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Why the Law Needs Music: Revisiting NAACP v. Button Through the Songs of Bob Dylan 为什么法律需要音乐:从鲍勃·迪伦的歌曲回顾NAACP诉Button案
Pub Date : 2011-11-28 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1965501
Renee Newman Knake
The law needs music, a truth revealed by revisiting the United States Supreme Court’s opinion in NAACP v. Button through the songs of Bob Dylan and Sandra Seaton’s play Music History. The Court decided Button in 1963, just a few months before the debut of Dylan’s acclaimed album, The Freewheelin’ Bob Dylan. In Button, the Court held that the First Amendment protected the NAACP’s legal assistance to individuals for the enforcement of constitutional and civil rights. The decision was a victory for the NAACP, yet success in the courtroom did not translate entirely to success on the ground. Indeed, in the same year, NAACP Mississippi Field Secretary Medgar Evers was assassinated, and the Birmingham Sixteenth Street Baptist Church was bombed. These events serve as reminders of law’s inadequacies, in that the constitutional protection of legal services in Button did little to stop the needless loss of life and violence that was characteristic of racial desegregation efforts. Not only did tragedy persist, but the NAACP’s long-term vision for racial equality has never been completely realized. Playwright Sandra Seaton focuses on the law’s inadequacies in her drama Music History, also set in the turbulence of 1963. Her characters endure the law’s failings firsthand when a University of Illinois student, Walter, the beloved of Etta, is killed during his work on the voter rights campaign in Mississippi. Music of the 1960s captured the struggle inherent in attempts to achieve equality when the law proved impotent, particularly as evidenced by Bob Dylan’s work in 1963. This Essay, written for the Fordham University School of Law Bob Dylan and the Law Symposium, offers three connections between the law and music using the works of Dylan and Seaton as illustrations. First, music criticizes the existing cultural and legal regime in a manner that empowers social change in the wake of the law’s failure. Second, while the Button legal opinion memorialized the history of the civil rights era, music (and Seaton’s Music History) continue to influence modern culture in a more pervasive way. Third, Button, Dylan, and Seaton remind us about the importance of exercising our free speech rights, whether the speech involves offering legal assistance to minorities shut out from the political process at the ballot box, singing a song silenced by record and television network executives, or recreating history through drama. In short, we see why the law needs Bob Dylan and Music History.
法律需要音乐,通过鲍勃·迪伦和桑德拉·西顿的戏剧《音乐史》中的歌曲,重新审视美国最高法院对全国有色人种协进会诉巴顿案的判决,揭示了这一真相。1963年,就在迪伦广受好评的专辑《自由的鲍勃·迪伦》发行的几个月前,最高法院对巴顿做出了判决。在巴顿案中,最高法院认为,第一修正案保护全国有色人种协进会为执行宪法和公民权利向个人提供法律援助的权利。这一决定是NAACP的胜利,然而法庭上的成功并没有完全转化为实际行动的成功。事实上,就在同一年,全国有色人种协进会密西西比分会秘书长梅德加·埃弗斯被暗杀,伯明翰第十六街浸信会教堂被炸。这些事件提醒人们法律的不足之处,因为巴顿案中对法律服务的宪法保护几乎没有阻止种族隔离努力所特有的不必要的生命损失和暴力。不仅悲剧持续存在,而且NAACP对种族平等的长期愿景也从未完全实现。剧作家桑德拉·西顿(Sandra Seaton)在她的戏剧《音乐史》(Music History)中关注了法律的不足,该剧也以1963年的动荡为背景。她笔下的人物亲身经历了这部法律的失败:埃塔深爱的伊利诺斯大学学生沃尔特在密西西比州的选民权利运动中被杀害。20世纪60年代的音乐捕捉到了当法律被证明无能为力时,争取平等的内在斗争,尤其是鲍勃·迪伦1963年的作品。这篇为福特汉姆大学法学院鲍勃·迪伦和法律研讨会撰写的文章,以迪伦和西顿的作品为例,提供了法律和音乐之间的三种联系。首先,音乐批评现有的文化和法律制度,以一种在法律失效后赋予社会变革权力的方式。其次,虽然巴顿的法律意见书纪念了民权时代的历史,但音乐(以及西顿的《音乐史》)继续以更普遍的方式影响着现代文化。第三,巴顿、迪伦和西顿提醒我们行使言论自由权的重要性,无论他们的演讲是否涉及向被排除在选举过程之外的少数群体提供法律援助,还是唱一首被唱片公司和电视网络高管噤声的歌,还是通过戏剧再现历史。简而言之,我们明白了为什么法律需要鲍勃·迪伦和音乐史。
