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Menstrual Equity, Organizing and the Struggle for Human Dignity and Gender Equality in Prison 月经平等,组织和争取监狱中人类尊严和性别平等的斗争
Pub Date : 2021-11-08 DOI: 10.52214/cjgl.v41i1.8823
A. Fettig
This Essay takes a look at the movement for social change around menstruation, especially through the lens of the criminal legal system and prisons and jails in particular. Part I reviews the issues of period poverty and justice that are driving a larger social movement to recognize that safe and ready access to menstrual hygiene products should be framed through a lens of full civic participation in order to understand its full implications for the lives of people who menstruate. Part II dives into the particular needs and problems of abuse and control that incarcerated and detained people face related to menstruation. Part III examines the growing movement to transform menstruation in America along equity lines that focuses both on the rights of all menstruators while bringing social pressure to bear on behalf of the most vulnerable—incarcerated people, the unhoused, students, and those living in poverty—to demand greater governmental and cultural support for the needs, inclusion, and dignity of all people who menstruate. This Part particularly takes note of the fact that the menstrual equity movement gains strength and force when it centers the leadership and voices of people who menstruate as key players demanding social change and evolution of the culture as a whole. Part IV examines the importance of the momentum and success this social movement represents for potential litigation strategies to develop constitutional jurisprudence regarding incarcerated people and menstrual equity. It observes that the pertinent “evolving standards of decency” that inform Eighth Amendment jurisprudence must and will be influenced by the prevailing movement for menstrual equity as a deliberate strategy to ensure that incarcerated people who menstruate are not left out of the social development and rights framework that menstrual equity demands. At the same time this evolution in jurisprudence represent the opportunity for Eighth Amendment jurisprudence—and constitutional framework generally—to place a greater focus on the need for human dignity as a cornerstone of the law.
这篇文章着眼于围绕月经的社会变革运动,特别是通过刑事法律体系,尤其是监狱和监狱的视角。第一部分回顾了经期贫困和正义问题,这些问题正在推动一场更大的社会运动,以认识到安全、方便地获得月经卫生产品应该通过公民充分参与的视角来构建,从而了解其对月经来潮者生活的全面影响。第二部分深入探讨了被监禁和拘留者面临的与月经有关的虐待和控制的特殊需求和问题。第三部分考察了美国日益增长的以公平为主线的月经转变运动,该运动既关注所有月经来潮者的权利,又为最弱势群体——被监禁的人、无家可归的人、学生和生活贫困的人——带来社会压力,要求政府和文化对需求、包容、,以及所有来月经的人的尊严。本部分特别注意到这样一个事实,即月经公平运动以月经来潮者的领导和声音为中心,要求社会变革和整个文化的演变,从而获得力量和力量。第四部分考察了这场社会运动所代表的势头和成功对潜在诉讼策略的重要性,以发展关于被监禁者和月经公平的宪法判例。它指出,为《第八修正案》判例提供依据的相关“不断发展的体面标准”必须而且将受到普遍的月经公平运动的影响,这是一种深思熟虑的策略,以确保月经来潮的被监禁者不会被排除在月经公平所要求的社会发展和权利框架之外。与此同时,判例法的这种演变为第八修正案判例法——以及整个宪法框架——提供了一个机会,使其更加关注人的尊严作为法律基石的必要性。
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引用次数: 3
“Do We Not Bleed?” Sanitation, Menstrual Management, and Homelessness in the Time of COVID “我们不会流血吗?”COVID时期的卫生、经期管理和无家可归
Pub Date : 2021-11-08 DOI: 10.52214/cjgl.v41i1.8838
Hawi Teizazu, M. Sommer, Caitlin Gruer, David Giffen, Lindsey Davis, Rachel Frumin, K. Hopper
