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Religion on Trial 宗教受到审判
R. Evans
This chapter highlights the social actors who have perhaps the most outsized influence on religious classification in the modern United States: judges. In 1981, MOVE’s claims to religious legitimacy received their day in court. A MOVE person, Frank Africa, who was then incarcerated in a Pennsylvania state prison, requested from the prison a religious accommodation for his MOVE diet. The prison denied his request, and Frank appealed to the Third Circuit Court of Appeals. Before the court could decide on Frank’s request, the judges had to first determine whether or not MOVE was a religion.
本章重点介绍了对现代美国宗教分类影响最大的社会行动者:法官。1981年,MOVE的宗教合法性诉求在法庭上得到了伸张。一个叫Frank Africa的MOVE成员,当时被关押在宾夕法尼亚州的州立监狱,他要求监狱为他的MOVE饮食提供宗教住宿。监狱拒绝了他的请求,弗兰克向第三巡回上诉法院上诉。在法院对弗兰克的请求作出裁决之前,法官们必须首先确定MOVE是否是一种宗教。
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引用次数: 0
Conversions 转换
R. Evans
This chapter introduces readers to the social world of MOVE. It features a biography of John Africa, also known as Vincent Leaphart. Leaphart was born in Philadelphia in 1936. He served a tour of duty during the Korean War. The chapter introduces readers to some of the early converts to MOVE, including Delbert Orr Africa, Louise James Africa, Donald Glassey, Gail Africa, Muriel Austin Africa, Janet Hollaway Africa, and others. By 1974, there were around two dozen MOVE people, most with the surname Africa. Many, though not all, were Black. Many were biological relatives. They spent their days working on the house, tending the animals, and cooking communal meals. What united these early MOVE people was a shared identity, a sense of family under the headship of John Africa, and a veneration of a sacred text.
本章向读者介绍MOVE的社交世界。它的特色是约翰·阿非利加的传记,也被称为文森特·利哈特。利哈特1936年出生于费城。他在朝鲜战争期间服过役。本章向读者介绍了一些早期皈依MOVE的人,包括德尔伯特·奥尔·阿非利加、路易斯·詹姆斯·阿非利加、唐纳德·格莱斯、盖尔·阿非利加、穆里尔·奥斯汀·阿非利加、珍妮特·霍洛威·阿非利加和其他人。到1974年,大约有24个MOVE成员,大多数都姓Africa。虽然不是全部,但很多都是黑人。许多人是他们的亲生亲属。他们每天都在做家务,照顾动物,做饭。将这些早期MOVE成员团结在一起的是共同的身份认同,约翰·阿非利加领导下的家庭意识,以及对神圣文本的崇敬。
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引用次数: 0
Pastoral Power 田园生活的权力
R. Evans
From 1977 to 1978, the Philadelphia Police Department established a blockade around the MOVE house. Eventually, this blockade became a starvation blockade, when the mayor, Frank Rizzo, determined that the best way to end the standoff was to starve MOVE people into surrendering. During this standoff, respected religious leaders representing various faith traditions negotiated between MOVE and the city. These religious leaders initially came to MOVE’s defense. Some of them believed that MOVE was a religion, and that the city’s actions threatened religious freedom in the city. As the negotiations wore on, however, MOVE lost their initial support. The religious leaders who previously defended MOVE decided that MOVE was not, in fact, a religion and sided with the city. In so doing, these religious leaders articulated a series of claims about the nature of “true religion” to explain why MOVE was not, in their view, a religion.
