Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy最新文献

Kuwait–Georgian archaeological work at Failaka Island showed the need for geological study. Analysis of sediments related to drinking water-collecting cisterns was performed on a Late Islamic settlement (NE part of the island) in 2018. Field sedimentological, grain size and XRD analysis of the sediment profiles showed that the shallow (about 1 m deep) cone-shaped wells are dug in the loose, porous, cross-stratified calcareous coarse-grained quartz sandstones. Three upper layers of quartz sandstones in the profile have high infiltration rate and provide a rare yet ideal material for water retention. The fourth dense layer below, composed of very fine sand and silt fraction, tends to hinder water movement and forms a relatively impermeable water-resistant surface. Thus, the distribution patterns of clay content, grain sizes and porosity of the well-hosting sediments are favourable for freshwater infiltration and harvesting. An additional petrographic analysis was conducted on different types of rocks discovered on the archaeological site, used as building material and fragments of stone artifacts to identify their origin. It was established that archaeological building material is of local origin, whereas the source rocks for stone artifacts were imported.

The present article focuses on a long-lasting phenomenon that has not yet been treated from a regional and comparative perspective, despite its exceptional character: the walled oases of north-western Arabia. It appears that several oases in the region (Al-Ḥuwayyiṭ, Dūmat al-Jandal, Ḥāʾiṭ, Khaybar, Qurayyah and Taymāʾ) were entirely, or in large part, enclosed by outer walls prior to the Islamic era. These compounds comprised not only densely populated areas but the whole oasis territory, including rural zones and sometimes burial grounds. Measuring several kilometres in length, these immense defensive schemes required considerable investment by indigenous populations for their construction and maintenance until their disuse. According to our research, the walled oases phenomenon in north-western Arabia originated sometime in the late fourth−early third millennium BCE, possibly inspired by Early Bronze Age southern Levant defensive concepts, and further expanded in connection with the emergence of the trans-Arabian trade and the caravan kingdoms. These conclusions are based on the detailed technological study of the ramparts of the oasis of Dūmat al-Jandal and on the analysis of satellite imagery and scientific literature on other sites in north-western Arabia.

The Early Dynastic sources make it clear that there existed a distinct Dilmun boat connected to foreign sea trade. The Babylonian Moon god (Nanna/Suen/Sîn) was symbolically associated with both a bowl and a boat that sailed across the night sky during stages in the monthly cycle before Nanna ultimately would “rise” from the bowl and boat at full moon. Sources from the Early Dynastic IIIa period mention actual votive bowls that are related to the “bowl” stage in the lunar cycle. Votive bowls shaped as boats are also mentioned in documentary sources associated with different deities. The boat shaped bowls for Nanna probably existed as a convergence of the cyclical concepts of the “Bowl” and the “Boat”. Importantly, from an Arabian Gulf perspective, these boat-shaped bowls are occasionally explicitly stated to have been fashioned in the shape of Dilmun boats. In this article the ideological concepts are outlined and discussed and a series of boat-shaped copper bowls from Babylonia are suggested as a possible match to the votive bowls shaped as Dilmun boats of the texts.

The history of Christianity in the Gulf is still largely unknown since both archaeological and written sources are sparse. Many questions remain about the development and disappearance of Christian communities, as well as their form. A few sites were identified as Christian because of the discovery of churches or crosses. A church was excavated at al-Qusur (Failaka Island, Kuwait) by the French Mission to Kuwait in 1988–1989. Since 2011, a new French–Kuwaiti Archaeological Mission in Failaka (MAFKF) has aimed to better understand the site’s phasing and organisation. The discovery of a large refectory and a small tripartite building that is most probably a monk’s cell, as well as the reinterpretation of a church-like building as a structure perhaps dedicated to the spiritual education of monks has demonstrated that at least the central part was a monastery, making it the second Christian settlement in the Gulf to be proven to be a monastery.

New results from fieldwork carried out on Failaka island testify to relative sea-level fluctuations during Late Pleistocene and Holocene. This study is based on analysing, sampling and dating geomorphological sea-level indicators, including beach ridges or beachrocks. The results have been compared and harmonised with recalibrated data from pre-existing literature to reconstruct the relative sea-level local chronology. The vertical displacement identified may have induced coastline mobility and significant environmental changes and impacted the human occupation in Failaka and along the coastal areas of Kuwait. Eventually, the results highlight the impact of large-scale crustal deformations on regional relative sea-level variations.