Although access to adequate sanitation is formally recognized as a basic human right, public toilets have long been flagged as absent necessities by groups marginalized by class, gender, race, and ability in the United States. Navigating public spaces without the guarantee of reliable restrooms is more than a passing inconvenience for anyone needing immediate relief. This includes workers outside of traditional offices, people with medical conditions, caretakers of young children, or anyone without access to restroom amenities provided to customers. This absence is also gendered in ways that constrain the freedom of those who menstruate to participate in the public sphere. Managing menstrual hygiene requires twenty-four-hour access to safe, clean facilities, equipped for washing blood off hands and clothing and mechanisms for discreet disposal of used menstrual products. Public provision of such amenities is woefully inadequate in New York City (NYC), and homeless women especially bear the brunt of that neglect. Public health concerns about open defecation, coupled with feminist complaints that their absence restricted women’s ability to be out in public, catalyzed state investment to construct public toilets in the late 1800s. By 1907, eight had been built in NYC near public markets, and by the 1930s, the city built and renovated 145 comfort stations. However, changing public perceptions, vandalism, maintenance costs, and the City’s fiscal crisis in the 1970s all combined to reduce their numbers and degrade their quality. Public pay toilets provided a brief respite before falling victim to protest by feminists, who were rightly dismayed by policies that required payments for public usage of toilets but not for urinals. Supply deteriorated, and by 2019, NYC ranked ninety-third among large U.S. cities in per capita provision of public toilets. The remaining facilities are inadequately maintained and poorly monitored. The absence of public toilets poses an everyday challenge, but public health emergencies bring the need for public toilets into clear focus––as seen during the COVID-19 pandemic, which eliminated publicly accessible bathrooms in both private and public settings. That said, the effects of COVID on bathroom availability disproportionately affected those who were unable to heed the public health message to shelter at home––mobile “essential workers” and individuals experiencing homelessness. Homelessness advocates have long complained that civic toilet scarcity amounts to de facto entrapment, turning biological necessities into “public nuisances” for want of appropriate facilities. Criminalizing public urination and defecation in the absence of public facilities punishes the existence of individuals experiencing homelessness and challenges outreach workers’ efforts to gain their trust. With women increasingly prominent among those living on the streets or in shelters, this scarcity also impedes managing menstruation. Default
虽然获得适当的卫生设施被正式承认为一项基本人权,但公共厕所长期以来一直被美国因阶级、性别、种族和能力而被边缘化的群体视为缺乏必需品。在没有可靠厕所保证的情况下,在公共场所穿行,对于那些需要立即救援的人来说,不仅仅是一时的不便。这包括传统办公室以外的员工、有疾病的人、照顾小孩的人,或者无法使用为客户提供的洗手间设施的人。这种缺位也以性别的方式限制了经期女性参与公共领域的自由。经期卫生管理需要24小时使用安全、清洁的设施,配备洗净手上和衣服上的血迹的设备,以及谨慎处理使用过的经期产品的机制。在纽约市,公共设施的供应严重不足,无家可归的妇女尤其首当其冲。公共卫生对露天排便的担忧,再加上女权主义者抱怨露天排便的缺失限制了女性在公共场合的能力,促使政府在19世纪后期投资建造公厕。到1907年,纽约市在公共市场附近建了8个慰安所。到20世纪30年代,纽约市新建和翻新了145个慰安所。然而,公众观念的改变、破坏行为、维护成本以及20世纪70年代伦敦金融城的财政危机,这些因素加在一起,减少了它们的数量,降低了它们的质量。公共收费厕所在成为女权主义者抗议的牺牲品之前提供了一个短暂的喘息机会,女权主义者对公共厕所需要付费而小便池不需要付费的政策感到沮丧,这是理所当然的。供应恶化,到2019年,纽约市的人均公厕供应量在美国大城市中排名第93位。其余的设施没有得到充分的维护和监测。公共厕所的缺乏对日常生活构成了挑战,但突发公共卫生事件使对公共厕所的需求成为人们关注的焦点——正如在2019冠状病毒病大流行期间所看到的那样,私人和公共环境中的公共厕所都被取消了。话虽如此,COVID对厕所可用性的影响不成比例地影响了那些无法听取公共卫生信息的人——流动的“基本工作者”和无家可归的人。长期以来,倡导无家可归者的人士一直抱怨说,公共厕所的短缺实际上相当于诱捕,因为缺乏适当的设施,把生物必需品变成了“公害”。将没有公共设施的公共场所小便和排便定为犯罪,惩罚了无家可归者的存在,并挑战了外展工作人员赢得他们信任的努力。随着露宿街头或避难所的女性越来越多,这种稀缺性也阻碍了月经的管理。对私营企业的默认依赖,对于那些无视“客户”形象的人来说,并不是解决问题的办法。最近,纽约市在学校、监狱和庇护所开展的“经期平等”活动取得了成功,他们主要关注的是提供经期用品,但这也不足以满足那些流动人群白天的需求。
