Pub Date : 2021-06-01DOI: 10.1142/s2737557921500017
Yinhong Shi
Due to the serious perverse actions of the Trump administration in the fields of strategic rivalry, political/ideological confrontation, diplomatic exchanges and trade war between China and the United States as well as in that of global governance, Biden’s new administration is bound to make revisions somewhat and somehow. However, the current posture of the United States toward China is not only strong and enduring international structural dynamics in many aspects, but also multilateral strong and enduring domestic political and social ones. Therefore, its revision is to be necessarily quite partial and limited, and the confrontation and competition with China in some other areas will probably intensify. To a large extent, the trend of China–US relations after the US election could be influenced or even shaped by China, so China’s strategy and policy and appropriate adjustment are of great importance. China needs to take the initiative to avoid military conflicts with the United States, treating it as the essential highest common interest and the vital “common denominator” and to strive for a sort of pragmatic, focused and concrete dialogue or negotiation with the Biden administration as soon as possible after it took office.
{"title":"The Recent and Predictable Future: The U.S. Posture Toward China During and After the Presidential Election Campaign","authors":"Yinhong Shi","doi":"10.1142/s2737557921500017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2737557921500017","url":null,"abstract":"Due to the serious perverse actions of the Trump administration in the fields of strategic rivalry, political/ideological confrontation, diplomatic exchanges and trade war between China and the United States as well as in that of global governance, Biden’s new administration is bound to make revisions somewhat and somehow. However, the current posture of the United States toward China is not only strong and enduring international structural dynamics in many aspects, but also multilateral strong and enduring domestic political and social ones. Therefore, its revision is to be necessarily quite partial and limited, and the confrontation and competition with China in some other areas will probably intensify. To a large extent, the trend of China–US relations after the US election could be influenced or even shaped by China, so China’s strategy and policy and appropriate adjustment are of great importance. China needs to take the initiative to avoid military conflicts with the United States, treating it as the essential highest common interest and the vital “common denominator” and to strive for a sort of pragmatic, focused and concrete dialogue or negotiation with the Biden administration as soon as possible after it took office.","PeriodicalId":85727,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of East Asian affairs","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90742002","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-01DOI: 10.1142/s2737557921500066
Yunhua Cao
China–US relations will stagnate in a strategic game for some time to come and even for a long historical period. ASEAN will find itself confronted with a new problem and a new challenge as it has to navigate through this situation and cope with inter-state relations and international affairs under this context. As the largest neighbor of China and a main partner to the US in Asia, ASEAN insists on “not choosing any side” and sticks to the “balance of power”. The intensified China–US game has some potential impact on China-ASEAN relations. Securing the centrality of ASEAN in regional cooperation not only helps maintain lasting peace, stability and prosperity in Southeast Asia, but also is in line with the long-term strategic interests of China and the US in the region. China will continue to support the centrality of ASEAN in regional cooperation, promote deep integration of the “Belt and Road” initiative with different institutional arrangements that ASEAN makes for regional integration, and give positive considerations to building production bases in Southeast Asia to improve its global industrial chain.
{"title":"ASEAN’s Cognition of China–US Gaming and Its Role in Regional Cooperation","authors":"Yunhua Cao","doi":"10.1142/s2737557921500066","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2737557921500066","url":null,"abstract":"China–US relations will stagnate in a strategic game for some time to come and even for a long historical period. ASEAN will find itself confronted with a new problem and a new challenge as it has to navigate through this situation and cope with inter-state relations and international affairs under this context. As the largest neighbor of China and a main partner to the US in Asia, ASEAN insists on “not choosing any side” and sticks to the “balance of power”. The intensified China–US game has some potential impact on China-ASEAN relations. Securing the centrality of ASEAN in regional cooperation not only helps maintain lasting peace, stability and prosperity in Southeast Asia, but also is in line with the long-term strategic interests of China and the US in the region. China will continue to support the centrality of ASEAN in regional cooperation, promote deep integration of the “Belt and Road” initiative with different institutional arrangements that ASEAN makes for regional integration, and give positive considerations to building production bases in Southeast Asia to improve its global industrial chain.","PeriodicalId":85727,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of East Asian affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81515013","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-01DOI: 10.1142/s2737557921500054
Bojiang Yang
The issue of order is the core of international relations. Both the dimensions of history and reality should be explored in order that the relationship between Japan and the world should be acknowledged in a scientific way. This paper analyzes Japan’s cognition and practice from such three aspects as the evolution of Japan’s view of international orders from a historical perspective, the post-war international order and “the crisis of liberal international order” and Japan’s responses to the international order under the ongoing unprecedented changes in the world. Based on principles of pragmatism, Japan strove to maintain its independence while expressing its respect with the order within the framework of the Hua-Yi Order. In face of the impact of rising Western civilization, Japan attempted to extricate itself from and overthrew the Hua-Yi Order and achieve the objective of “leaving Asia and embracing Europe,” and then turned from a follower of the Western dominant order into a challenger. After being defeated in WWII, the US occupation and the democratic transformation, Japan chose to accept and integrate into the liberal international order dominated by the US and gradually formed a unique view of international order through constantly sizing up the international situation, maintaining dynamic adjustment and making efforts to seek advantages and avoid disadvantages. Faced with the changing international relations nowadays, Japan has been committed to enhancing the “comprehensive strategic activity” and repairing the liberal international order in crisis. The relationship between Japan and the international order not only reflects historical continuity but also presents newly emerging characteristics.