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引用次数: 1
Tangled Up in Law: The Jurisprudence of Bob Dylan 《法律的纠缠:鲍勃·迪伦的法理学》
Pub Date : 2011-06-21 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1908898
M. Perlin
A a careful examination of Bob Dylan’s lyrics reveals a writer - a scholar - with a well-developed jurisprudence, ranging over a broad array of topics that relate to civil and criminal law, public and private law. His lyrics reflect the work of a thinker who takes “the law” seriously in multiple iterations - the role of lawyers, the role of judges, the disparities between the ways the law treats the rich and the poor, the inequality of the criminal and civil justice systems, the corruption of government, the police, and the judiciary, and more. In this paper, I seek to create a topography of Dylan-as-jurisprudential scholar, and will seek to do this by looking at selected Dylan songs in these discrete areas of law (and law-and-society):• Civil rights• Inequality of the criminal justice system• Institutions• Governmental/judicial corruption• Equality and emancipation (political and economic) • Poverty, the environment, and Inequality of the civil justice system, and• The role of lawyers and the legal process.
仔细研究鲍勃·迪伦的歌词,你会发现他是一位作家,也是一位学者,拥有完善的法学知识,涉及民法、刑法、公法和私法等广泛的主题。他的歌词反映了一个思想家的作品,他认真对待“法律”的多次迭代-律师的角色,法官的角色,法律对待富人和穷人的方式之间的差异,刑事和民事司法系统的不平等,政府,警察和司法机构的腐败等等。在本文中,我试图创建一个迪伦作为法学学者的地形,并将通过在法律(以及法律与社会)的这些离散领域中选择迪伦的歌曲来实现这一目标:•公民权利•刑事司法系统的不平等•机构•政府/司法腐败•平等与解放(政治和经济)•贫困,环境和民事司法系统的不平等,以及•律师的角色和法律程序。
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引用次数: 2
The Freewheelin' Judiciary: A Bob Dylan Anthology 《自由司法:鲍勃·迪伦选集
Pub Date : 2011-05-10 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1837683
Alex Long
This paper, presented as part of a symposium on Bob Dylan and the Law at the Fordham University School of Law, explores the ways in which judges have used the lyrics of Bob Dylan in their opinions.
这篇论文,作为福特汉姆大学法学院鲍勃·迪伦与法律研讨会的一部分,探讨了法官在他们的意见中使用鲍勃·迪伦歌词的方式。
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引用次数: 0
Do I Need to Pin a Target to My Back?: The Definition of 'Particular Social Group' in U.S. Asylum Law 我需要把目标钉在背后吗?美国《庇护法》中“特殊社会群体”的定义
Pub Date : 2011-03-27 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1797265
Nitzan Sternberg
In U.S. asylum, there are significant differences among the federal circuit courts' approaches to defining "particular social group". These differences come from the circuit courts' use of different legal tests to define "particular social group". The different approaches to defining PSG have led to a circuit split between the Seventh Circuit, the Ninth Circuit, and the circuit courts that follow the Board of Immigration Appeals. This Note analyzes the definition of PSG in asylum law, and examines the various tests that different circuit courts use to define PSG.
在美国庇护案件中,联邦巡回法院对“特定社会群体”的定义存在显著差异。这些差异来自巡回法院使用不同的法律标准来定义“特定的社会群体”。定义PSG的不同方法导致了第七巡回法院、第九巡回法院和移民上诉委员会之后的巡回法院之间的巡回法院分裂。本说明分析了庇护法中PSG的定义,并检查了不同巡回法院用于定义PSG的各种测试。
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引用次数: 5
ACCULTURATING FORENSIC SCIENCE: WHAT IS ‘SCIENTIFIC CULTURE’, AND HOW CAN FORENSIC SCIENCE ADOPT IT? 法医学的文化适应:什么是“科学文化”,法医学如何接受它?
