among residents of Pennsylvania and New York is found to be similarly high, levels of support for fracking differ, mirroring distinctive policy approaches found in these neighboring states. The correlates of support for fracking include being Republican, having a conservative ideology, and being male. The study also finds that residents of New York are more aware of fracking policy and debate in Pennsylvania than vice versa, with many New York residents perceiving negative effects on their home state as a result of fracking in neighboring Pennsylvania. This asymmetric level of awareness and concern raises new questions on the role of cross-­border perceptions in shaping opinion toward hydraulic fracturing in adjacent states.
这项研究比较了公众对两个人口最多的州页岩气开采和水力压裂的看法,这两个州拥有大量页岩气储量,但开发这种资源的方法截然不同。根据对宾夕法尼亚州(n=411)和纽约州(n=404)的两个全州样本进行的比较调查数据,该研究考察了支持水力压裂的相关性,以及公众对Marcellus页岩区块内水力压裂影响的普遍认识和看法。尽管宾夕法尼亚州和纽约州居民对水力压裂问题的认识水平同样高,但对水力压裂的支持程度不同,这反映了这些邻近州独特的政策方法。支持水力压裂的相关因素包括共和党人、保守意识形态和男性。研究还发现,纽约居民比宾夕法尼亚州的居民更了解水力压裂政策和辩论,许多纽约居民认为邻国宾夕法尼亚州的水力压裂对他们的家乡产生了负面影响。这种不对称的认识和关注水平引发了新的问题,即跨境认知在形成对邻近州水力压裂的看法方面所起的作用。
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引用次数: 3
Sometimes It Does Matter: The 2016 Presidential Primary Election in Pennsylvania 有时候真的很重要:2016年宾夕法尼亚州的总统初选
Pub Date : 2016-11-28 DOI: 10.15367/CJPPP.V18I2.118
J. Kennedy
Since the first presidential primary was held in Pennsylvania in the spring of 1912, rarely has the state truly impacted the race. A combination of forces, notably the rather late date that it has traditionally been scheduled relative to other states has all but guaranteed that the presumptive nominees of the Democratic and Republican Parties have long ago been selected. As long as this remains the case, it’s difficult to imagine the state’s voters ever being able to winnow a field of candidates, no matter how large or small it is. However, on rare occasions, the lateness of the Pennsylvania’s primary election allows the state’s voters to be one, if not the deciding force on who lays final claim to the nomination. Such was the case on April 24, 2016, when Pennsylvanians essentially settled the contest on both sides, elevating Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump toward their ultimate nominations.
自从1912年春天在宾夕法尼亚州举行第一次总统初选以来,这个州很少真正影响竞选。由于各种因素的综合作用,尤其是与其他州相比,该州的选举日期通常都比较晚,这几乎可以保证民主党和共和党的推定提名人早就被选出来了。只要这种情况仍然存在,就很难想象该州的选民能够筛选出一大批候选人,不管这个候选人的规模有多大或有多小。然而,在罕见的情况下,宾夕法尼亚州初选的推迟让该州的选民成为决定谁最终获得提名的决定性力量,如果不是的话。2016年4月24日的情况就是这样,宾夕法尼亚州人基本上决定了双方的竞争,将希拉里·克林顿(Hillary Clinton)和唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)推向了最终提名。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Commonweal (New York, N.Y.)
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