从1977年到1978年,费城警察局在搬家公司周围设置了封锁。最终,当市长弗兰克·里佐(Frank Rizzo)决定结束僵局的最佳方式是让MOVE的人挨饿投降时,这种封锁变成了饥饿封锁。在这场对峙中,代表不同信仰传统的受人尊敬的宗教领袖在MOVE和城市之间进行了谈判。这些宗教领袖最初为MOVE辩护。他们中的一些人认为MOVE是一种宗教,而该市的行动威胁到了该市的宗教自由。然而,随着谈判的进行,MOVE失去了最初的支持。此前为MOVE辩护的宗教领袖认为,MOVE实际上不是一种宗教,他们站在了这座城市一边。在这样做的过程中,这些宗教领袖清晰地表达了一系列关于“真正宗教”本质的主张,以解释为什么在他们看来,MOVE不是宗教。
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引用次数: 1
Unthinkable 不可想象的
R. Evans
This chapter studies the conclusions reached by the Philadelphia Special Investigation Commission, more commonly known as the MOVE Commission, to trace the process by which the MOVE Bombing evolved from event to history to memory. As in the construction of any historical narrative, the asking of some questions precluded the asking of others. And those with the power to shape the process of historical construction ensured that some stories were highlighted and others suppressed. For many, the MOVE Bombing is unthinkable, and for this reason, many of the story’s details—and often the story itself—have been forgotten.
本章研究费城特别调查委员会(通常被称为MOVE委员会)得出的结论,以追溯MOVE轰炸从事件到历史再到记忆的过程。就像在任何历史叙事的构建中一样,对某些问题的提问排除了对其他问题的提问。那些有能力塑造历史建构过程的人确保了一些故事被突出,另一些故事被压制。对许多人来说,MOVE轰炸是不可想象的,因此,故事的许多细节——通常是故事本身——已经被遗忘了。
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引用次数: 0
Innocence 是清白的
R. Evans
This chapter tells the story of the MOVE Bombing. In the thirty-three years since the MOVE Bombing, writers, artists, and filmmakers have struggled to make sense of what happened on May 13, 1985. Overall, they have failed to do so. This author does not expect to succeed. His main contribution to an understanding of the MOVE Bombing is this: it is not exceptional and it is not inexplicable. Such acts of state violence have happened many times before, and there is no reason to suspect that that they will not happen again. Rather than looking at the MOVE Bombing as an inexplicable event, one should look at it as a perfectly normal behavior of the secular state. The MOVE Bombing, the author argues, makes sense only when one sees it as a logical extension of secularism; as the secular state preempting “illegitimate” religious violence with “legitimate” state violence.
这一章讲述了MOVE轰炸的故事。在“移动轰炸”后的33年里,作家、艺术家和电影制作人一直在努力弄清楚1985年5月13日发生的事情。总的来说,他们没有做到这一点。这位作者并不指望能成功。他对理解MOVE轰炸的主要贡献是:它不是例外,也不是无法解释的。这样的国家暴力行为以前已经发生过很多次,没有理由怀疑它们不会再次发生。与其将MOVE爆炸案视为一件无法解释的事件,不如将其视为世俗国家的一种完全正常的行为。作者认为,MOVE轰炸只有当人们将其视为世俗主义的逻辑延伸时才有意义;因为世俗国家以“合法”的国家暴力来预防“非法”的宗教暴力。
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引用次数: 0
Conclusion 结论
R. Evans
This concluding chapter discusses the funerals of John Africa and Frank Africa and updates the history of MOVE to the present. MOVE’s focus today is on freeing the remaining incarcerated MOVE people. MOVE maintains an international network of supporters—numbering, the author estimates, in the thousands. Many of these supporters advocate for the release of the MOVE 9 and of Mumia Abu-Jamal, whose writings on John Africa, MOVE, and his own experience as the world’s most famous death-row inmate have brought MOVE’s story to a wider audience. MOVE people maintain a headquarters near Clark Park in a pair of homes they bought using funds they won from their lawsuit against the city.
最后一章讨论了约翰·非洲和弗兰克·非洲的葬礼,并将MOVE的历史更新到现在。MOVE今天的重点是释放其余被监禁的MOVE人员。MOVE维持着一个支持者的国际网络——据作者估计,有数千人。许多这些支持者主张释放MOVE 9和Mumia Abu-Jamal,他写了关于John Africa, MOVE的文章,以及他作为世界上最著名的死刑犯的亲身经历,将MOVE的故事带给了更广泛的受众。MOVE的人在克拉克公园附近的两栋房子里设立了总部,这些房子是他们用从对市政府的诉讼中赢得的资金购买的。
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引用次数: 0
Progress 进步
R. Evans
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引用次数: 0
Belief and Practice 信仰与实践
R. Evans
This chapter is a study of The Guidelines of John Africa, MOVE’s sacred text. John Africa dictated The Guidelines over a span of six years. Several different people helped him create the manuscript. The Guidelines of John Africa are an explanation for, and solution to, the problem of evil. John Africa called these forces of evil the “reformed world system,” or, more frequently, “the System.” John Africa’s worldview was dualistic; it understood the cosmos as a site of conflict that pitted forces of good against forces of evil. The force of good went by many names: the Law of Mama, the Law of Nature, God, Natural Law, and most frequently, Life. Natural processes, according to MOVE, are “coordinated” by this active force.