Pub Date : 2010-12-01 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1788414
S. Cole
Some recommendations from the National Research Council's 2009 Report on forensic science are relatively clear and easy to endorse, such as the need for validation research, accreditation, certification, and standardization of reporting. This paper takes on a more difficult question, the Report's call for forensic science to adopt a "scientific culture." The paper rejects the notion that there is any unitary "culture" that applies to all activities labeled "scientific" any more than there is a unitary thing called "science" or a unitary "scientific method." Nonetheless, there is still a utility to thinking about how a broader notion of "scientific culture" might apply to forensic science. The paper endeavors to do so by conceptualizing what is conventionally labeled "forensic science" into a series of tasks. The paper argues that we should desire different skills, virtues, and norms of behavior from individuals who perform different forensic tasks. The paper concludes by positing an analogy between forensic science and medicine. The paper suggests that the relationship between medical researchers, clinicians, and technicians offers a reasonable model for forensic science in conceptualizing the differentiation of tasks and the relationship between individuals playing different task-roles.
美国国家研究委员会2009年法医科学报告中的一些建议相对清晰且易于认可,例如验证研究、认可、认证和报告标准化的必要性。本文探讨了一个更困难的问题,报告呼吁法医科学采用“科学文化”。这篇论文拒绝了这样一种观点,即存在一种单一的“文化”,适用于所有标有“科学”的活动,正如不存在一种被称为“科学”的单一事物或一种单一的“科学方法”。尽管如此,考虑如何将更广泛的“科学文化”概念应用于法医学,仍有其实用价值。本文试图通过将传统上被称为“法医科学”的概念化为一系列任务来做到这一点。这篇论文认为,我们应该从执行不同法医任务的个人那里获得不同的技能、美德和行为规范。文章最后提出法医学与医学之间的类比。本文认为,研究人员、临床医生和技术人员之间的关系为法医学理解任务的区分和扮演不同任务角色的个体之间的关系提供了一个合理的模型。
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引用次数: 26
Heller, McDonald, and Murder: Testing the More Guns = More Murder Thesis 海勒,麦克唐纳和谋杀:测试更多的枪=更多的谋杀理论
Pub Date : 2010-04-07 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1585869
Don B. Kates, C. Moody
We examine several aspects of the more guns, more murder hypothesis. We find that ordinary people typically do not kill in a moment of rage, so that preventing them from owning guns will not save lives. Societies without guns are not typically peaceful and safe. Historically, more guns are associated with less murder. Modern Europe nations with very high gun ownership rates have much lower murder rates than low gun ownership nations. In the United States: the colonial period of universal gun ownership saw few murders and few of those were gun murders. More guns do not mean more murder.
我们从几个方面考察了枪支越多,谋杀越多的假设。我们发现,普通人通常不会在愤怒的时候杀人,所以阻止他们拥有枪支并不能挽救生命。没有枪支的社会通常不是和平与安全的。从历史上看,更多的枪支与更少的谋杀有关。拥有高枪支率的现代欧洲国家的谋杀率比拥有枪支率低的国家要低得多。在美国:在普遍拥有枪支的殖民时期,很少发生谋杀,而且其中很少是涉枪谋杀。更多的枪支并不意味着更多的谋杀。
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引用次数: 2
The 'New' Exclusionary Rule Debate: From 'Still Preoccupied with 1985' to 'Virtual Deterrence' “新”排他规则之争:从“仍沉浸于1985年”到“虚拟威慑”
Pub Date : 2009-04-10 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1376480
Donald A. Dripps
The justices of the Supreme Court have drawn new battle lines over the exclusionary rule. In Hudson v. Michigan, 547 U.S. 586 (2006), a five-justice majority, over a strong dissent, went out of the way to renew familiar criticisms of the rule. Just this January, in Herring v. United States, 129 S.Ct. 695 (2009), the justices again divided five to four. This time the dissenters raised the ante, by arguing that the Court's cost-benefit approach to applying the rule is misguided. For the first time since Justice Brennan left the Court, some of the justices appealed to broader justifications for exclusion, including concerns for judicial integrity, judicial review, and long-run and indirect influences on official behavior. This article challenges