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引用次数: 2
Are You There, Law? It's Me, Semen 你在吗,劳?是我,精液
Pub Date : 2021-11-08 DOI: 10.52214/cjgl.v41i1.8817
Anita Bernstein
Joining a conversation about menstruation and the law, this Essay interprets “law” to mean regulation––a source of burden, constraint, and interference justified by reason. The object of my regulatory agenda is a substance perceived by Western thinkers at least since Aristotle as the superior counterpart to menstrual fluid.1 Traditions that celebrate semen as vital or affirmative, while recoiling from and controlling the other gendered emission that hurts no one, get reality backward. Law as burden, constraint, and interference ought to regulate semen and leave menstrual fluid alone. Contrast the two substances. One of them started out with the potentially useful function of building a uterine lining. That possibility concluded, menstrual fluid is benign. The other effluvium started out with the potentially useful function of launching a pregnancy. Pregnancy is a good thing when it is desired by the person who has to live with the bulk of pregnancy’s detriments. Along with its capacity to do an important job, semen causes quite the array of harms. A statute on point for this purpose, the Federal Hazardous Substances Act, regulates material that “may cause substantial personal injury or substantial illness during or as a proximate result of any customary or reasonably foreseeable handling or use.”2 Because semen “has the capacity to produce personal injury or illness to man through ingestion, inhalation, or absorption through any body surface,” it also aligns with the definition of “toxic” in the statute.3 Judges, policymakers, litigants, and ordinary people can all learn from well-established legal labels to understand semen as a stark example of an externality. Nothing in this statute impedes the characterization I propose: The FHSA lists substances that lie outside its purview,4 and semen is not among them. Labeling, containment, and emergency protocols—splash protection, if you like—are the hazardous-substance safety impositions I would apply to semen.
这篇文章加入了关于月经和法律的对话,将“法律”解释为规则——一种负担、约束和干涉的来源。我的监管议程的对象是一种物质,至少从亚里士多德开始,西方思想家就认为它比经液更优越将精液视为至关重要或肯定的传统,同时回避和控制不伤害任何人的其他性别的排放物,这是一种倒退的现实。法律作为负担、约束和干涉,应当规范精液,而不干涉经液。对比这两种物质。其中之一是从建立子宫内膜的潜在有用功能开始的。这种可能性的结论是,经液是良性的。另一种分泌物开始具有潜在的有用功能,可以使人怀孕。当一个人想要怀孕时,怀孕是一件好事,而这个人却不得不忍受怀孕的大部分危害。除了发挥重要作用外,精液还会造成一系列危害。《联邦有害物质法》(Federal Hazardous Substances Act)就这一目的制定了相关法规,规定了“在任何习惯的或合理可预见的处理或使用过程中或其近似结果可能导致重大人身伤害或重大疾病”的物质。因为精液“有能力通过摄入、吸入或通过任何体表吸收而对人造成人身伤害或疾病”,它也符合法规中“有毒”的定义法官、政策制定者、诉讼当事人和普通人都可以从完善的法律标签中学习,将精液理解为外部性的一个鲜明例子。本法规中没有任何内容妨碍我提出的定性:FHSA列出了其职权范围之外的物质,而精液不在其中。标签、容器和应急方案——如果你愿意,也可以叫防溅——是我对精液的危险物质安全规定。
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引用次数: 0
Menstruation and Human Rights: Can We Move Beyond Instrumentalization, Tokenism, and Reductionism? 月经与人权:我们能超越工具化、象征主义和还原主义吗?