本章是对MOVE神圣文本《约翰非洲指南》的研究。约翰·阿非利加(John Africa)在六年的时间里起草了《指导方针》。几个不同的人帮助他创作了手稿。约翰非洲的指导方针是对邪恶问题的解释和解决方案。约翰·阿非利加称这些邪恶势力为“改革后的世界体系”,或者更频繁地称之为“体系”。约翰·阿非利加的世界观是二元的;它将宇宙理解为正义力量对抗邪恶力量的冲突场所。善良的力量有很多名字:妈妈法则、自然法则、上帝、自然法,最常见的是生命。根据MOVE的说法,自然过程是由这种积极的力量“协调”的。
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引用次数: 0
Building a Cult 建立邪教
R. Evans
This chapter studies how and why Americans in the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s came to believe that some religions were “cults,” and interrogates the assumptions that underlay that category. After 1981, many people outside the group began to suspect that MOVE was a cult. Increasingly, the idea that MOVE was a religion—albeit a bad religion—began to make sense. The Philadelphia Special Investigation Commission concluded that in the early 1980s, MOVE was evolving into a “violence-threatening cult.” This belief had less to do with transformations within MOVE, I argue, than it did with transformations in American culture. After John Africa’s acquittal, Americans began to think of MOVE as a cult because scholars, journalists, and their government taught them to.
本章研究了20世纪60年代、70年代和80年代的美国人是如何以及为什么开始相信一些宗教是“邪教”,并质疑了支撑这一类别的假设。1981年以后,许多组织外的人开始怀疑MOVE是一个邪教组织。越来越多的人认为MOVE是一种宗教——尽管是一种糟糕的宗教——开始变得有意义。费城特别调查委员会得出结论,在20世纪80年代初,MOVE正在演变成一个“暴力威胁邪教”。我认为,这种信念与MOVE内部的转变关系不大,它与美国文化的转变关系更大。在约翰·阿非利加无罪释放后,美国人开始认为MOVE是一种邪教,因为学者、记者和他们的政府这样教导他们。
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引用次数: 0
Policing Religion 治安宗教
R. Evans
This chapter focuses on the role that policing plays in classifying groups, beliefs, and practices as either religious or secular. Almost from the very beginning of the group, MOVE was under surveillance from the city police’s extensive surveillance apparatus. By the early 1980s, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms (ATF), the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), the Pennsylvania State Police, and the Secret Service had all targeted MOVE for surveillance, infiltration, or prosecution. To be sure, MOVE brought much of this attention on themselves. But their claims to religious legitimacy were met, early on, with the presumption of criminality. One reason MOVE was not allowed to be a religion was because MOVE never existed apart from government policing and surveillance.
本章重点讨论警务在将群体、信仰和实践划分为宗教或世俗方面所起的作用。几乎从该组织成立之初,MOVE就处于城市警方广泛监控设备的监视之下。到20世纪80年代初,美国酒精、烟草和火器局(ATF)、联邦调查局(FBI)、宾夕法尼亚州警察和特勤局都把MOVE作为监视、渗透或起诉的目标。可以肯定的是,MOVE给自己带来了很多关注。但他们对宗教合法性的主张,在一开始就遭到了犯罪推定。MOVE不被允许成为宗教的一个原因是,如果没有政府的监管和监视,MOVE就不会存在。
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On the move to meaningful Internet systems ... : CoopIS, DOA, and ODBASE : Confederated International Conferences, CoopIS, DOA, and ODBASE ... proceedings. OTM Confederated International Conferences
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