the majority positions in Hudson and Herring as both normatively mistaken and empirically unsupported. Normatively, the escape of the guilty is a cost of the Fourth Amendment rather than whatever remedies enforce it. The only legitimate cost of exclusion is possible overdeterrence, defined in careful way: discouraging lawful behavior in a pool of cases in which legality is uncertain. The Article then tests the overdeterrence hypothesis against empirical evidence reporting hit rates for different types of searches and seizures. The current mix of Fourth Amendment remedies does not appear to be overdeterring and indeed appears to underdeter certain types of low-cost Fourth Amendment violations. The article also criticizes the Herring dissent's more majestic view of the exclusionary rule, because the dissent's approach (1) cannot account for the law's response to innocent victims of illegal searches and seizures; (2) fails to account for alternative remedies, including a deterrence-based exclusionary rule; (3) conflicts with the good-faith immunity defense to tort actions against the police, thus threatening overdeterrence; and, most fundamentally, (4) mistakes the nature of Fourth Amendment rights as trumps over the application of otherwise valid criminal laws to private behavior, i.e., as a right to commit crimes in secret. Finally, the article presents a proposed improvement on current exclusionary rule practice, the virtual deterrence approach. Under this approach, before suppressing evidence (or admitting tainted evidence under an exception), the court should demand an account of what specific remedial steps, by way of training, discipline, or record-keeping, the department has taken to prevent recurrence of the violation. In typical cases the proposal may not be worth the additional layer of procedural complexity. When, however, the charged offense is exceptionally serious, or when the government exploits an exception to exclusion for fruits of conduct found unconstitutional by the court, virtual deterrence probably would increase compliance by police with constitutional requirements, and reduce both the chances of the guilty escaping and the temptation to distort fact and law to avoid such miscarriages o
最高法院的法官们就排他规则划定了新的战线。在Hudson v. Michigan, 547 U.S. 586(2006)一案中,五名大法官以压倒性多数否决了强烈的反对意见,再次对该规则提出了熟悉的批评。就在今年一月,在赫林诉美国案中,129 s.c.。695(2009),法官们再次以5比4的票数投票。这一次,持不同意见的人提出了更高的要求,他们辩称,法院在适用该规则时采用的成本效益方法是错误的。自布伦南法官离开最高法院以来,一些法官首次提出了更广泛的排除理由,包括对司法廉正、司法审查以及对官方行为的长期和间接影响的担忧。这篇文章挑战了哈德逊和赫林的大多数观点,因为它们在规范上是错误的,在经验上也没有得到支持。从规范上讲,罪犯的逃脱是第四修正案的代价,而不是任何执行该修正案的补救措施的代价。排除的唯一合理成本是可能的过度威慑,以谨慎的方式定义:在合法性不确定的一堆案件中阻碍合法行为。然后,文章针对报告不同类型搜查和扣押的命中率的经验证据测试了过度威慑假设。目前的第四修正案救济组合似乎没有过度威慑,实际上似乎对某些类型的低成本违反第四修正案的行为威慑不足。这篇文章还批评了赫林案异议者对排除规则的更为庄严的观点,因为异议者的方法(1)不能解释法律对非法搜查和扣押的无辜受害者的反应;(2)未考虑其他补救措施,包括基于威慑的排除规则;(3)与针对警察侵权行为的善意豁免抗辩相冲突,构成过度威慑的威胁;而且,最根本的是,(4)错误地认为第四修正案权利的性质胜过其他有效的刑法对私人行为的适用,即作为秘密犯罪的权利。最后,本文提出了对现行排除规则实践的改进,即虚拟威慑方法。根据这种方法,在压制证据(或在例外情况下承认有污染的证据)之前,法院应要求说明司法部采取了哪些具体的补救措施,通过培训、纪律或记录保存等方式防止违规行为再次发生。在典型情况下,提案可能不值得额外增加一层程序复杂性。然而,当被指控的罪行特别严重时,或者当政府利用例外来排除法院认定违宪的行为成果时,虚拟威慑可能会增加警察对宪法要求的遵守,并减少罪犯逃脱的机会和歪曲事实和法律以避免此类司法不公的诱惑。政府可以选择拒绝采取补救措施,从而默许压制令,这为防止过度威慑提供了强有力的保障。
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引用次数: 3
Facial and As-Applied Challenges Under the Roberts Court 罗伯茨法院提出的面部和适用挑战
Pub Date : 2009-02-04 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1338895
Gillian E. Metzger