{"title":"Japan and Changes of International Order: Concepts and Countermeasures","authors":"Bojiang Yang","doi":"10.1142/s2737557921500054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2737557921500054","url":null,"abstract":"The issue of order is the core of international relations. Both the dimensions of history and reality should be explored in order that the relationship between Japan and the world should be acknowledged in a scientific way. This paper analyzes Japan’s cognition and practice from such three aspects as the evolution of Japan’s view of international orders from a historical perspective, the post-war international order and “the crisis of liberal international order” and Japan’s responses to the international order under the ongoing unprecedented changes in the world. Based on principles of pragmatism, Japan strove to maintain its independence while expressing its respect with the order within the framework of the Hua-Yi Order. In face of the impact of rising Western civilization, Japan attempted to extricate itself from and overthrew the Hua-Yi Order and achieve the objective of “leaving Asia and embracing Europe,” and then turned from a follower of the Western dominant order into a challenger. After being defeated in WWII, the US occupation and the democratic transformation, Japan chose to accept and integrate into the liberal international order dominated by the US and gradually formed a unique view of international order through constantly sizing up the international situation, maintaining dynamic adjustment and making efforts to seek advantages and avoid disadvantages. Faced with the changing international relations nowadays, Japan has been committed to enhancing the “comprehensive strategic activity” and repairing the liberal international order in crisis. The relationship between Japan and the international order not only reflects historical continuity but also presents newly emerging characteristics.","PeriodicalId":85727,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of East Asian affairs","volume":"117 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79499498","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-01DOI: 10.1142/s2737557921500029
Yuzhu Wang, Y. Yi
Since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), substantive progress has been achieved through the joint efforts made between China and the collaborative parties, attracting great attention from the international community. However, regarding the relationship between BRI and “a community with a shared future for mankind”, a concept proposed by President Xi Jinping later, the explanations are diversified in the academia. The diversity indicates that a common understanding of this relationship is yet to be reached, calling for a further discussion. This paper argues that “a community with a shared future for mankind” is China’s outlook for the future world facing a period of major change never seen in a century. It is China’s vision of international society but transcends the narrative of international society in the international politics studies, because in the former, each party recognizes the deep interdependence relationships (or a form of shared future) among them and between human and nature, thereby willing to negotiate and cooperate to advance the world’s economic development, deal with conflict of interests and contradictions among states/civilizations, and resolve the dissonance between human and nature. Thus, a peaceful, stable, prosperous, and sustainable world can be created and preserved. In regard to BRI, it is the platform where China constructs a community with a shared future for mankind through incentive mechanisms and applies its vision of international society.
{"title":"China’s Vision of International Society and its Construction through Incentive Mechanisms: A Community with a Shared Future for Mankind and the Belt and Road Initiative","authors":"Yuzhu Wang, Y. Yi","doi":"10.1142/s2737557921500029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2737557921500029","url":null,"abstract":"Since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), substantive progress has been achieved through the joint efforts made between China and the collaborative parties, attracting great attention from the international community. However, regarding the relationship between BRI and “a community with a shared future for mankind”, a concept proposed by President Xi Jinping later, the explanations are diversified in the academia. The diversity indicates that a common understanding of this relationship is yet to be reached, calling for a further discussion. This paper argues that “a community with a shared future for mankind” is China’s outlook for the future world facing a period of major change never seen in a century. It is China’s vision of international society but transcends the narrative of international society in the international politics studies, because in the former, each party recognizes the deep interdependence relationships (or a form of shared future) among them and between human and nature, thereby willing to negotiate and cooperate to advance the world’s economic development, deal with conflict of interests and contradictions among states/civilizations, and resolve the dissonance between human and nature. Thus, a peaceful, stable, prosperous, and sustainable world can be created and preserved. In regard to BRI, it is the platform where China constructs a community with a shared future for mankind through incentive mechanisms and applies its vision of international society.","PeriodicalId":85727,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of East Asian affairs","volume":"75 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83220236","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Dreams and nightmares: Chinese trade and immigration in the Russian Far East.","authors":"E Hyer","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":85727,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of East Asian affairs","volume":"10 2","pages":"289-308"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1996-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"22019557","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Economic development and population control.","authors":"W C Robinson","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":85727,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of East Asian affairs","volume":"3 2","pages":"445-53"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1983-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"22034813","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Interaction among fertility, income investment in human capital, female labor force participation, and industrialization in Korea.","authors":"K K Ro, J Huh","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":85727,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of East Asian affairs","volume":"2 1","pages":"170-206"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1982-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"22033232","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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