Pub Date : 2021-11-08 DOI: 10.52214/cjgl.v41i1.8842
Inga T. Winkler
With the current momentum around menstruation, it is increasingly framed as a human rights issue. We see such language in UN documents and many organizations adopt the framing of human rights. Scholars have argued that “framing the issue as being about the right to safe, healthy and dignified menstruation moves it from being a negative problem to be solved” to “an affirmative principle through which the facts of women and girls’ lives are acknowledged and validated.” This paper seeks to briefly unpack what it means to approach menstruation through the lens of human rights. First, I will discuss the predominant way in which human rights framing is presently used and how it is at risk of instrumentalization, tokenism, and reductionism. However, I will also provide a more optimistic view and discuss what the human rights framework has to offer, building on grassroots perspectives as well as normative arguments.
随着目前围绕月经的势头,它越来越被视为一个人权问题。我们在联合国文件中看到这种语言,许多组织采用了人权框架。学者们认为,“将这个问题定义为安全、健康和有尊严的月经权,将其从一个有待解决的消极问题”转变为“一个肯定的原则,通过这个原则,妇女和女孩的生活事实得到承认和确认”。本文试图通过人权的镜头简要地解开它意味着什么接近月经。首先,我将讨论目前使用人权框架的主要方式,以及它如何面临工具化、象征主义和简化主义的风险。然而,我也将提供一个更乐观的观点,并讨论人权框架必须提供什么,以基层观点和规范性论点为基础。
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引用次数: 1
Asking the Menstruation Question to Achieve Menstrual Justice 问月经问题,争取月经公正
Pub Date : 2021-11-08 DOI: 10.52214/cjgl.v41i1.8830
M. Johnson
Menstruation is a situs of discrimination, oppression, harassment, and microaggression. Employers fire workers for bleeding and experiencing period pain. Schools control menstruating students’ access to bathrooms, products, and menstrual education. Prisons control their residents’ free access to menstrual products. There are both “obvious and non-obvious relationships” between menstrual discrimination and discrimination on the basis of race, gender, class, gender identity, and disability. This Essay suggests we ask the “menstruation question” as part of our examination of all forms of intersectional oppressions and to achieve menstrual justice. For example, if we see something racist, we should ask “where is the menstrual oppression in this?” So too, if we see menstrual oppression, we should ask, “where is the racism in this?” Through this process, we discover the multidimensionality of menstrual injustices and how they operate as structural intersectionality. We learn that “dismantling any one form of subordination is impossible without dismantling every other.” Therefore, asking the menstruation question is critical to achieve menstrual justice.
月经是歧视、压迫、骚扰和微侵犯的场所。雇主会因为员工出血和经期疼痛而解雇他们。学校控制经期学生使用浴室、产品和经期教育。监狱控制着囚犯免费获得月经用品的权利。月经歧视与基于种族、性别、阶级、性别认同和残疾的歧视之间既有“明显的关系也有不明显的关系”。本文建议我们将“月经问题”作为我们对各种形式的交叉压迫和实现月经正义的检查的一部分。例如,如果我们看到一些种族主义的东西,我们应该问“这里面有月经压迫吗?”同样,如果我们看到经期压迫,我们应该问,“这里面有种族歧视吗?”通过这个过程,我们发现了经期不公正的多维性,以及它们如何作为结构交叉性运作。我们了解到,“不拆除其他形式的从属关系,就不可能拆除任何一种形式的从属关系。”因此,询问月经问题对于实现月经公正至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
Establishing the Unconstitutionality of Menstrual Exclusion Practices in India 确立印度排斥经期做法的违宪性
Pub Date : 2021-11-08 DOI: 10.52214/cjgl.v41i1.8837
D. Srinivasan, Bharti Kannan
Socio-cultural norms, stigmas, and taboos associated with menstruation in India take a number of different forms, often resulting in severe restrictions on menstruators, which are described in Part II, below. In fact, a 2016 study found that only one in eight adolescent girls in India faced no restrictions at all during menstruation. The constitutionality of menstrual exclusion practices has most famously been challenged in the Sabarimala case, where the Indian Supreme Court in a 4:1 majority found that the law restricting entry of women of menstruating age into the Sabarimala temple violated women’s constitutional rights to religion and equality. In Part III, analyzing the judgment in Sabarimala, this Article will explore the potential of applying the verdict in Sabarimala to raise constitutional challenges to other forms of menstrual exclusion practices in the country.