One recurring theme of the early Roberts Court's jurisprudence to date is its resistance to facial constitutional challenges and preference for as-applied litigation. On a number of occasions the Court has rejected facial constitutional challenges while reserving the possibility that narrower as-applied claims might succeed. Unfortunately, the Roberts Court has not matched its consistency in preferring as-applied constitutional adjudication with clarity about what this preference means in practice. The Court itself has noted that it remains divided over the appropriate test to govern when facial challenges are available. Equally or more important, the Court has made little effort to describe the contours of as-applied litigation and has justified its preference for as-applied claims on diverse grounds that yield different implications for the types of as-applied claims litigants can bring. This essay for a symposium on the future of public rights litigation assesses the practical import of the Roberts Court's facial/as-applied jurisprudence on constitutional rights litigation. I argue that the Roberts Court's resistance to facial challenges is largely in keeping with longer-term trends in the Supreme Court's jurisprudence-with respect both to the Court's understanding of what constitutes an as-applied challenge, the scope of the Court's remedial authority to carve away a measure's unconstitutional dimensions, and strategic use of the facial versus as-applied distinction. In particular, despite some language to the contrary, the Court dos not appear to be excluding pre-enforcement as-applied challenges or require that specific applications of a measure be challenged one at a time, requirements that would mark a notable deviation from existing precedent and raise substantial impediments to asserting constitutional rights in federal court. What does set the Roberts Court apart is its understanding of the substantive scope of particular constitutional rights. Not surprisingly, that substantive understanding plays a major role in determining the Court's rejection (and acceptance) of facial challenges in different contexts. As a result, to the extent these decisions signal greater obstacles to assertion of certain constitutional rights in the federal courts, those obstacles likely result as much, if not more, from retraction in the substantive scope of those rights as from general jurisdictional rules regarding the appropriate form of constitutional adjudication.
到目前为止,早期罗伯茨法院判例的一个反复出现的主题是它对表面上的宪法挑战的抵制和对适用诉讼的偏好。在一些情况下,法院驳回了表面上的宪法挑战,同时保留了狭义适用的索赔可能成功的可能性。不幸的是,罗伯茨法院在一贯倾向于适用宪法裁决的同时,并没有明确说明这种倾向在实践中意味着什么。最高法院本身也注意到,对于在存在表面挑战的情况下适用何种检验标准,它仍存在分歧。同样或更重要的是,法院几乎没有努力描述适用诉讼的轮廓,并以各种理由说明其偏爱适用索赔的理由,这些理由对诉讼人可能提出的适用索赔的类型产生不同的影响。这篇关于公共权利诉讼未来研讨会的文章评估了罗伯茨法院在宪法权利诉讼中的表面/应用法学的实际意义。我认为,罗伯茨法院对表面挑战的抵制在很大程度上符合最高法院法理的长期趋势——包括法院对构成适用挑战的理解,法院消除措施违宪维度的补救权力的范围,以及对表面与适用区别的战略性使用。特别是,尽管有一些相反的语言,法院似乎并没有排除执行前适用的质疑,也没有要求对一项措施的具体适用一次一项提出质疑,这些要求将明显偏离现有先例,并对在联邦法院维护宪法权利造成重大障碍。罗伯茨法院的与众不同之处在于它对特定宪法权利的实质范围的理解。毫不奇怪,这种实质性理解在决定法院在不同情况下拒绝(和接受)面部挑战方面起着重要作用。因此,在某种程度上,这些决定表明在联邦法院主张某些宪法权利面临更大的障碍,这些障碍可能与有关宪法裁决适当形式的一般管辖规则一样,甚至更多地来自这些权利的实质性范围的撤销。
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引用次数: 7
The Need for a National Civil Justice Survey of Incidence and Claiming Behavior 全国民事司法案件发生与索赔行为调查的必要性
Pub Date : 2008-11-12 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1305385
T. Eisenberg
Civil justice issues play a prominent role in society. Family law issues such as divorce and child custody, consumer victimization issues raised by questionable trade practices, and tort issues raised by surprisingly high estimated rates of medical malpractice, questionable prescription drug practices, and other behavior are part of the fabric of daily life. Policymakers and interest groups regularly debate and assess whether civil problems are best resolved by legislative action, agency action, litigation, alternative dispute resolution, other methods, or some combinations of actions. Yet we lack systematic quantitative knowledge about the primary events in daily life that generate civil justice issues. This paper explores the desirability of, and issues related to, creating a national civil justice survey, analogous to the National Crime Victimization Survey.