Historians of Ancient South Arabia have long questioned when the Minaean Kingdom collapsed and when the Minaean people disappeared thereafter. Scholarship presently leans towards dating the fall to sometime in the first century AD with the Minaeans dissipating shortly thereafter. Relevant for the question of the Minaeans’ disappearance is the Minaic RyIIIb stick inscription called L 53, which I decipher here. Based on a new paleographical dating system for RyIIIb inscriptions that I have developed, L 53 appears to date between the first to third centuries AD. This would make it the latest dateable Minaic text and quite possibly place its origins to after the fall of the Kingdom of Maʿīn. The text also contains the first attestations of the first person plural independent pronoun “we” nḥn in Ancient South Arabian in addition to a new divine moniker “the God of Maʿīn” (ʾlh mʿn). L 53 therefore might attest to a continuing Minaean linguistic and religious identity after the fall of their kingdom, which may be corroborated by Ptolemy’s statement that the Minaeans were a “great people” in the second century AD.

This article is devoted to the soft-stone vessels retrieved from QA 1-1, a tomb from the Umm an-Nar period in Wadi al-Fajj, Northwest Oman, as part of a joint Polish–Omani project in 2016–2018. To date, the excavations, although confined to half of the tomb’s interior, have yielded as many as 67 soft-stone vessels or their fragments, which, at least for the time being, is the second-largest collection of these items obtained from one Umm an-Nar tomb. The article primarily aims to present the current assemblage in terms of its spatial distribution within the tomb with particular emphasis on complete specimens discovered in situ. The paper aims to provide a valuable source of comparative research and thus may contribute to further discussions on the production and circulation of soft-stone vessels in the land of Magan, as well as the burial rites related to furnishing the deceased with them.

The episcopal seat of Meshmahig or Mašmahig is referred to in various historical sources, such as the synods of the Church of the East of 410 and 576. These sources have been extensively explored, and it is suggested that Mašmahig can be linked to the village of Samahij in north-east Muharraq Island, Bahrain. However, archaeological evidence for a Christian presence in Samahij, or elsewhere in Bahrain, was lacking. Excavations completed within the village cemetery at Samahij uncovered part of a large building complex. Based on the architecture, associated material culture and chronology, it is suggested this building was occupied by a Christian community, perhaps as part of a monastery or even the episcopal palace itself. This was abandoned after Islamisation, seemingly in the eighth century. The results of the first season of excavations are described, and the implications for Christianity, Islamisation and settlement in Bahrain are considered.

Since Halévy first published the Jār al-Labbā texts (CIH 460–466), their difficult terminology combined with the poor quality of the text copies has inhibited scholarly consensus and no systematic study of them has been undertaken since Beeston’s 1949 treatment. Here, I provide an up-to-date study of these inscriptions, including CIH 970 and the recently published FB-Jawf 1, which also come from the same site. I propose that Jār al-Labbā was an oracular sanctuary known as “the domain of ʿAṯtar” from where several oracular stick inscriptions claim to originate. I further connect the enigmatic √ḎQṬ-ritual in the Jār al-Labbā texts with Syriac zqt “to goad, direct”, the etymology which denotes an ongoing oracular relationship with the god ʿAṯtar from whom the individuals “receive direction.” This ritual seems to have involved sacrifice and the manipulation of liquids (probably blood) to produce oracles, a practice attested elsewhere in the ancient Near East and Mediterranean.

The four new inscriptions tackled here were written by four persons, three from the same social group ʾl ʾty, a hitherto sparsely attested group. They came to Birak al-Wisād most probably seeking water and pasture for their animals and might have settled there from early summer until late summer. They designated the source of water they came to as nhy. After considering the epigraphic, linguistic and archaeological information, the paper confirms that this word should be understood as “pool”. In addition, the four inscriptions delivered two so far unattested personal names, Wrṯn and Ḫmrt. For the first time in Safaitic inscriptions, one of the inscriptions introduced the expression w wrd h-ʾwl ʾns¹ “And he went down to the water as the first of (all) people”.