在印度,与月经有关的社会文化规范、污名和禁忌有多种不同的形式,通常导致对月经来潮者的严格限制,下文第二部分对此进行了描述。事实上,2016年的一项研究发现,在印度,只有八分之一的青春期女孩在月经期间没有受到任何限制。在萨巴里马拉案中,月经排除做法的合宪性受到了最著名的质疑,印度最高法院以4:1的多数裁定,限制月经年龄女性进入萨巴里马拉寺庙的法律侵犯了女性的宪法宗教和平等权利。在第三部分中,分析萨巴里马拉的判决,本文将探讨适用萨巴里马拉判决的可能性,以对该国其他形式的月经排除做法提出宪法挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Tales of a Flow Stayed By Nothing: Menstruation in Immigration Detention 无端流动的故事:移民拘留中的月经
Pub Date : 2021-11-08 DOI: 10.52214/cjgl.v41i1.8829
Kit Johnson
When Fauziya Kassindja landed at New York’s JFK airport in 1994, she was seventeen, seeking asylum, and fleeing the brutal practice of female genital mutilation. She was also menstruating. Hours after her arrival, Fauziya was strip searched, forced to stand before a female officer “completely naked, soiled pad exposed, shamed beyond words.” She was then transferred to an off-site detention facility where she was strip- searched again. When Fauziya asked where she should place her soiled pad, the female guard responded: “I don’t know. Why don’t you eat it?” When Fauziya asked for a new pad, she was told she could ask for one the next morning. She was given absolutely nothing to stay her flow—not even toilet paper or paper towels. This was the beginning of Fauziya’s experience with immigration detention. She would remain there for sixteen months.
1994年,17岁的Fauziya Kassindja降落在纽约肯尼迪机场,寻求庇护,逃离女性生殖器切割的残酷做法。她也来月经了。抵达几小时后,Fauziya被脱衣搜身,被迫站在一名女警官面前,“全身赤裸,露出脏兮兮的护垫,羞愧得说不出话来。”随后,她被转移到监狱外的拘留所,在那里她再次被脱衣搜身。当Fauziya问她应该把脏垫子放在哪里时,女警卫回答说:“我不知道。你为什么不吃呢?”当Fauziya要求一个新的住所时,她被告知第二天早上就可以要求。她完全没有得到任何东西来保持她的流动——甚至没有卫生纸或纸巾。这是福兹亚移民拘留经历的开始。她将在那里待十六个月。
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引用次数: 0
Menopause and the Menstrual Equity Agenda 更年期和月经平等议程
Pub Date : 2021-11-08 DOI: 10.52214/cjgl.v41i1.8840
Jennifer Weiss-Wolf
I was in fifth grade, the year 1978, and the weathered purple- and orange-covered paperback copy of Are You There God? It’s Me, Margaret. was finally mine to check out of the school library for an entire week. I read it cover to cover that first night, and surely a dozen times over in the years that followed. I have since reflected upon the extraordinary gifts Judy Blume bestowed in Margaret: enabling children to be seen, respected, and met right when and where it mattered. She validated the most mundane, yet oddly prolific, questions about periods that were clearly on the minds of many. Four decades later, it is fair to say that the most meaningful moments of my legal career have been spent considering the very same topic—menstruation—in a quest to ensure its political centrality to issues of social justice, democratic participation, and gender equality. For my own part, commitment to menstrual equity has entailed examining our current laws and systems to see where discrimination and bias exist and persist—from public benefits to tax codes to education—and then forging the arguments to reverse that. And then, importantly, reimagining, crafting, and advancing new and more equitable policies in their place.