民事司法问题在社会中发挥着突出的作用。家庭法问题,如离婚和儿童监护,由可疑的贸易行为引起的消费者受害问题,以及由医疗事故、可疑的处方药行为和其他行为的高估计率引起的侵权问题,都是日常生活的一部分。政策制定者和利益集团定期辩论和评估民事问题是否最好通过立法行动、机构行动、诉讼、替代争议解决、其他方法或一些行动组合来解决。然而,我们对日常生活中产生民事司法问题的主要事件缺乏系统的定量认识。本文探讨了建立一个类似于国家犯罪受害调查的国家民事司法调查的必要性和相关问题。
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引用次数: 2
Mother of Atrocities: Pauline Nyiramasuhuko’s Role in the Rwandan Genocide 暴行之母:Pauline Nyiramasuhuko在卢旺达种族灭绝中的角色
Pub Date : 2006-01-01 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1662710
C. Sperling
As Pauline Nyiramasuhuko stood trial before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, the media seemed more focused on her gender than on the significance of her prosecution for crimes against humanity and genocide. As the first woman brought to trial for her role as a high-level organizer of the Rwandan genocide, Pauline was accused of ordering the rapes and murders of countless women and men. The press remarked on her appearance – that of “school teacher” or someone’s “dear great aunt.” Underneath these remarks was an assumption that women are purer, weaker, more subservient than men and therefore less capable of committing the kind of atrocities for which she stands accused. Those who view Pauline’s actions during the genocide as somehow inexplicable because of her gender ignore history and engage in the stereotypical thinking that perpetuates the special victimization of women. Women are subjected to especially heinous violence during conflict because of their otherness, their difference from the patriarchy that perpetuates conflict. Women and girls are violated to denigrate the men of another racial or ethnic group, to attack their perceived purity or the purity of their ethnic group, or used as a warrior’s reward. Pauline’s case shatters the myth that women, by their very nature, are incapable of being warriors. Perhaps her case can also shatter the myths about women that have left them especially susceptible to the kinds of violence carried out against women in the Rwandan genocide.
当Pauline Nyiramasuhuko在卢旺达问题国际刑事法庭受审时,媒体似乎更关注她的性别,而不是她因反人类罪和种族灭绝罪被起诉的重要性。作为第一个因卢旺达种族灭绝的高级组织者而受到审判的女性,波琳被指控下令强奸和谋杀无数男女。媒体评论她的外表——像是“学校老师”或某人的“亲爱的姑婆”。在这些言论的背后是一种假设,即女性比男性更纯洁、更软弱、更顺从,因此不太可能犯下她被指责的那种暴行。那些因为波琳的性别而认为她在种族灭绝期间的行为莫名其妙的人忽视了历史,并陷入了一种刻板的思维,这种思维使女性的特殊受害者永存。妇女在冲突期间遭受特别令人发指的暴力,因为她们是他者,她们与使冲突永久化的父权制不同。妇女和女孩被侵犯是为了诋毁另一个种族或族裔群体的男性,攻击他们被认为的纯洁性或其族裔群体的纯洁性,或被用作战士的奖励。波琳的案例打破了女人天生不能成为战士的神话。也许她的案件也可以打破关于妇女的神话,这些神话使她们特别容易受到卢旺达种族灭绝中针对妇女的暴力行为的影响。
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引用次数: 22
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