1978年,我上五年级,那是一本饱经风霜的紫色和橙色封面的平装本《上帝在吗?是我,玛格丽特。我终于在学校图书馆借阅了整整一周。第一天晚上,我把它从头到尾读了一遍,在接下来的几年里肯定读了十几遍。从那以后,我反思了朱迪·布鲁姆在《玛格丽特》中所赋予的非凡天赋:让孩子们在重要的时候和地点都能被看到、尊重和遇见。她验证了许多人脑海中关于时代的最平凡但却异常丰富的问题。四十年后,可以公平地说,我法律生涯中最有意义的时刻都在考虑同一个话题——月经——以确保其在社会正义、民主参与和性别平等问题上的政治中心地位。就我自己而言,对月经公平的承诺需要审查我们现行的法律和制度,看看歧视和偏见在哪里存在并持续存在——从公共福利到税法再到教育——然后提出扭转这一局面的论据。然后,重要的是,重新构想、制定和推进新的、更公平的政策。
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引用次数: 0
"Are You There, Trademark Law? It's Me, Misogyny." “你在吗,商标法?”这是我,厌女症。”
Pub Date : 2021-11-08 DOI: 10.52214/cjgl.v41i1.8816
Ann Bartow
When I became aware of the emergent body of legal scholarship on menstruation related topics on which this Symposium builds, I thought that the authors of these articles were very brave.1 I’m an imperfect but life-long feminist and accepted the emotional challenge that writing this Essay posed for me out of gratitude to those authors. Because my principal scholarly focus is intellectual property law, I approached the topic through the lens of trademark law. Part One of this article positions this Essay firmly within the contours of the author’s life and personal experiences with menstruation. Part Two maps common trademark and branding practices related to tampons and sanitary napkins. Part Three explains that the Lanham Act does not offer legal mechanisms by which to challenge the federal registration of sexist trademarks. As with racist trademarks, amplified criticism and persistent public pressure are the main mechanisms available to foment positive change in the marketplace for feminine hygiene products.
当我意识到本次研讨会所围绕的月经相关主题的法律学术机构正在涌现时,我认为这些文章的作者非常勇敢。1我是一个不完美但终身的女权主义者,出于对这些作者的感激,我接受了写这篇文章给我带来的情感挑战。因为我的主要学术重点是知识产权法,所以我从商标法的角度来探讨这个话题。本文的第一部分将这篇文章牢牢地放在作者的生活和个人月经经历的轮廓中。第二部分绘制了与卫生棉条和卫生巾相关的常见商标和品牌实践。第三部分解释说,《兰厄姆法案》没有提供法律机制来质疑性别歧视商标的联邦注册。与种族主义商标一样,扩大的批评和持续的公众压力是在女性卫生产品市场上引发积极变化的主要机制。
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引用次数: 0
How Sex Ed Fails People With Periods 性教育如何让月经来潮的人失望
Pub Date : 2021-11-08 DOI: 10.52214/cjgl.v41i1.8835
Dara E. Purvis
Long before I taught law students the intricacies of statutes, I taught junior high school students sex education. It was a part-time job while I was in college in Los Angeles, through a program with Planned Parenthood that provided a two-week curriculum in public junior high schools. Today I joke that it gave me my unflappable nature in the classroom—if you can tell preteens about syphilis, nothing that happens in a law school classroom will break your concentration—but it also gave me an indelible memory of how far sex ed in America has to go. During our training, one of my fellow teachers referred in passing to how annoying it was to change her tampon every time she had to urinate. She was a bright college student and engaged with reproductive work enough that she successfully applied to work at Planned Parenthood. Yet, she didn’t know that the vagina and urethra were different anatomical structures.
早在我教授法律学生错综复杂的法规之前,我就教授初中生性教育。这是我在洛杉矶上大学时的一份兼职工作,通过计划生育组织的一个项目,在公立初中提供为期两周的课程。今天我开玩笑说,它给了我在课堂上镇定自若的天性——如果你能给十几岁的孩子讲梅毒,那么法学院课堂上发生的任何事情都不会让你分心——但它也给了我一个不可磨灭的记忆,让我知道美国的性教育还有多远。在我们的培训中,我的一位同事顺便提到,每次她要小便时都要换卫生棉条是多么烦人。她是一名聪明的大学生,从事生殖方面的工作,成功地申请到了计划生育组织的工作。然而,她不知道阴道和尿道是不同的解剖结构。
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引用次数: 0
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